Immense bellum

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immense bellum
Part of: Augustan German Wars 12 BC Chr. To 16 AD
The military operations of Tiberius 4 and 5 AD
The military operations of Tiberius 4 and 5 AD
date AD 1 to 5
place Germania between the Rhine and Elbe
output Roman victory
consequences Increased provincialization of Germania
Parties to the conflict

Roman Empire

Germanic tribes: Cherusker , Chauken , Brukterer , Chamaver (or Cananefaten ), Chattuarier , Langobard , Semnonen , Hermunduren ; other tribes unsure

Commander

Marcus Vinicius (1 to 3 AD)
Tiberius (4/5 AD)

not handed down


Immensum bellum ( Latin for "mighty war") describes an armed uprising of Germanic tribes against Roman influence and exercise of power east of the Rhine. The uprising broke out in AD 1 under the governorship of Marcus Vinicius and ended with the re-subjugation of the tribes in AD 4 and 5 by the designated Roman heir to the throne Tiberius . The conflict is part of the Augustan Teutonic Wars and the - ultimately unsuccessful - efforts of Rome to restore the area between the Rhine and Elbe in the years 12 BC. BC (beginning of the Drusus campaigns ) to 16 AD (end of the Germanicus campaigns ) under the rule of the empire .

The term immensum bellum was coined by the Roman historian Velleius Paterculus . In the second book of his “Roman History” (Latin Historia Romana ), in Chapter 104.2, he reports on the outbreak of a mighty war (immensum exarserat bellum) .

The sources do not allow a reliable assessment of the severity and extent of the uprising. Nevertheless, the conflict is generally regarded in research as the "most important turning point in the [Roman] expansion phase between Drusus and Varus ". As a result, the Romans increased their exercise of power in Germania. Against the efforts of Publius Quinctilius Varus to make the area a Roman province , the tribes again took up arms in 9 AD and prepared the clades Variana ("Varus catastrophe", the battle in the Teutoburg Forest) for the Romans ).

swell

The sources do not convey details of the first three years of the war under Vinicius. Only after the governor's replacement - probably on a regular basis - in 3 or 4 AD and with the intervention of Tiberius in the summer of 4 AD, the tradition becomes denser. Germanic princes or military leaders are not named.

The main source is the 2nd book of the Historia Romana , chapters 104-107, by Velleius Paterculus, who participated in the war. The description was made about two decades after the events and is characterized by great admiration for the general Tiberius, sometimes distorted. Geographical details are largely missing.

An extremely brief but important parallel tradition is available with the "Roman History" ( Greek 'Ῥωμαϊκὴ ἱστορία ), Book 55, Chapters 10a and 28, of Cassius Dio . The historical work was written at the beginning of the 3rd century and is generally considered reliable and based on contemporary sources. However, in the source that Cassius Dio evaluated on the uprising, anti-Tiberic tendencies presumably prevailed.

Suetonius touches on the conflict in his Tiberius biography only with a short note (Suetonius, Tiberius 16.1).

prehistory

In the years 12 to 8 BC First Drusus (until 9 BC) and then Tiberius subjugated numerous tribes between the Rhine and Elbe. A complete and lasting pacification of the tribal world was not achieved. From 3 BC Roman regulatory and infrastructure measures have been handed down to us. The Roman governor Domitius Ahenobarbus probably settled the Hermunduren tribe in the area of ​​the Upper Main , crossed the Elbe with his troops, took care of the expansion and construction of bases and paths (including the pontes longi ) and settled internal Germanic disputes. Probably in 1 AD he tried in vain to bring back expelled Cheruscan tribesmen . The failure apparently exacerbated a crisis of authority for the Romans. When the governorship of Ahenobarbus ended in the same year, he left his successor Vinicius a difficult legacy.

course

In the year 1 AD the immense war broke out. The specific reason is unknown; the failed Cheruscan repatriation and the change of governor may have played a role. The rebellious tribes are not mentioned in the sources, but the later subjugation of the Chamavers (or Cananefats ), Chattuarians , Brukterer , Cherusker and Chauken suggest their participation.

Map of northern Germania with tribes
The Germanic tribes around the time of the immensum bellum

The participation of other tribes is uncertain. The Sugambrians on the right bank of the Rhine possibly took the opportunity to seek revenge for the kidnapping of their envoys in 8 BC. To take. It is unclear whether the Cananefats (or Chamavers), Batavians , Usipeters , Marser , Tenkerer and Tubanten, not mentioned , stayed away from the uprising or surrendered to Vinicius. It must also remain uncertain which tribes "with almost unknown names" are meant that Velleius reports as defeated. The confrontation with the Elbe-Germanic tribes of the Lombards , Hermundurs and Semnones in the last year of the war does not necessarily indicate their initial participation in the uprising.

Years 1 to 3 AD

The military measures of the experienced general Vinicius in the years 1 to 3 AD are in the dark. Velleius merely reports that the governor waged the war "happily in some areas, but held it off in others". Overall, the research assesses the performance of the Vinicius with caution.

Reconstructed double trench of the Anreppen camp
The Roman camp Anreppen - here the partially reconstructed double trench - was probably the winter camp of the legions of Tiberius in 4/5 AD.

Autumn campaign 4 AD

In the summer of AD 4, Tiberius hurried from Rome first to the Gaulish Channel coast to the Gesoriacum naval base (Boulogne-sur-Mer), very likely to initiate naval operations. Afterwards he sat at the head of the Rhenish legions as commander in chief and led the army into the interior of Germania at an unusually late season. At his side was the experienced commander Gaius Sentius Saturninus , the successor to Vinicius in office.

The focus of the military operations was initially directed against the Chamavers (or Cananefats), Chattuarians and Brukterer, who were subdued (subacti) . Then Tiberius took the Cheruscans back into the Roman system of rule (recepti) and crossed the Weser. The military action continued into December. For the first time, an entire army moved into a winter camp in the middle of Germania, probably in the Roman camp Anreppen not far from the Lippe -Quellen.

In AD 4, an exploration fleet could also have set sail for the Jutland peninsula (today's Denmark). Research generally assigns this voyage to the major fleet operation in the following year, but there are indications that the findings of the expedition were already incorporated into the planning of the campaign year 5 AD and that the exploration voyage should therefore be scheduled earlier. The Wilkenburg march camp near Hanover, which has been researched since 2015, could also be related to the campaigns of the years 4 and 5 AD .

Bust of Tiberius

Campaign and naval operation 5 AD

In the year of the campaign in 5 AD, the legions first forced the Chauken back into dependence on Rome (receptae) . After that, a Roman victory broke (fracti) the resistance of the Longobards to the left of the Elbe. However, the tribe was able to evade submission through a (archaeologically verifiable) retreat to territory on the right bank of the Elbe.

Finally the legions united with the Roman fleet advanced up the Elbe. The apparently perfectly coordinated maneuver is "admirable and without any doubt represents the climax of the Roman Germanic campaigns." The suggestions for the location of the meeting point range from the Lower Elbe to the area of ​​the Hermunduren. Presumably the fleet was already involved in the operations against the Chauken and Lombards.

There were no fighting on the Elbe. The Semnones, Hermundurs and Lombards, united in an alliance, had withdrawn to the right bank and were waiting. The Romans were bound by a ban on the Elbe that was imposed by Augustus .

In this situation, Velleius reports on the difficult-to-interpret visit of an “older barbarian” to Tiberius' camp. The Teuton, probably a prince, first drove a dugout canoe to the middle of the river and asked if Tiberius could see what was granted. Standing in front of the general, he initially expressed incomprehension about the behavior of his Germanic compatriots: “Our youth are truly crazy, they respect your will when you are not there, but when you are there they prefer to fear your weapons than to protect themselves go ”, Velleius lets him say. Then he thanked him for having been allowed to see “the gods”, described the day as the happiest of his life and took Tiberius's hand. Finally he rowed back again, constantly looking around. Research suspects a panegyric (flattering) exaggeration of Tiberius by Velleius or the start of negotiations by a Germanic prince.

On the march back to the Rhine, the legions had to fight off an attack that was not described in detail. Apparently, despite the impressive Roman demonstration of power, Germania was not completely pacified. Nevertheless, with the conclusion of the campaign, the previous order could be re-established and the immensum war could be regarded as ended.

consequences

By the war year 5 AD at the latest, the Romans began to grasp the Elbe border seriously. The establishment of this border presupposed the elimination or submission of the powerful empire of the Marcomanni king Marbod in Bohemia and on both sides of the Elbe. According to Velleius, there was “nothing more to be defeated in Germania than the people of the Marcomanni”. In 6 AD Tiberius led 12 legions - one of the largest armies the empire has ever raised - into the central Bohemian area of ​​Marbod. However, the attack had to be stopped because of the beginning Pannonian uprising .

Between the Rhine and Elbe, the Romans intensified their efforts to make the area a Roman province. The development and expansion of the infrastructure on the right bank of the Rhine reached a high point during and after the war. Not least because of the "tightened pace" of the Saturninus successor Varus (governor from 7 to 9 AD) in the provincialization measures - tax collection, military presence and above all jurisdiction - the Germanic tribes took up arms again. Four years after the end of the immensum bellum , a new uprising broke out with the battle in the Teutoburg Forest, the devastating defeat of Varus against the rebellious Teutons under Arminius .

Research problems

Extent and severity of the conflict

The pro-Tiberian distortions in the tradition of Velleius, the presumably Tiberius-critical tendency in the source that Cassius Dio had available for the writing of his historical work, the almost complete lack of news about the first three years of the war and the lack of certainty as to which Tribes involved in the survey make it difficult to assess the extent, gravity and danger of the conflict. For Velleius the uprising was "enormous", while Cassius Dio only reports of "unrest" among the Teutons. And while Velleius writes about the year 5 AD: "O ye good gods, what a large volume of (worthy) deeds we did in the following summer under the general Tiberius (...)", Cassius Dio judges: “But nothing memorable was accomplished at that time”.

Regarding the achievements of Vinicius in the first three years of the war, Velleius only reports that the governor had "successfully waged the war in some areas and delayed it in others;" therefore he was awarded the badges of triumph (...) ”. Velleius dedicated his Historia Romana to the grandson of Vinicius. Although he should therefore have had an interest in putting the governor's achievements in a favorable light, he gives no example of his happy (feliciter) warfare. The contrast between this extremely cautious appraisal of Vinicius on the one hand and the exuberant praise for Tiberius on the other hand could - with all due consideration of Velleius' Tiberius enthusiasm - indicate that Vinicius actually did not cross the Weser. For Reinhard Wolters, the almost routine award of ornamenta triumphalia (triumphal insignia, a high distinction introduced by Augustus, to be placed below triumph ) cannot be taken as evidence of important military achievements of Vinicius. Torsten Mattern judges differently, who, referring to the triumphal insignia, assumes that Vinicus must have achieved a decisive victory. The war would have already been successfully concluded by Vinicius and the Tiberius campaigns would only have served to "gain fame" for the designated heir to the throne.

Overall, the research classifies the immensum bellum as a serious conflict despite all the difficulties of interpretation. Dieter Timpe counts the Vinicius uprising alongside the clades Variana as one of the ruling crises of the occupation period, even if the term is immensely an exaggeration of Velleius. Because of the sources, the conflict is "wrongly underestimated, but it comes after the duration and probably also of political importance to the campaigns under Drusus and Tiberius up to 8 BC. In the fourth year of the war, Armin Becker sees the dispatch of Tiberius as proof of the size of the problems. For Klaus-Peter Johne, the uprising "seems to have shaken the entire Roman rule built up in the 12 years before."

The failed Cheruscan repatriation

Probably for the year 1 AD Cassius Dio reports, Ahenobarbus “wanted to lead some expelled Cheruscans back to their homeland through the mediation of others (Teutons); it was unsuccessful, however, and the result was that the authority of the Romans was also called into question among the other barbarians ”. Due to the impending war with the Parthians (in Persia and Mesopotamia ), the Romans did not pursue the matter further.

In general, the event is seen as an attempt by Ahenobarbus to reinstate a tribal leadership that is friendly to Rome with the Cheruscans through Germanic middlemen. The failure not only led to a (further) loss of prestige, but also possibly allowed a cheruscan ruling class hostile to Rome to become the nucleus of the resistance. Peter Kehne thinks it possible that the interference of the Ahenobarbus in inner-Cheruscan tribal affairs challenged the resistance of the Cherusci and that other tribes followed suit.

Dieter Timpe, on the other hand, warns against seeing the process unilaterally as the return of a ruling class friendly to Rome. The process was not pursued too vigorously for this. Armin Becker relativizes the importance of the process. The repatriation attempt was only worth reporting because of the later popularity of the Cherusci.

The participation of the Cananefats and Chamavers

The Velleius passage, which names the tribes subjugated in AD 4, is corrupted in the Amerbach copy of the lost Murbach Velleius Codex. The list is "cam ui faciat Tuari Bruoteri". In general, this passage is conjured (improved) to “Cananefates, Attuarii, Bructeri” . Wolfgang Will has proposed to use Chamavi instead of Cananefates , among other things because an elevation of the Cananefats, which are closely linked to the Batavern, is unlikely; Moreover, instead of the Attuari, which does not appear anywhere else in the tradition, the tribe of the Chattuari should be counted among the rebels.

The legion camp in the winter of AD 4/5

Velleius reports that in December 4 AD, the army of Tiberius set up winter camp in the "middle" of Germany (mediis finibus) , "at the sources of Julia" (ad caput Iuliae fluminis) . However, a river of this name is not known. The conjecture (text improvement) "Lippe" (Lupia) was proposed as early as the 16th century . The term caput ("head") presents a further difficulty . In the case of rivers, this can denote both the source and the mouth. Since the translation "mouth of the Lippe" would be meaningless - opposite this was the regular legionary camp Vetera (Xanten) - the area of ​​the Lippe springs would have to be assumed. This is supported by the great importance of the Lippe region as a starting point for Roman undertakings in Germania. The majority of research assumes that the Roman camp Anreppen is to be equated with the winter camp mentioned by Velleius. The camp is about a day's walk from the Lippe springs and was built around the turn of the year 4/5 AD.

Werner Hartke provides a different interpretation for Iuliae . He conjugates "(al) llisiae" and suspects the winter camp at the mouth of the Amisiae , ie the Ems , possibly at the Bentumersiel stacking place . The conjecture is justified, among other things, with the fleet preparations of Tiberius in the summer of 4 AD, which would go well with a winter camp at the mouth of the Ems. The modern map reader may find it strange that the Ems estuary is said to be in the "middle" of Germania, but from a Roman perspective, characterized by itineraries (route maps), the estuary was far from the Rhine within striking distance of the Germanic focal points.

In addition to the conjectures mentioned, there are numerous, mostly unconvincing attempts, especially by lay and local researchers, to locate “Julia”.

swell

  • Cassius Dio , Roman History , here book 55, chapters 10a and 28.
  • Suetonius , Tiberius , here 16.1.
  • Velleius Paterculus , Historia Romana , here book 2, chapters 104-107.
  • Hans-Werner Goetz , Karl-Wilhelm Welwei : Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2 (= selected sources on the German history of the Middle Ages. Vol. 1a), Darmstadt 1995.

literature

  • Armin Becker : Rome and the chat. Darmstadt 1992.
  • Klaus-Peter Johne : The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006.
  • Peter Kehne : On the localization, organization and history of the Cheruscan tribe. In: Michael Cell (Ed.): Terra incognita? The northern low mountain range in the field of tension between Roman and Germanic politics around the birth of Christ. Mainz 2008, pp. 9-30.
  • Gustav Adolf Lehmann : Imperium and Barbaricum. New findings and insights into the Roman-Germanic disputes in north-west Germany - from the Augustan occupation phase to the Germanic procession of Maximinus Thrax (235 AD). Vienna 2011.
  • Klaus Tausend : Inside Germania: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. BC to the 2nd century AD (= Geographica Historica. Volume 25). Stuttgart 2009.
  • Dieter Timpe : Arminius studies. Heidelberg 1970.
  • Dieter Timpe: history. In: Heinrich Beck u. a. (Ed.): Germanen, Germania, Germanic antiquity (= RGA , study edition "The Germanen" ). Berlin 1998, pp. 2-65.
  • Reinhard Wolters : The battle in the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania. 2nd revised edition. Munich 2009.

Web links

Wiktionary: immensus  - explanations of meanings, word origins , synonyms, translations
Wiktionary: bellum  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Remarks

  1. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 128. Approving Dieter Timpe: On the history and tradition of the occupation of Germania under Augustus. In: Saeculum . Vol. 18, 1967, pp. 278–293, here p. 284, and Armin Becker: Rom und die Chatten. Darmstadt 1992, p. 184.
  2. ↑ According to his own statement, Velleius served from AD 4 under the command of Tiberius, initially as equestrian prefect (Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,104,3).
  3. ↑ a b Cassius Dio treated the uprising "probably on the basis of a post-Tiberian (and accordingly tendentious) source". Gustav Adolf Lehmann: Imperium and Barbaricum. New findings and insights into the Roman-Germanic disputes in north-west Germany - from the Augustan occupation phase to the Germanic procession of Maximinus Thrax (235 AD). Vienna 2011, p. 53, note 74.
  4. ↑ These two events may still take place in the time of the Illyrian governorship of Ahenobarbus; see. Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, pp. 121–125.
  5. ↑ Peter Kehne: On the localization, organization and history of the Cheruscan tribe. In: Michael Cell (Ed.): Terra incognita? The northern low mountain range in the field of tension between Roman and Germanic politics around the birth of Christ. Mainz 2008. pp. 9–30, here p. 19.
  6. ↑ See section Research Problems : Failed Cheruscan Repatriation .
  7. ↑ Peter Kehne: On the localization, organization and history of the Cheruscan tribe. In: Michael Cell (Ed.): Terra incognita? The northern low mountain range in the field of tension between Roman and Germanic politics around the birth of Christ. Mainz 2008. pp. 9–30, here p. 20. Dieter Timpe: Arminius studies. Heidelberg 1970, p. 73, note 64
  8. ^ Armin Becker: Rome and the chat. Darmstadt 1992, p. 170.
  9. ↑ Klaus Tausend: Inside Germania: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. Until the 2nd century AD Stuttgart 2009, p. 21. Peter Kehne even thinks it is possible that the main focus of unrest was with the Sugambrians; Peter Kehne: On the localization, organization and history of the Cheruscan tribe. In: Michael Cell (Ed.): Terra incognita? The northern low mountain range in the field of tension between Roman and Germanic politics around the birth of Christ. Mainz 2008. pp. 9–30, here p. 20.
  10. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 137
  11. ↑ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,106,1–2. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 41.
  12. ↑ Dieter Timpe considers it possible that the uprising had its center among the Elbe Germans, but expressly calls this a "very vague hypothesis"; Dieter Timpe: Arminius studies. Heidelberg 1970, p. 74.
  13. ↑ a b c Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,104,2. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 39.
  14. ↑ The date is unknown, but it is after June 26, the day Tiberius was adopted by Augustus.
  15. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, pp. 146–148.
  16. ↑ a b c d To differentiate between the various forms of subjugation (subacti, recepti, victae, fracti) mentioned in Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,105-106, see Horst Callies: Römer und Germanen in northern Germany. In: Ralf Busch (Ed.): Rome on the Lower Elbe. Neumünster 1995, pp. 15-23, here: pp. 20f. as well as Dieter Timpe: Arminius studies. Heidelberg 1970, pp. 74-77.
  17. ↑ a b Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn: Germaniam pacavi - I pacified Germania. Archaeological sites of the Augustan occupation. Münster 1995, p. 139.
  18. ↑ cf. Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, pp. 141–147, and Reinhard Wolters: The battle in the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania. 2nd revised edition Munich 2009, p. 58.
  19. ↑ Was Emperor Tiberius in Wilkenburg? in Hannoversche Allgemeine Zeitung of August 21, 2016
  20. ↑ Information on this from Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 139.
  21. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 141.
  22. ^ Literature overview with Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 141.
  23. ↑ Velleius reports in connection with the fleet of “a victory over numerous peoples” (Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,106,3), but this cannot be connected with the campaign against the Chauken and Lombards. Cf. Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 141, and Klaus Tausend: Inside Germaniens: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. Until the 2nd century AD Stuttgart 2009, p. 23.
  24. ↑ The Lombards' membership in the alliance is not guaranteed; see. Klaus Tausend: Inside Germania: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. Until the 2nd century AD Stuttgart 2009, p. 23.
  25. ↑ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,107,1–2.
  26. ^ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,107,2, translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Altes Germanien. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 41.
  27. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, pp. 149f.
  28. ↑ Klaus Tausend: Inside Germania: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. Until the 2nd century AD Stuttgart 2009, p. 23.
  29. ↑ Critical to this, however, Torsten Mattern: Regional differentiations in the Augustan German campaigns. In: Kai Ruffing, Armin Becker, Gabriele Rasbach (eds.): Kontaktzone Lahn. Studies on cultural contact between Romans and Germanic tribes. Wiesbaden 2010, pp. 67–77, here p. 71.
  30. ↑ cf. Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 152.
  31. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, pp. 150–152. General to the Roman Suebi problem in the time around and after the immensum bellum Dieter Timpe: Roman geostrategy in Germania during the occupation period. In: Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn a. a. (Ed.): Rome on the way to Germania. Geostrategy, roads of advance and logistics. International colloquium in Delbrück-Anreppen from November 4th to 6th, 2004 . Mainz 2008, pp. 199-236.
  32. ^ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,108,1, translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Altes Germanien. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 119.
  33. ↑ General on the question of the planned and achieved degree of provincialization of Germania by the Romans Reinhard Wolters: The battle in the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania. 2nd revised edition. Munich 2009, pp. 71-75.
  34. ↑ cf. Klaus Tausend: Inside Germania: Relations between the Germanic tribes from the 1st century BC. BC to the 2nd century AD Stuttgart 2009, p. 22. For general information on infrastructure expansion, see Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 131.
  35. ↑ Boris Dreyer: Places of the Varus catastrophe and the Roman occupation in Germania. Darmstadt 2014, p. 18. Cassius Dio reports that Varus endeavored to “completely transform the Germanic peoples more quickly; he generally gave them orders as if they were already in bondage, and collected tributes from them (...); then they could no longer bear this treatment ”. (Cassius Dio, 56,18,3–4. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Altes Germanien. Excerpts from the ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relations to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 55.)
  36. ↑ Cassius Dio 55,10a, 2. Translation by Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 37.
  37. ↑ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,106,1
  38. ↑ Cassius Dio 55,28,5. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 45.
  39. ↑ Dieter Timpe: Roman geostrategy in Germania of the occupation time. In: Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn a. a. (Ed.): Rome on the way to Germania. Geostrategy, roads of advance and logistics. International colloquium in Delbrück-Anreppen from November 4th to 6th, 2004. Mainz 2008, pp. 199–236, here p. 221.
  40. ↑ Reinhard Wolters: The battle in the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania. 2nd revised edition. Munich 2009, p. 59. In this sense also Armin Becker: Rom und die Chatten. Darmstadt 1992, p. 169.
  41. ↑ Torsten Mattern: Regional differentiations in the Augustan German campaigns. In: Kai Ruffing, Armin Becker, Gabriele Rasbach (eds.): Kontaktzone Lahn. Studies on cultural contact between Romans and Germanic tribes. Wiesbaden 2010. pp. 67–77, here p. 71.
  42. ↑ Dieter Timpe: Roman geostrategy in Germania of the occupation time. In: Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn a. a. (Ed.): Rome on the way to Germania. Geostrategy, roads of advance and logistics. International colloquium in Delbrück-Anreppen from November 4th to 6th, 2004. Mainz 2008, pp. 199–236, here pp. 220–222.
  43. ^ Dieter Timpe: History. In: Heinrich Beck u. a. (Ed.), Germanen, Germania, Germanic antiquity (= RGA, study edition "The Germanen" ). Berlin 1998, pp. 2–65, here p. 38.
  44. ↑ a b Armin Becker: Rome and the chat. Darmstadt 1992, p. 169.
  45. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 128.
  46. ↑ Cassius Dio 55,10a, 3. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 37.
  47. ↑ Klaus-Peter Johne: The Romans on the Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 127.
  48. ↑ Peter Kehne: On the localization, organization and history of the Cheruscan tribe. In: Michael Cell (Ed.): Terra incognita? The northern low mountain range in the field of tension between Roman and Germanic politics around the birth of Christ. Mainz 2008. pp. 9–30, here p. 20.
  49. ^ Dieter Timpe: Arminius studies. Heidelberg 1970, pp. 71-73.
  50. ↑ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,105,1.
  51. ↑ Wolfgang Will: To Velleius II. 105.1. In: Rheinisches Museum für Philologie . Vol. 126, 1983, pp. 189f. (PDF) .
  52. ↑ Velleius Paterculus, Historia Romana 2,105,3. Translation after Hans-Werner Goetz, Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Old Germania. Excerpts from ancient sources about the Germanic peoples and their relationship to the Roman Empire. Part 2. Darmstadt 1995, p. 41.
  53. ^ Günther Moosbauer: The Romans in Germania. What military installations reveal about Roman politics. In: Varus battle in the Osnabrücker Land GmbH (Hrsg.): Varus battle. Darmstadt 2009, pp. 32–43, here p. 39.
  54. ↑ Werner Hartke: The winter camp of Tiberius in Germania in the years 4/5 u. Z. In: Philologus . Vol. 128, 1984, pp. 111-118, quoted from Klaus-Peter Johne: Die Römer an der Elbe. The Elbe river basin in the geographical view of the world and in the political consciousness of Greco-Roman antiquity. Berlin 2006, p. 146.
  55. ↑ One example is the Gunne river , which flows into the Lippe not far from Anreppen. Heinz Ritter-Schaumburg deduces Junne linguistically , Julia adapts it for Roman ears ; Heinz Ritter-Schaumburg: Hermann the Cheruscan. The battle in the Teutoburg Forest and its consequences for world history. Edition Munich 2008, p. 97.