Río de la Plata Spanish

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Estuary of the Rio de la Plata

The Río-de-la-Plata-Spanish ( Spanish español rioplatense = the Spanish of the Río de la Plata, dt. "Silver River") is generally regarded as a synonym for a variant of the Spanish language in Argentina and Uruguay . The central distribution area extends along the Río de la Plata , which gives both the language and the region its name. The centerpiece is Buenos Aires with its more than 11.5 million speakers.

The distinctive features of Río de la Plata Spanish are relatively strong distinctive features from standard Castilian Spanish and other Spanish variants. The influence of the language on Argentine culture and society takes place primarily through audiovisual media, which also reach geographically distant regions and made Río de la Plata Spanish the standard language of Argentina (and Uruguay). However, the influence or use of the variant decreases the closer you get to the border regions of the two countries and other linguistic influences of the surrounding nations - Chile , Bolivia , Brazil and Paraguay- had a greater impact on language development in these areas than that of the Río de la Plata Spanish (→ Quechua , Guaraní , Portuguese language ). A distinction must be made between the lunfardo and the cocoliche , which developed as contact varieties in the city of Buenos Aires around 1900. Like Río de la Plata Spanish, these varieties were able to be established between 1870 and 1930 due to a strong wave of European, especially Italian, immigration.

Phonology and Phonetics

Yeísmo / Žeísmo / Šeísmo

The Yeísmo , i.e. the lifting of the phonological opposition / ʎ / and / j / in favor of the fricative realization / j /, formed the basis for another special form of pronunciation in the Rio de la Plata area: the Žeísmo . The articulation shifted forward from the palatal [j] to the prepalatal area [ʒ]. This articulatory change is called rehilamiento and consists of an additional vibration or intensification of fricative consonants. A voiceless variant [ʃ] has developed from the voiced variant - the Šeísmo . This is now widespread in Argentina and has a prestige character.

Example: Yo como pollo en la calle

High-level language [jo 'komo' poʎo en la 'kaʎe]

Yeísmo version [jo 'komo' pojo en la 'kaje]

Žeísmo version [ʒo 'komo' poʒo en la 'kaʒe]

Šeísmo version [ʃo 'komo' poʃo en la 'kaʃe]

Seseo / Ceceo

Under seseo means the dissolution of the opposition / s / and / θ / in favor of / b /. In pronunciation, no distinction is made between the alveolar and the interdental voiceless fricative and instead everything is realized in [s]. This means that different words are sometimes pronounced the same, but this hardly affects communication: coser = cocer, casar = cazar. The ceceo is also common in the greater Buenos Aires and Santa Fe area . Here the articulation of [s] and [θ] does not fall in [s], but in [θ]. Comparable to the English voiceless th in thing.

Other features

  • Elision or aspiration of the / s / at the end of the word

The final [s] can be aspirated regionally or be canceled entirely. The elision of the / s / at the end of a word in colloquial language is particularly typical of Italian immigrants.

  • Failure of the final

Especially in northeast Argentina (for example when forming infinitives) the / r / at the end of a word can be omitted.

  • The / n / at the end of the word is alveolar
  • The realization of / r /, / r̄ /

In the north of Argentina there is a tendency towards the assibilization of / r̄ /, through which the alveolar vibrant becomes a sibilant (carro ['kaʒo]), in various forms and partly with a reduction in voicing.

morphology

Voseo

Spread of the Voseo

The Voseo is certainly one of the most succinct features of Rioplatensic Spanish and appears in both pronominal and verbal forms. A distinction must therefore be made between a pronominal-verbal, a purely pronominal and a purely verbal Voseo. Argentina does not form a uniform linguistic landscape with regard to the use of "tú" and "vos" and the following verbal forms. Because even if the “tú” was and is often taught in schools, the Voseo is widespread in Argentina in all regions, social classes and speaking situations. In some parts of Uruguay, however, only the confidential you form, the tuteo, is used (e.g. Rocha , Lavalleja , Maldonado ). Other areas in turn have mixed forms such as "tú cantás" (Tuteo / Voseo) or "vos cantas" (Voseo / Tuteo) ( Tacuarembó , Rivero). In Montevideo there are even four variants: Tuteo / Voseo: tú cantás
Voseo / Voseo: vos cantás
Tuteo / Tuteo: tú cantas (rarely and only on very formal occasions)
Voseo / Tuteo: vos cantas

Pronominal-verbal voseo

This form of Voseo is the most common in Argentina and Uruguay and consists of the pronoun vos and a special Voseo verb form that deviates from standard Spanish. This verb appears here in the 2nd person singular without a diphthong : vos hablás , vos tenés , vos salís .

Pronominal Voseo

The pronoun vos replaces the 2nd person singular pronouns tú and ti .

  • as subject: Puede que vos tengas razón.
  • as vocative: ¿Por qué la tenés contra Alvaro Arzú, vos?
  • as a preposition: Cada vez que sale con vos, se enferma.
  • when comparing: Es por lo menos tan actor como vos.
  • With the possessives and unstressed pronouns, however, the forms of the tuteo ( te, tu, tuyo ) are used: Vos te acostaste con el tuerto. No cerrés tus ojos.

Verbal Voseo

Special verb forms that deviate from standard Spanish are used ( -ás, -és, -ís ). The verb endings depend on cultural, social and geographical factors and can therefore vary: tú hablás, tú tenés, tú vivís . The Voseo verb forms are combined with the pronoun tú . For example, in some parts of Uruguay vos and tú compete with each other.

Verbalvoseo in the presence of the subjuntivo

As in the indicative with diphthon reduction, the verbal voseo is either an open vowel ( a, e → subás, hablés ) or a closed vowel ( i → hablís ). The ending -is only appears here for verbs that end in -ar . Examples for the Buenos Aires area: vos cantes, vos tengas, vos vivas

Verbalvoseo in the past

The past tense of the indicative and Subjuntivos is not affected by Voseo and is based on the time of formation of the second person singular ( vos tomabas ). The indefinido ( pretérito perfecto simple ) is formed in the indicative with the form of the 2nd person plural without diphthonging ( volvistes ). In some areas, however, the 2nd person singular is also preferred ( volviste ). So different forms can be found sometimes with and sometimes without -s. In Buenos Aires alone you can hear both cantastes and cantaste .

Verbalvoseo in the future tense

Voseo in everyday life

As in the present tense, one fluctuates between diphthon preservation ( viajaréis ) and diphthon reduction ( viajarés / viajarís ).

Voseo for imperative forms

Typical here is the omission of the ending -d in the 2nd person plural ( tomad> tomá, poned> poné ). In the case of the imperative , attention should also be paid to the stress: vení acá, s e ntate . The irregularities in the formation of the imperative forms in the 2nd person singular that exist in the tuteo (e.g. di, haz, juega, mide ) are omitted ( decí, hacé, jugá, medí ).

Loísmo

What is striking here is the use of lo (s) as a direct pronominal object, regardless of gender or number. Although le / les is also used in northeast Argentina, Loísmo is widespread in the rest of the country.

  • Después toda la oveja me quitó y lo ha llevado a la hacienda; No lo conozco a sus hermanos.
  • lo Finderé ayer instead of le Finderé

Queísmo

Queísmo is also widespread in the La Plata area and means leaving out the prepositions de, a, en, con etc. in front of the conjunction que .

  • Nos damos cuenta que ... (instead of de que )
  • El hecho que ...
  • Todo se le negó a la juventud [a la] que no se le enseñó lo que era libertad y cómo aplicarla.
  • El caso de mi sobrina [a la] que le regalaron una computadora .

Pretérito perfecto compuesto / pretérito perfecto simple

In the northeast of Argentina ( Tucumán , Salta etc.) compound tenses are very common, whereas the rest of the country (including Buenos Aires ) prefers the simple past ( pretérito perfecto simple ). The pretérito perfecto compuesto has lost its position in the spoken language as a bridge between the simple past and the present tense. Instead, the pretérito simple dominates interpersonal communication, regardless of the context. In more formal circles, however, the use of the pretérito compuesto seems to be somewhat greater. Furthermore - surrounded by other tenses - it can emphasize and emphasize a narrated event more strongly in certain contexts. Example from San Juan :

“ (…) Entonces casi todos para ese día, y como lo cierto es que había tantos casos de estacionamiento ilegal, se quiso que…, este, pudiera resolver su situación, pero han pasado una ley de lo más troglodita que puede conocerse. "

Lexicons

The lexicons of Rio de la Plata Spanish are influenced by many factors, including European languages ​​(Italian, French, English); the Brazilian Portuguese; indigenous and African languages; other Spanish varieties ( lunfardo , cocoliche ) and variants (Chilean). Today, as in many parts of the world, the English language has an increasing influence on the rioplatense .

Standard Spanish Rioplatensian German
fresa frutilla strawberry
maíz tierno choclo Corn
pasta masita Dough (mass)
coche auto / coche automobile
conducir manejar drive
cerveza cerveza / birra beer
aquí acá here
camarero mozo Waiter
camiseta remera T-shirt
aguacate palta avocado
altavoz parlante speaker
gasolina nafta petrol

In addition, the interjection "che" , which is used to attract the listener's attention, is widely used. It corresponds roughly to the German "He".

distribution

area size population Population density
Argentina 2,780,400 km 2 40.091.359 14.4 per km 2
Patagonia 1,043,076 km 2 1,999,540 1.9 per km 2

The main distribution area of ​​the Río de la Plata Spanish is not far from the Río de la Plata , with the major centers Buenos Aires, Montevideo (Uruguay) and Rosario . Due to the extremely high population density and the associated enormous number of speakers, this region represents the core area of ​​this Spanish variant. An equally large area of ​​the Río-da-la-Plata-Spanish is Patagonia and thus the entire southern part of Argentina, but with one comparatively low number of speakers due to the relatively small population.

However, the Río-de-la-Plata-Spanish is only one of many other variants in Argentina. But since Buenos Aires acts as the central heart of Argentina, it seems logical that, mainly due to the influence of the media, this dialect under the hegemonic position the dialectal variants. The further you get away from this "core area" (with the exception of Patagonia), the more other influences (e.g. indigenous influences) have an impact on Río de la Plata Spanish.

Geographical distribution

Argentina

Spread of the Rio de la Plata Spanish

According to Berta Elena Vidal de Battini, Argentina is divided into five or six linguistic zones:

  1. Coastal regions: extend from Buenos Aires, Entre Ríos and Santa Fe to the south of Argentina (adjacent areas around Buenos Aires)
  • In this part of Argentina, Río de la Plata Spanish is practiced almost exclusively (excluding the extreme south, where Patagonian / indigenous influences have also influenced the language; including a large part of Uruguay with Montevideo as the linguistic center)
  • the variant is colloquially known as the porteña , but to suit the region, as bonaerense referred
  • According to Battini, this zone can be divided into 3 further zones:
→ Santa Fe Province (north of Buenos Aires Province)
→ Province of Buenos Aires
→ Patagonia region (southern part of Argentina)
  1. West Argentina: Areas around Mendoza and San Juan that have some of the Chilean Spanish characters
  2. The extreme northwest: with Quechua influences around the cities of Tucumán , Salta , Jujuy and neighboring areas
  3. The northeast: with influences of the Guaraní with the areas of Corrientes and Misiones , parts of the Chaco ( Resistencia ) and Formosa
  4. The central region: with Cordoba as the central city, this area forms the linguistic transition between the other linguistic areas of Argentina
  5. Some small enclaves that are linguistically disappearing, especially the dialect in Santiago del Estero in northern Argentina and on the border with Bolivia

Uruguay

Uruguay also represents a large geographic and demographic linguistic area of ​​the Río de la Plata variant. Like Argentina, Uruguay is also not a linguistically homogeneous nation. The center represents Montevideo as the capital of the country. Most of the phonetic, grammatical and lexical properties agree with the Río-de-la-Plata variant. Only in the northern part of the country does Portuguese have a greater influence on the dialect of the population. In the rest of the country, at most minimal deviations can be assumed against the background of the predominant similarities to the Spanish of Argentina.

Dialectal varieties

In the course of the waves of immigration in the 19th and 20th centuries, other contact varieties also developed. The cocoliche and the lunfardo should be named here in particular . These two forms of language can mainly be traced back to the massive waves of Italian immigration at the end of the 19th century.

Cocoliche

Originated at the end of the 19th century and used by predominantly Italian-speaking immigrants, this contact variety is a hybrid of the Italian and Spanish languages. It served as a " temporary solution" for immigrants in the process of learning the Spanish language, but it also had an important one cultural role: it was used as a form of expression in the theater or as a literary tool. However, this contact variety was lost in the course of the following generation at the beginning of the 20th century, due to the Spanish-language school education and the political and cultural system. Today, the cocoliche partly continues in the "crooks language" Buenos Aires: the lunfardo .

Lunfardo

The lunfardo is considered an informal contact variety and continues to be spoken in parts of Argentina and Uruguay, particularly Buenos Aires and Montevideo. The variety like cocoliche developed from the middle of the 19th century and is considered a mixture of Spanish, Italian and other European and indigenous languages. Nowadays the lunfardo is popular as the language of the "common" people in Buenos Aires. This is shown by the existing literary and music culture. The contact variety is now considered to be a historically parallel form of communication in the greater Buenos Aires area with the Río de la Plata Spanish.

Influences

Historical influences for linguistic zoning

The causes of these differently developing linguistic zones can be found, among other things, in the history of the country. Argentina has not fundamentally changed its geographical territory since its independence from mainland Spain in 1810. However, during the previous centuries of the colonial era, there were far-reaching changes. These explain the regional differences in Río de la Plata Spanish. Argentina was colonized from three different directions. Each of these settlement initiatives took place in different ways and explains the linguistic differences due to different linguistic forms of contact and lines of development.

Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata after it separated from the Viceroyalty of Perú in 1776

→ East: Buenos Aires was built in 1536 by Pedro de Mendoza , who sailed up the Río Paraná and later founded the capital of today's Paraguay, Asunción . This newly built city at the mouth of the river was supposed to simplify and accelerate the transport of silver from Potosí (today Bolivia) and represented a strategically important base for the colonial power. Even if Spain initially prohibited transport via the newly founded city, Buenos Aires flourished with smuggling Silver. The establishment of further cities (Tucumán 1565; Santa Fe / Córdoba 1573; Salta 1582; ​​Corrientes 1588; Jujuy 1593) and the associated demographic growth in central Argentina were the result. When Buenos Aires became the capital of Argentina in 1617, its influence continued to grow, as the transport routes were shorter and faster to use for the Spanish colonial empire.
In 1726, Montevideo (Uruguay) was founded from Buenos Aires, which explains the almost linguistic analogy. In the so-called desert campaign at the end of the 19th century, the entire south of Argentina as far as Patagonia was conquered and taken. The indigenous population living there disappeared from the scene, leaving behind thousands of square kilometers of usable pasture and arable land for the migration flows to Argentina that would soon begin. In addition to the waves of European immigration that began now, there were also African slaves who were forced to work in the newly conquered areas.
→ West: The west of Argentina was conquered from Chile via the Andes, whereby the present-day regions Mendoza, San Juan and San Luis were originally included in Chile. Only with the establishment of the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata in 1776, these areas are subordinated to the Argentine administrative district. This explains the linguistic proximity of these regions to Chilean. Tucumán was the supra-regional administrative capital for the western regions, which also has some linguistic peculiarities. Despite the immense media influence from the greater Buenos Aires area, the Chilean influence on the language is still present. However, the español rioplatense is gaining more and more importance in the region. The number of indigenous indigenous people ( Mapuche ) in this area has decreased significantly over the centuries. Nevertheless, some lexicons and place names have been preserved.
→ North: On expeditions from Peru and crossing Bolivia, the northern part of Argentina was conquered and colonized. A significant proportion of the Quechua -speaking population formed the predominant linguistic variant of Spanish in this region. The city of Santiago del Estero is a special feature: although the oldest city in Argentina (founded in 1553), it has remained in the shadow of the large and important cities of Tucumán and Córdoba over the years, creating a linguistic enclave with unique dialectal roots.

European influences

Until about 1870 there was a more or less homogeneous, Spanish-centered, linguistic unit in Argentina and especially the littoral region around Buenos Aires. This basis existed on the urban, cultural as well as the rural, rustic level. With the onset of migration flows from Europe at the end of the 19th century, this homogeneity was partially lost. Between 1870 and 1890 there were mostly Spaniards (mainly from the Basque Country and Galicia), northern Italians, French and Germans. At the beginning of the 20th century, during the second great wave of immigration, mainly Spaniards and southern Italians came. The Italians made up about 50% of the immigrants in Argentina. This explains the origin of the contact varieties cocoliche and lunfardo as well as the considerable influence of the Italian language on the slowly developing variant of Río de la Plata Spanish. This so-called “ melting pot ”, which emerged from the migrants, was of immensely important historical significance in the political, social, cultural and linguistic development of Argentina. This also means that a large part of the population saw themselves as direct descendants of European immigrants.
Italian influence in español bonarense

  • capo = boss / leader
  • laburo = work
  • ñoqui = gnocchi

Indigenous influences

A large part of the indigenous population in Argentina has disappeared due to the initially European and later Argentinian conquests. Nonetheless, the indigenous languages ​​influenced the Spanish dialect considerably through direct contact and had a visible influence on Río de la Plata Spanish. In the case of Argentina, these were mainly the Guaraní and the Quechua .

Guaraní

The settlement area of ​​the Guaraní -speaking Indian tribes extended over the southern part of Brazil, Paraguay and some areas of Bolivia, Uruguay and northern Argentina (Misiones, Corrientes) and has remained most strongly in Paraguay, where it is the second official language and the mother tongue of around 3 , 2 million people is spoken to. There are still numerous borrowings in Río de la Plata Spanish or in general Spanish vocabulary. The following descend from the Guaraní:

  • ananá (s) = pineapple
  • ara = macaw (parrot)
  • jaguar = jaguar
  • mandioca = cassava
  • ñandú = Nandu

Quechua

Quechua-speaking areas in Ecuador , Perú , Bolivia, and Argentina

Quechua served as the administrative language of the Inca Empire and, after the Spanish conquest around 1600, extended from the Amazon region of Ecuador over the high plains of Bolivia to the northwest of Argentina andsignificantlydisplaced the second indigenous language, aimara , in these areas. In addition, with 7.8 million speakers, Quechua is now one of the numerically most important, sometimes heavily dialectalized, Indian languages. In Peru , Quechua, with 40% speakers (based on the total population), is the second official language established by the constitution. This indigenous language has also left its mark on the Spanish language and the Río de la Plata variant. The following borrowings come from Quechua:

  • cancha = sports field
  • carpa = tent
  • chacra = small country estate, farm
  • coca = coca (plant)
  • cóndor = (Andean) bird
  • palta = avocado
  • vicuña = vicuna (lama species)

African influences

The proportion of the black population in Buenos Aires and Montevideo was around 40% at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century and thus represented a significant cultural and linguistic counterpoint to the Hispanic language and society. Until the beginning of the 18th century, they spoke very few of the African descent people speak Spanish. This should not change significantly until the middle of the 19th century. There was still an African population in Buenos Aires and Montevideo who practiced the so-called bozal-Spanish, which can be understood as a contact variety between African languages ​​and the Spanish language. However, it found little influence on today's Río de la Plata Spanish. John M. Lipski explains this by referring to the habit of the white population who used Bozal Spanish when communicating with Africans, in order to be condescending by imitating this rudimentary variant of Spanish. Rather, it was considered a means of amusement. It was therefore of great interest to the people of African descent to learn the Spanish language in order to avoid this discrediting. As a result, there was hardly any influence on today's Río de la Plata Spanish.

  • mucama = domestic servant
  • quilombo = mess / mess (coll.)

literature

  • Manuel Alvar: Manual de dialectología hispánica - El español de América. Ariel Lingüística, Barcelona 1996, ISBN 84-344-8218-5 .
  • Jutta Blaser: Phonetics and Phonology of Spanish: A Synchronic Introduction. 2nd Edition. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2011, ISBN 978-3-11-025255-2 .
  • Fernando Devoto: Historia de la inmigración en la Argentina. Ed. Sudamericana, Buenos Aires 2003, ISBN 950-07-2345-X .
  • Nélida Donni de Mirande: El sistema verbal en el español de Argentina - rasgos de unidad y de diferenciación dialectal. (Revista de Filología Hispánica, 72). Argentina 1992.
  • Juan Antonio Ennis: Decir la lengua. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-631-56641-1 .
  • María Beatriz Fontanella de Weinberg: El español de la Argentina y sus variedades regionales. 2nd Edition. Asociación Bernadino Rivadavia, Bahía Blanca 2004, ISBN 987-21704-0-1 .
  • John M. Lipski: A history of afro-hispanic language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2005, ISBN 0-521-82265-3 .
  • John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London / New York 1994, ISBN 0-582-08760-0 .
  • John M. Lipski: El español de America. Lingüística, London 1996, ISBN 84-376-1423-6 . (Spanish edition)
  • Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, ISBN 3-484-54046-X .
  • Juan Sánchez Méndez: Historia de la lengua española en America. Tirant lo blanch, Valencia 2003, ISBN 84-8442-711-0 .
  • Eric Sonntag: Intonation and Linguistic Geography - Studies on Spanish and Portuguese Uruguay. Nodus publications, Münster 1996, ISBN 3-89323-564-7 .
  • María Vaquero de Ramírez: El español de América I - Pronunciación. Arco Libros, Madrid 1996, ISBN 84-7635-185-2 .
  • María Vaquero de Ramírez: El español de América II - Morfosintaxis y léxico. Arco Libros, Madrid 1996, ISBN 84-7635-186-0 .
  • Berta Elena Vidal de Battini: El español de la Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Educación, Buenos Aires 1966.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 2.
  2. ↑ Jutta Blaser: Phonetics and Phonology of Spanish: A Synchronic Introduction. 2nd Edition. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2011, pp. 95–96.
  3. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 26.
  4. ↑ María Vaquero de Ramírez: El español de America I - Pronunciación. Arco Libros, Madrid 1996, p. 36.
  5. ↑ Jutta Blaser: Phonetics and Phonology of Spanish: A Synchronic Introduction. 2nd Edition. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2011, p. 94.
  6. ↑ a b c Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A regional and historical overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 34.
  7. ↑ John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London / New York 1994, p. 167.
  8. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 31.
  9. ↑ John M. Lipski: Latin American Spanish. Longman, London / New York 1994, p. 168.
  10. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 30.
  11. ↑ a b c Nélida Donni de Mirande: El sistema verbal en el español de Argentina - rasgos de unidad y de diferenciación dialectal. (Revista de Filología Hispánica, 72). Argentina 1992, pp. 655-670.
  12. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  13. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  14. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 35.
  15. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  16. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  17. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  18. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  19. ↑ Diccionario de dudas panhispánico. 1st edition. Real Academia Española, 2005, accessed February 2, 2013: (online)
  20. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 36.
  21. ↑ a b María Vaquero de Ramírez: El español de América II - Morfosintaxis y léxico. Arco Libros, Madrid 1996, p. 34.
  22. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 37.
  23. ↑ congresosdelalengua.es
  24. ↑ Argentina: CIA The World Factbook, est Jul 2009. Cia.gov, February 5, 2013.
  25. ↑ Berta Elena Vidal de Battini: El español de la Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Educación, Buenos Aires 1966, p. 53 ff.
  26. ↑ John M. Lipski: El español de America. Lingüística, London 1996, p. 183 f.
  27. ↑ Manuel Alvar: Manual de dialectología hispánica - El español de América. Ariel Lingüística, Barcelona 1996, p. 219.
  28. ↑ Eric Sonntag: Intonation and Linguistic Geography - Studies on Spanish and Portuguese Uruguay. Nodus publications, Münster 1996, p. 196.
  29. ↑ Juan Sánchez Méndez: Historia de la lengua española en America. Tirant lo blanch, Valencia 2003, p. 454.
  30. ^ Juan Antonio Ennis: Decir la lengua. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2008, p. 295 f.
  31. ↑ John M. Lipski: El español de America. Lingüística, London 1996, p. 295 f.
  32. ^ Juan Antonio Ennis: Decir la lengua. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2008, p. 283.
  33. ↑ John M. Lipski: El español de America. Lingüística, London 1996, pp. 184-186.
  34. ↑ Berta Elena Vidal de Battini: El español de la Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Educación, Buenos Aires 1966, p. 53 ff.
  35. ↑ Berta Elena Vidal de Battini: El español de la Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Educación, Buenos Aires 1966, p. 57 f.
  36. ↑ Manuel Alvar: Manual de dialectología hispánica - El español de América. Ariel Lingüística, Barcelona 1996, p. 212.
  37. ↑ Fernando Devoto: Historia de la inmigración en la Argentina. Ed. Sudamericana, Buenos Aires 2003, p. 247 ff.
  38. ^ Juan Antonio Ennis: Decir la lengua. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2008, p. 336 f.
  39. ↑ Note: Sentences like: "acá todos somos europeos" (for example: "here we are all Europeans) or" todos somos hijos de inmigrantes (for example: "we are all children of immigrants") can be put into a more understandable context. Cf. on this: Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A regional and historical overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 66.
  40. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 66.
  41. ↑ Volker Noll: The American Spanish - A Regional and Historical Overview. Niemeyer, Tübingen 2001, p. 64.
  42. ^ John M. Lipski: A history of afro-hispanic language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2005, p. 100.
  43. ^ John M. Lipski: A history of afro-hispanic language. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2005, p. 102.