Kálmán Tisza

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Kálmán (Koloman) Tisza Count von Borosjenő et Szeged , Hungarian Szegedi és borosjenői gróf Tisza Kálmán (born December 16, 1830 in Geszt , Békés county ; † March 23, 1902 in Budapest ), was a leading prime minister of Hungary from 1875 to 1890 Austria-Hungary politician .

Kálmán Tisza, portrait by Leopold Horovitz 1894

Life

Kálmán Tisza 1867

The Tisza family were originally Calvinists from the lower nobility of Transylvania . After the defeat of Solferino , Tisza was accepted into the new Hungarian government in 1861 and took part in the Austro-Hungarian settlement negotiations in 1866 . As the leader of the decision- making party , which wanted to declare the legal validity of the 1848 laws by simple resolution, he was unable to assert himself against the address party of Ferenc Deák . In addition, Tisza, who had received an extensive legacy, was Deputy Director of the Hungarian Northeast Railway until 1875 .

Prime Minister

Kálmán Tisza 1865

In 1875 Tisza founded the Liberal (Freedom) Party , which emerged from the political group around Deák, as a reservoir for the lower nobility and businessmen and took over the leadership of the government. As Prime Minister he carried out extensive reforms to modernize the country in the areas of economy, justice, social affairs and politics. With Finance Minister Sándor Wekerle , he was able to avert national bankruptcy. A tax reform, which also included large land holdings, multiplied state revenues. His government also increased its independence from the Austrian part of the Empire, Cisleithanien , and Hungarian influence on the monarchy's common foreign policy also increased significantly. The considerable economic successes during Tisza's reign established the country's prestige and modified the self-image of Hungarian politics .

Despite the initial reforms, Tisza soon ruled according to the principle of Quieta non movere ( you shouldn't stir what is dormant ). Tisza's long reign gave the impression of great stability, especially compared to the Austrian part of the dual monarchy, where eleven governments replaced each other during this period. However, social development has not kept pace with the country's relatively constant economic development. Unrest and growing anti-Semitism were the result. The importance of political anti-Semitism in Transleithanien was temporarily pushed back by Tisza.

Under the Tisza government the policy of forced cultural Magyarization of Hungary began. The non-Magyar population should adopt the Magyar language and nationality by applying more or less gentle pressure . In several stages, initially hesitant, under Tisza any national expression, for example by the Slovaks, was visibly made impossible. The situation was hardened with Tisza's denial of the existence of the Slovak nation. A reputable contemporary source states that Tisza had “a free hand” “for the ruthless measures for the Magyarization of Hungary, which led to the most blatant injustices, for example against the Transylvanian Saxons”. Between 1880 and 1910 the percentage of citizens of Hungary (excluding Croatia ) who professed to be Magyars rose from 45 to over 54 percent. In 1875 Tisza declared straightforwardly: “There can only be one viable nation within Hungary: this political nation is Hungarian. Hungary can never become the Switzerland of the East, then it would cease to exist. "

His son István Tisza took over his father's political legacy, his liberal party, and also became Hungarian Prime Minister for many years.

literature

Web links

Commons : Kálmán Tisza  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ András Gerő: Modern Hungarian society in the making. The unfinished experience . Central European Univ. Press, Budapest 1995, ISBN 1-85866-024-6 , p. 140.
  2. ^ András Gerő: Modern Hungarian society in the making. The unfinished experience . Central European Univ. Press, Budapest 1995, ISBN 1-85866-024-6 , pp. 115-122 and 129-136.
  3. ^ Anikó Kovács-Bertrand: The Hungarian revisionism after the First World War. The journalistic struggle against the Trianon Peace Treaty (1918–1931) . Verlag Oldenbourg, Munich 1997, ISBN 3-486-56289-4 , p. 25.
  4. ^ Péter Hanák: Hungary in the Danube Monarchy. Problems of the bourgeois transformation of a multi-ethnic state . Verlag für Geschichte u. Politics, Vienna 1984, ISBN 3-7028-0202-9 , p. 219.
  5. Rolf Fischer: Development stages of anti-Semitism in Hungary 1867-1939. The destruction of the Magyar-Jewish symbiosis . Verlag Oldenbourg, Munich 1988, ISBN 3-486-54731-3 , p. 93.
  6. ^ András Gerő: Modern Hungarian society in the making. The unfinished experience . Central European Univ. Press, Budapest 1995, ISBN 1-85866-024-6 , p. 6.
  7. ^ Robert Bideleux, Ian Jeffries: A history of Eastern Europe. Crisis and change . Routledge Publishing, London 1998, ISBN 0-415-16111-8 , p. 365.
  8. Manfred Alexander (ed.): Small peoples in the history of Eastern Europe. Festschrift for Günther Stökl on his 75th birthday . Verlag Steiner, Stuttgart 1991, ISBN 3-515-05473-1 , pp. 80f.
  9. Tisza . In: Meyers Konversations-Lexikon . 4th edition. Volume 15, Verlag des Bibliographisches Institut, Leipzig / Vienna 1885–1892, p. 728.
  10. Wolfdieter Bihl : The way to collapse. Austria-Hungary under Charles I (IV.) . In: Erika Weinzierl , Kurt Skalnik (ed.): Austria 1918–1938: History of the First Republic . Graz / Vienna / Cologne 1983, Volume 1, pp. 27–54, here p. 44.
  11. Paul Lendvai : The loneliest people in Europe - Hungary can only save from mental neglect by dealing honestly with its own past . In: NZZ . February 21, 2011, p. 33 .