Irish Civil War

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Irish Civil War
Burning courthouse during the Battle of Dublin
Burning courthouse during the Battle of Dublin
date June 28, 1922 - May 24, 1923
place Irish Free State
Casus Belli Anglo-Irish Treaty tension
output Victory over the opponents of the treaty
consequences Creation of the Irish Free State
Parties to the conflict

IrelandIreland Irish National Army

IrelandIrelandAnti Treaty- Irish Republican Army

Commander

Michael Collins
Richard Mulcahy

Liam Lynch
Frank Aiken

Troop strength
~ 60,000 ~ 15,000
losses

~ 800

~ 1,000-3,000
~ 12,000 prisoners

The Irish Civil War ( Irish Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann , English Irish Civil War ) was a civil war lasting from June 1922 to May 1923 between supporters and opponents of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 6, 1921, which introduced the Irish Free State . The Irish Free State was the forerunner of today's Republic of Ireland , which only consisted of 26 of the 32 Irish counties and thus established the division of the island. In addition to this division, the still existing constitutional connection to the British royal family as well as restrictions on powers and sovereign rights were the main points of criticism. The resulting civil war cost the lives of more than 900 people, almost half the deaths in the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) that preceded the Civil War.

background

The Anglo-Irish Treaty was the result of the armistice after the Anglo-Irish War (also: Irish War of Independence ) between Irish separatists (who fought for their own state) and the British government. In addition to an independently governed Irish Free State, the treaty also provided for the creation of its own army and police. However, it was not, as most Republicans wanted, an independent republic, but still a territory of the British Empire with the British King as head of state . The treaty also stipulated that members of the new Irish Parliament ( Oireachtas ) have to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the Free State and to the British King. Furthermore, some strategic ports should remain in the hands of the Royal Navy . Despite all these restrictions, Michael Collins claimed that the treaty "would not bring the ultimate freedom that all nations aspire to, but the freedom to achieve it" ("not the ultimate freedom that all nations aspire and develop, but the freedom to achieve." it ”). In the end (when the Free State became an independent republic in 1949), his opponents had to agree with him. Nevertheless, the militant opponents of the treaty in 1922 did not believe that this treaty could ever result in complete independence.

The conflicting positions on the treaty also had deep personal reasons. The protagonists on both sides (Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera ) were close friends and comrades during the War of Independence, which makes the ultimately fatal disagreement over the treaty appear even more bitter. Michael Collins was of the opinion that Éamon de Valera had sent him to the contract negotiation with the knowledge that he could not get any further concessions from the British. Collins felt he had been assigned the blame for the compromised contract instead of de Valera. He then felt deeply betrayed when de Valera did not support the deal he had negotiated with David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill .

Photo of the founding convention of the Anti-Treaty IRA, which took place in the Dublin Mansion House in late March / early April 1922

The treaty was finally approved in the Irish Parliament ( Dáil Éireann ) with a narrow majority in December 1921. When the treaty was ratified , Éamon de Valera resigned as President of the Republic of Ireland and then left Parliament at the head of the opposing parties within Sinn Féin .

He was still trying to challenge the legality of the decision on the grounds that members of the government had broken their oath to the "Republic of Ireland". The attempt to set up a counter-government of its own also failed.

In the meantime, the parliament that was in favor of the treaty, under the leadership of Michael Collins, had begun to set up a new police force as well as a national army to replace the previous Irish Republican Army ( IRA ). Synonyms for the endorsement of the treaty at this time were " pro-treaty ", " National Army " or " Free State "; in contrast, there were “ anti-treaty ”, “ IRA ” or “ irregulars ”. The negative IRA claimed to be continuing to defend the Republic of Ireland, as they had sworn to do during the 1916 Easter Rising . The IRA was founded by the first Irish parliament ( First Dáil ) and now, illegally, in their eyes, has been abolished by those who supported the Free State Compromise.

Fight in Dublin

Ambulance during the Battle of Dublin

In April 1922, militants under Rory O'Connor occupied the courthouse ( Four Courts ) in Dublin . The Republican treaty opponents wanted to provoke new armed clashes with the British in order - they hoped - to reunite the two factions within the IRA in the fight against the common enemy. But those who were determined to achieve an independent Irish state through the Free State saw this as an act of rebellion that they had to put down. Michael Collins himself tried to persuade the "squatters" to leave the building before violence broke out. The latter refused and decided in turn to end the stalemate by bombing the armed forces outside the Four Courts. This attack was not the first sign of war, however: many minor skirmishes took place across the country during the handover of British barracks to the new armed forces.

Michael Collins accepted a British offer to support the Free State's new army with artillery . The opponents of the treaty, who had only light weapons, surrendered after a few days. During this chaotic period, the National Archives of Ireland was struck by a violent explosion and testimonies to a thousand years of Irish history went up in flames. Whether this explosion was also caused by the Republicans or was an accident is controversial.

Some insurgent leaders, including Ernie O'Malley , escaped arrest and continued to fight elsewhere. Up until July 5, there were only a few skirmishes in Dublin. On that day, anti-treaty IRA groups occupied O'Connell Street , forcing another week of fierce street fighting. Republican leader Cathal Brugha was among the victims . When the fighting subsided, the government of the Free State finally had the Irish capital firmly under its control, and the opponents of the treaty spread out into the rest of the country - especially in the south and west.

When the civil war began, the IRA was effectively divided. The opponents of the treaty could be sure of considerable support from the IRA groups (especially in the south and west of Ireland), but they lacked an effective command structure, a clear strategy and sufficient weapons. This initially forced them to take a defensive stance.

Michael Collins and his commanders had meanwhile been able to build an army that could virtually overrun the "Irregulars" in open combat. British support through artillery, airplanes, armed vehicles, submachine guns, handguns and ammunition added to the superiority. By the end of the war the Free State Army had grown to 55,000 men - far more than what the Irish state would need in peacetime. Collins' most ruthless officers were recruited from the ranks of the IRA's Dublin Brigade (which he commanded during the War of Independence). Towards the end of the war, these groups were involved in various atrocities against contract opponents.

The Free State conquers the largest cities

After Dublin was in the hand of the proponents of the treaty, the conflict shifted to the rest of the country. For a short time, the opposing parties gained the upper hand in the cities of Cork , Limerick and Waterford , but they were not equipped to wage a conventional war. This led to the fact that all major cities in Ireland could be easily retaken or held by the troops of the Free State; For example, Cork was retaken from the seaside on August 10th. The government's victories in the larger cities were accompanied by guerrilla methods; in particular the executions of leaders on both sides (who once fought together for independence) should be mentioned here. Perhaps the most significant case was the assassination of the head of the Provisional Government, Michael Collins, in August 1922 near his home in County Cork. Arthur Griffith , President of the Free State, died of a stroke about a week earlier. He left his post to William Cosgrave and the Free State Army under the command of General Richard Mulcahy .

Atrocities, executions and the end of the war

The final phase of the Civil War (1923) degenerated into a series of atrocities that would long continue to weigh on Irish politics. The IRA began assassinating MPs from the Dáil Éireann when Sean Hales died . In return, the Free State threatened to shoot IRA supporters captured in further executions. Four prominent Republicans (one from each of Ireland's four provinces), who had been imprisoned since the first week of the war, were executed in revenge for Hales' death, including Rory O'Connor and Liam Mellows . In total, the Free State carried out 77 executions of captured contract opponents, including the author and contract negotiator Robert Erskine Childers . This number has been brought to mind by Ireland's largest Republican party, Fianna Fáil , for decades. In addition, Free State troops carried out unofficial executions of captured contract opponents mainly in Kerry . The most famous case occurred in Ballyseedy , where 18 Republican prisoners were tied to a land mine. Survivors after the explosion were shot dead.

The IRA was unable to maintain effective guerrilla tactics because it was not supported by the vast majority of the population. This became clear in the elections immediately after the civil war, when the Cumann na nGaedheal , the Free State Party (41%), easily won against the republican Sinn Féin (28%).

The Roman Catholic Church also supported the Free State and its government, denounced the IRA and even denied the sacraments for militant opponents of the treaty. This attitude influenced many Irish people at the time.

When the conflict resulted in a de facto victory for those in favor of the treaty, Eamon de Valera proposed a ceasefire. In May 1923, this was followed by an order from the leadership to lay down arms instead of fighting a fight that could not be won. Some historians see the death of Liam Lynch , an uncompromising Republican leader, in a gun battle in the Knockmealdown Mountains, County Waterford , as a reason for the pragmatic Frank Aiken's call to end the pointless fight. Thousands of IRA members (including de Valera) were arrested in the weeks after the war ended.

Attacks against loyalists

Although the origin of the civil war was the Anglo-Irish Treaty, many “irregulars” saw the reason for their struggle in the traditional republican cause of the “man without possessions”. Therefore, in the course of the war, many large landowners - who were loyal to the Free State - were attacked and their properties were occupied by smaller groups. Many of these landowners (though not all) had supported the British Crown during the Irish War of Independence. This made their situation difficult at the time and therefore they became easy targets in the anarchy of the Civil War. Although some attacks also had denominational undertones, the majority of the opposing parties in the IRA did not distinguish between Catholic and Protestant supporters of the Free State government. The Free State took some precautions to protect the Protestants and their property, especially in County Louth , where a special police force was set up. Even today there is controversy about how much the Protestants were intimidated at the time.

Outcome and price of war

The civil war was short but bloody. Many main characters, including Michael Collins, died, and both sides committed some brutal acts: the opposing parties murdered MPs and burned down many historic buildings (for example, the famous Moore Hall in County Mayo after becoming a Senator); the government officially and unofficially executed prisoners. The National Army introduced by the Free State lost 800 soldiers, a total of probably more than 4,000 people were killed. 12,000 Republicans were arrested at the end of the war - most of them remained in custody until 1924.

It is often said that the Irish Civil War could have been much worse. In Russian or Spanish Civil War far more people died. In addition, the new police force ( Gardaí ) was not involved in the war. Therefore it was possible for the Free State after the war to establish an unarmed and neutral police force.

Since the civil war was fought between nationalist Irish factions, the 6 Northern Irish counties were not affected, which saved the Free State from another war against the Northern Irish Protestants (and thus again against the British Crown). It was only shortly after their defeat that some Republicans began to wonder whether they should take armed action against British rule in Northern Ireland.

As with many civil wars, this one left a legacy that shaped Irish politics for decades. The two largest political parties in the republic are still Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael , the descendants of the two forces from 1922. By the 1970s, almost all known Irish politicians were veterans of the civil war - this promoted relations between the two Parties do not. These were, for example, the Republicans Eamon de Valera, Todd Andrews and Seán Lemass and the Free Statesmen WT Cosgrave, Richard Mulcahy and Kevin O'Higgins .

But many of the sons and daughters of these veterans also became politicians and so carried the personal wounds of the war into the next generation. When Fianna Fáil was first the largest political party in the 1930s, it looked like a civil war might break out between the IRA and the blueshirts . The crisis was averted, however, and by the 1950s political violence was no longer a problem in southern Irish politics.

Despite all this, the IRA still exists today, and until the 1980s it claimed to be the Provisional Government of the Republic of Ireland, established in 1918 and repealed by the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921. Some voices, most notably Michael McDowell, have claimed that this view from the Civil War still supports the policy of the Provisional IRA today .

See also

Individual evidence

  1. ^ The Penguin Atlas of British & Irish History , Penguin Books, London 2001, p. 235. ISBN 0-140-29518-6
  2. In the 1996 film Michael Collins , Eamon de Valera ordered the death of Michael Collins. Although de Valera was in the Cork area at the time, this is neither historically proven nor proven.