Rahel Varnhagen (Arendt)

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Rahel Varnhagen

Rahel Varnhagen. The life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period is a biography by the philosopher Hannah Arendt about the Berlin Salonière and writer Rahel Varnhagen von Ense . Although it was written as a habilitation thesis in Berlin with a scholarship from 1929 to 1933 and completed in 1938 in exile in Paris , the work was first published as a book in London in 1957 in English and then in German in 1959 in the Federal Republic of Germany . In the US, it wasn't released until 1974. In addition to her article Enlightenment and Jewish Question , which appeared in 1932, it presents Arendt's early theoretical examination of Jewish history and already contains many of the terms that are important for her thinking, such as assimilation , emancipation , pariah and parvenu . In addition, she presents a draft of her conception of history here .

Intention and personal reference of the author

Creation, publication and late recognition of the habilitation

In the second half of the 1920s, Hannah Arendt began to grapple with German Romanticism . She attended lectures by Friedrich Gundolf in Heidelberg . In 1927 she met Benno von Wiese , an expert on German romanticism. At first she planned a major work on the subject. During the preparations she became increasingly interested in the Jewish salons . She turned to Rahel Varnhagen . Anne Mendelssohn found a three-volume collection of the letters at a bookseller. Not all letters were in the collection. The collection A book of memory for her friends , edited by Karl August Varnhagen von Ense in 1834, was given to Hannah Arendt by Mendelssohn. Hannah Arendt dedicated the book to Anne Mendelssohn: »FOR ANNE since 1921«

Hannah Arendt found the entire unpublished correspondence in the Berlin State Archives. Supported by her doctoral supervisor Karl Jaspers and Martin Heidegger , whom he addressed , she received another positive report from the theologian Martin Dibelius for a scholarship from the Notgemeinschaft der deutschen Wissenschaft .

Kurt Sontheimer's last publication before his death about Hannah Arendt in 2005 says about her motive for this investigation :

“After completing her doctorate in Heidelberg in 1928, the young doctor of philosophy was faced with the question of what to do next. Although her thinking was completely immersed in the philosophy of antiquity , she could not help but perceive the problems and threatening changes in her political environment. She had always known that she was Jewish, but it was only through her friendship with Blumenfeld and her fellow Jewish student Hans Jonas and thanks to her own perception of the rampant anti-Semitism in the Weimar Republic that her political awareness developed and sharpened. As she herself admitted, she had been politically naive, but now in the years of failure of the first German republic she was confronted with questions that had to do with her situation as a Jew in Germany. In view of the tangible anti-Semitic threat posed by the National Socialist mass movement, it could no longer evade the "Jewish question". "

Arendt wrote the manuscript for her large, initially unfinished, youth work, which was designed as a habilitation thesis, in Berlin from 1929 to 1933. Karl Jaspers wrote it in 1956 that, on the advice of Walter Benjamin and Heinrich Blücher, in 1938 she read the book in exile in Paris through the last two chapters on parvenu and pariah as well as on the Jewish question ("You can't get out of Judaism ...") added. In 1941 Arendt no longer had a copy of her manuscript. She asked her correspondent Gershom Scholem for the document that had been given to him. In doing so, she gave the study a theoretical foundation. In the same letter she describes her work as a “women's book”.

The Arendt researcher Antonia Grunenberg highlights three focal points that run through Arendt's work. On the one hand, it unfolds Rahel Varnhagen's biography "against the background of the catastrophic destruction of German-Jewish culture," and also shows the illusions of the German-Jewish "symbiosis" and, last but not least, the Jewish author's own threatened existence is part of the historical study. Grunenberg emphasizes, viewed from a temporal distance, that Arendt's own life situation at the time of a Jew who was expelled from German culture and who had to lead a life as a stateless person is condensed in this book .

In particular Elisabeth Young-Bruehl , who chose the heading “Biography as Autobiography” for the Varnhagen project, but also numerous other Arendt biographers assume that Arendt identified strongly with Rahel Varnhagen's position as an outsider. In a letter from 1936 to Heinrich Blücher, she described Rahel as her “really best friend”, “who has unfortunately been dead for 100 years”. To Gershom Scholem , who had already read her book in Paris in 1939 and called it “great” after receiving the German edition in 1959, she wrote in her reply: “The Jews all secretly believe that I am anti-Semitic, see Don't understand how much I loved Rachel when I wrote about her, don't understand that one can tell the truth in a very friendly manner, even to oneself, for example. B. “Also because of her earlier love for Martin Heidegger, which only became known in 1982 through her biographer Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, some authors draw parallels to Rahel's life story.

The work first appeared in 1957 under the title: Rahel Vernhagen. The live of a Jewess in London, translated from German by Clara and Richard Winston, published by the Leo Baeck Institute . The German version came out in 1959 and was published by Piper Verlag , like most of her later writings.

"Klaus Piper initially found the text unsuitable for his program," but was later convinced. Problematic for the editor-in-chief, Hans Rößner, was the subtitle of the book planned by Arendt and the many references to Rachel's Judaism. Arendt refused to remove the references, but the subtitle A Life Story was shortened for the cover without the reference to Judaism. What Hannah Arendt did not know, Hans Rößner was a member of the SS since 1934 and in the NSDAP from 1937 and later in the Reich Security Main Office.

In a letter of January 12, 1959 to Rößner, Arendt made some suggestions for the book subtitle and wrote that there was an even more beautiful one: “Rahel Varnhagen. The melody of an offended heart, whistled with variations by Hannah Arendt. That’s exactly what I did. "

Arendt's book is based on published and unpublished letters and diary entries by Rahel Varnhagens, b. Levin, the Arendt z. T. first evaluated. Its chronology largely follows the compilation of letters and diary entries published by Karl August Varnhagen . As Arendt writes in her foreword, her friend Lotte Köhler was involved in the selection of the letters, checked the quotations, compiled a bibliography from Arendt's notes and added a timetable.

After the war, the original letters in Berlin disappeared. So the quotations could not be checked for publication. In 1977, two years after Arendt's death, it became known that the letters were stored in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow . The review revealed some errors by Hannah Arendt. Among other things, the collection of letters was corrected not only by Varnhagen's husband, but also by Rahel himself, and Rahel's last words were cited incompletely. “Arendt quoted Rachel's words on her deathbed, handed down by Varnhagen, saying that she was grateful to have been born a Jew. Arendt did not quote the expression of gratitude for having become a Christian that followed these words. "

According to Barbara Hahn , the work is “polyphonic” - a collage of stories from the protagonist's life with excerpts from letters and diaries as well as Arendt's thoughts on them.

In the mid-1950s, Arendt had an initial application for restitution submitted to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and it argued that their habilitation almost completely existed in early 1933 and this because of the seizure of power by the National Socialists could not defend. Although she received support from Karl Jaspers, the case was rejected several times. Only at the end of 1971 did a court award her recognition of her habilitation on July 31, 1933. In 1972 she received compensation for the salary she had lost since 1933.

Criticism as self-criticism, the problem of assimilation

Arendt emphasizes that she wants to describe people and literature from Rahel's perspective, to present a “retelling of the life story”. She saw herself as a “reflective mouthpiece for what was happening”. The criticism of the main character should therefore correspond to their self-criticism. If she had judged Rahel from a higher point of view, her work had actually failed.

She describes her work as a contribution to the history of the German Jews , namely the excerpt that deals with the problem of assimilation (adaptation). Using Rahel's example, Arendt shows the way in which anti-Semitism in the social and intellectual environment has a direct impact on a personal fate. This is connected with the urgent appeal to the reader to become aware of his own story. Rahel's attitude to the Jewish question was typical of part of educated German Jewry. But the unperceived and reinterpreted story “takes revenge” by becoming an individual's fate. The aim of this book is to make readers aware of Jewish history through this individual life.

Arendt does not want to base her work on the modern point of view. She rejects “pseudoscientific” methods such as “depth psychology”, “psychoanalysis”, “graphology” etc. In addition to the biography, the work contains excerpts from Rahel's letters and diaries, whereby Arendt tries to come close to Rahel's "inner view".

Rahel Varnhagen's life story

Struggle for recognition

Rahel Levin, b. 1771, grew up in Berlin as the daughter of wealthy parents who lost part of their fortune. As an initially poorly educated, not beautiful, Jewish woman, she had little chance of attaining a social existence in society.

In their youth, many representatives of the Enlightenment demanded equal rights for Jews who had been oppressed and persecuted for centuries. Rahel took the view from Lessing : It depends on self-thinking. The reason but exempts only the individual, but does not affect historically grown <prejudices> against Jews. Rahel felt disadvantaged and unhappy from birth without tradition and role model. On this basis, she could not develop any awareness of reality and, according to Arendt, remained dependent on confirmation from others until shortly before her death.

Arendt is mainly concerned with Rahel Varnhagen's thinking and her position in German society in the early 19th century as a clever Jewish woman with a joke who tried in different ways to shed her Judaism . Arendt understands Rahel's life as a search for home, friendship and love in a self-created world that did not correspond to reality. Enlightened and based on reason, she had succeeded in cultivating equal dealings with writers, scientists and philosophers, but not finding a place in the German professional society.

Retreating to inwardness, “shamelessness” and the blurring of the boundaries between “intimate” and “public” are, according to Arendt, phenomena of romanticism that fade out the reality of the world and strengthened Rahel's stance by disguising and reinterpreting the truth to get.

Rahel Levin's first circle in Berlin frequented many great intellectuals in society at the time, but also Louis Ferdinand Prince of Prussia with his lover Pauline Wiesel and actors who - like Jews - were not recognized by society. In the few hours of the encounter, Rahel felt equal to everyone. Class differences, religion and gender didn't seem to matter here. While the Jewish men devoted themselves to their business - Rahel regrets in a letter that women are not accessible to this area - the actual social assimilation was carried out by the Jewish women, who briefly founded literary salons in the period between the ghettos and anti-Semitic developments . "Precisely because Jews were outside of society, they [the Jewish salons] became for a short time a kind of neutral ground on which the educated met."

Goethe , like her friends, highlighted Rahel Levin's <great originality>. However, this was not viewed positively by everyone, but rather as a lack of style and disorder. She later oriented herself to Goethe, without, as she writes, blindly letting a person take her. "Because she understands Goethe and only understands herself from him, he can almost replace tradition for her [...] Goethe teaches her the language that she can speak."

By chance, Rahel Levin met Count Karl von Finckenstein in 1795 . They both fell in love and became engaged. By advancing into the Prussian nobility, Rahel hoped to leave Judaism. She introduced Finckenstein to her salon , in which a title of nobility counted for nothing and found little recognition. Referring to his family, who did not want to accept a Jewish daughter-in-law, Finckenstein broke off the engagement. Rahel suffered from lovesickness for a long time, but also because the separation meant defeat, she had hoped to be accepted as an individual.

In 1800 Rahel went to Paris to leave the misfortune and the 'shame' behind. At first she suffered from melancholy, which she was soon able to get rid of by living abroad. "It is easy to love life abroad." Here you can be a "nobody", put your name off, and fall in love without risk. And through love she got to know enjoyment. Back in Berlin, she sought support in a deistic form of religion that resembled neither Judaism nor Christianity.

Another love story with Friedrich von Gentz failed because of his “betrayal” because of her Jewish origin. A second engagement to a Spanish nobleman, Don Raphael d'Urquijo, whom she also loved passionately, also fell apart, as he did not take offense at her Judaism, but had very specific ideas about the subordination of women to men.

From her experiences Rahel drew the conclusion that she should learn the art of not telling the truth, but rather portraying one's own life as a drama or story. "Better to be just an anecdote than a person with qualities." The main addressee of her life story is Rebecca Friedländer , a daughter-in-law of David Friedländer , to whom Rahel wrote 158 letters from 1805 to 1810. Like her brother before her, she decided to change her surname to Robert in order to make the separation from her Jewish identity externally visible.

At the beginning of the century, the first modern “propaganda brochure” against the Jews appeared , which was followed by a wave of anti-Semitism . Hannah Arendt compares the efforts of Jews to be accepted into society individually with the anti-Semites, who each know an “exceptional Jew”.

In 1806 the salon was closed as a result of Napoleon's invasion . The new Berlin salons from 1809 onwards, more political-literary circles, were more exclusive, dominated by the nobility, patriotic and had, like z. B. the Christian-German table society statutes which forbade women, French, Philistines and Jews from entering. Arendt judges:

“What mattered was that people came together spiritually against the Enlightenment , politically against France and socially against the Salon. The exclusion of women must be understood as a direct protest against the Jewish salon of the time, [...]. "

Rahel first tried to join Napoleon as the victor and representative of the Enlightenment, while her former friends fell into growing chauvinism and she became increasingly isolated. In this desperate situation she met Fichte , whose lecture series Speeches to the German Nation had just achieved great success, and took over a philosophical form of nationalism from him . The bearer of the new world is not history or class, but the nation . This gave Rahel the chance to belong when she "destroyed" her individual previous existence. She could not succeed, "because the patriotic anti-Semitism, which also Fichte was not far from, poisoned all relationships between Jews and non-Jews."

Successful assimilation?

Ascent

In 1808 Rahel Levin met August Varnhagen , who was 14 years her junior and who, after dropping out of medical school, dealt with philosophy and literature, had published smaller works and thought liberally. Arendt describes him ambiguously as “unoriginal”, “tasteless” and “banal”, but on the other hand “sculptural out of insight; he tries to understand because he has reason. ”He becomes Rachel's“ prophet ”and“ priest ”, administers her diaries and letters, wants to serve her and learn from her, becomes her lifelong friend and lover.

In order to be able to marry Varnhagen, she was baptized in 1814. She officially signed her new name Antonie Friederike , but otherwise kept her first name Rahel. In 1815 she wrote about her marriage that she was completely free and truthful with Varnhagen, otherwise she would never have been able to marry him.

Her late marriage finally brought her closer to the assimilation she had longed for, at a point in time when her financial situation had deteriorated considerably. While she was initially supported by her mother and received a pension, she was now dependent on voluntary contributions from her brothers. At the time of the marriage, Varnhagen was poor, without a name and without a status. However, through his military experience during the fifth coalition war in 1809 and again in the sixth coalition war in 1813/14, he had the prospect of a small diplomatic position in the service of Austria.

During the war of 1813/14 Rahel was able to prove herself practically as a German for the first time and show her newly acquired enthusiasm for the fatherland. She tended to the wounded and raised money. But she rejected war - unlike most of her contemporaries.

As early as 1815, anti-Semitism re-established itself openly and strongly, and in 1819 pogroms took place in Prussia.

Now Rahel Varnhagen strove for admission to the nobility. August researched his origins from the noble von Ense family and, at their instigation, had the emperor confirm this status. He was first secretary at the Congress of Vienna , then Prussian chargé d'affaires in Baden, became a kind of political writer and associated with the dignitaries of society in the function of a secret councilor. His financial situation was good. Rahel had achieved her goal.

At this point in the biography Arendt judges her protagonist rather harshly:

"She's getting really stupid and flattened with sheer exuberant happiness that she is graciously allowed to participate."

Nevertheless, Rahel's attitude remains ambivalent. She continued to feel “masked” and “foreign” in a society hostile to Jews. In a letter to her sister in 1819, she addressed a further topic: she stated that women are completely shaped by the husband and son class, are often not regarded as people with a spirit and should regard marriage as the highest human condition. Rahel writes: "Every attempt to [..] resolve the unnatural condition is called frivolity or is still considered to be punishable behavior."

In her foreword (from 1958), Arendt accuses August Varnhagen of having corrected his wife's estate, e.g. Sometimes mutilated and names changed, so that Rachel's company appeared less “Jewish” and more “aristocratic”. This action arises from his urgent desire for adaptation, which Arendt links with the picture of Parvenu that she draws of him. According to Arendt, the parvenu “swindles” into a society in which he does not belong. It is this lying that Rahel also masters perfectly, and it is then also that Varnhagen has decisively influenced in this direction.

Between pariah and parvenu

After a break of several years, Arendt wrote the last two chapters of the work in French exile, in which she developed a concept that contrasts the term “ pariah ” with that of “parvenu”. The swindling and telling stories that Rahel accompanied as a climber all her life is now becoming “hypocrisy” and “lies” and is increasingly a burden to her.

From 1821 to 1832 Rahel von Varnhagen ran her second salon with again illustrious guests such as Heinrich Heine , Hegel , Leopold von Ranke and Bettina von Arnim . However, according to Arendt, the salon remained - in contrast to the first - only an illusion of community and integration. Outside of the salon, the Varnhagens remained isolated and received no invitations to the intended circles.

Rahel expressed her inner conflict very drastically: “What nasty it is to always have to legitimize yourself first! That's why it's just so disgusting to be a Jew! " Arendt concludes:

“There is no assimilation if you just give up your own past and ignore the other. In a society that is by and large hostile to Jews - and that was all countries in which Jews lived up to our century - one can only assimilate if one assimilates to anti-Semitism. "

Even after assimilating themselves, Jews in Europe remained outsiders, parias, because they were mostly not recognized by large sections of the nobility and, above all, the bourgeoisie. It is true that those whose families had got money could take on the role of parvenus, i. H. Change promoters. However, this was bought at the price of lies, subservience and hypocrisy. The status of the unpopular outsider was not overcome either. Some of the pariahs became rebels and retained their identities.

Rahel Varnhagen ambitiously strived for complete integration into society as a person until shortly before her death, but increasingly realized that she was not ready to give up the truth as a value: “To become a parvenu, one must pay with the truth, and Rahel does not want this. ”In this way, according to Arendt, she had no choice but to remain in a space between pariah and parvenu, because she was repeatedly confronted with the futility of her contradicting wishes. She knew the difference between lies and truth and suffered from having to pretend again and again.

It was only at the end of her life that Rahel became aware of this problem and found her way back to a clearer position, becoming a Jew and a pariah again. Varnhagen reports the following words about Rachel's deathbed:

"Which story! - I am here a refugee from Egypt and Palestine and find help, love and care from you! ... With sublime delight I think of this origin of mine and this whole connection of fate, through which the oldest memories of the human race with the newest Situation of things that are connected to the greatest distance in time and space. What was the greatest disgrace for me for so long in my life, the bitterest suffering and misfortune to be born a Jew, at no cost I would now like to miss it. "

And Arendt sums up:

“It took her sixty-three years to learn what began 1,700 years before she was born [...]. It may be difficult to know your own story when you were born in Berlin in 1771 and that story began 1700 years earlier in Jerusalem. "

In old age, Rahel had taken the chance to reconcile herself with her Judaism and the reality of anti-Semitism, e.g. B. to see clearly the fairy tale of the Jews poisoning wells . As a supporter of the early socialist Saint-Simons , she demanded equality and rights regardless of origin.

Arendt uses Rahel's (individual) story to show how history affects an individual (“the little Schlemihl of man”) when there is no constant awareness of it. Rahel would, according to her thesis, see it that way if she had had a second chance, so to speak, to live her life. With this biography Arendt tries to show this "representative" for the romantic.

expenditure

  • Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. The life of a Jewess. London: East and West Library, 1957; 2nd, enl. edition, ed. by Liliane Weissberg, transl. by Richard and Clara Winston. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997, xii / 388 pp., ISBN 0-801-85587-X .
  • Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen: Life story of a German Jewess from the romantic . Munich, 1959; Piper, Munich, new editions: 1981–1998, 10th edition 2003, ISBN 3-492-20230-6 .
  • Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen: The life of a jewish woman. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, New York 1974

literature

  • Barbara Hahn : Rahel Varnhagen. The Live of a Jewess - or: the life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic era. In: Wolfgang Heuer, Bernd Heiter, Stefanie Rosenmüller (eds.): Arendt manual. Life, work, effect. JB Metzler, Stuttgart Weimar 2011, ISBN 978-3-476-02255-4 , pp. 23-25.
  • The correspondence. Hannah Arendt, Gershom Scholem . Edited by Marie Luise Knott with the assistance of David Heredia. Jüdischer Verlag im Suhrkamp Verlag, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3633-54234-5 , letters: pp. 7, 9 (note 3), 19, 415-417 and Marie Luise Knott: Arendt-Scholem, Die Konstellation, p. 617 -620.
  • Elisabeth Young-Bruehl : Hannah Arendt. Life, work and time. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-596-16010-3 , pp. 101-104, pp. 139-147. (American. Original edition Hannah Arendt: For Love of the World. Yale University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-300-02660-9 ).
  • Nikolaus Gatter: "She became thoroughly stupid and commonplace ...". Hannah Arendt's book about Rahel Varnhagen. In: Gerhard Besier et al. (Ed.): Totalitarism and Liberty. Hannah Arendt in the 21st Century. KA, Kraków 2008, pp. 381-419.
  • Antonia Grunenberg : Arendt. Herder, Freiburg 2003, ISBN 3-451-04954-6 , pp. 33-39, pp. 42f., Pp. 59f.
  • Wolfgang Heuer : Hannah Arendt. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1987, pp. 25-29, pp. 73-77.
  • Ingeborg Nordmann: Foreword . In: Hannah Arendt. Truth only exists in twos. Letters to friends. Piper, Munich Zurich, 2013, p. 7ff
  • Annette Vowinckel : Arendt. Reclam, Leipzig 2006, ISBN 978-3-379-20303-6 , pp. 18-22.
  • Thomas Wild: Hannah Arendt. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 3-518-18217-X , pp. 68-72.
  • Liliane Weissberg: Hannah Arendt and her "really best friend who has unfortunately been dead for a hundred years" , pp. 28 to 35, in: Monika Boll, Dorlis Blume, Raphael Gross (editor): Hannah Arendt and the 20th century , 2020, ISBN 978-349207035-5

Footnotes

  1. ↑ She was briefly connected with Benno von Wiese through a love affair.
  2. ↑ Liliane Weissberg: Hannah Arendt and her "really best friend, who has unfortunately been dead for a hundred years" , p. 28, in: Monika Boll, Dorlis Blume, Raphael Gross (editor): Hannah Arendt and the 20th century , 2020
  3. ↑ Wolfgang Heuer: Hannah Arendt. Reinbek 1987, p. 25 and Alois Prinz: Profession philosopher or love for the world. The life story of Hannah Arendt. Weinheim u. Basel 1998, p. 71f.
  4. ^ Kurt Sontheimer: Hannah Arendt. The way of a great thinker. Munich 2005, quoted according to TB edition 2006, p. 32.
  5. ^ Letter v. October 17, 1941, in: The Correspondence. Hannah Arendt, Gershom Scholem. Berlin 2010, p. 19.
  6. ^ Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers: Briefwechsel 1926–1969 Piper, Munich 1985, p. 332. Letter of September 7, 1956.
  7. ^ Antonia Grunenberg: Arendt . Freiburg 2003, p. 34f.
  8. ^ Elisabeth Young-Bruehl: Hannah Arendt. Life, work and time. (American original version 1982), Frankfurt a. M. 2004, p. 139ff.
  9. ↑ cit. to. Antonia Grunenberg 2003, p. 33.
  10. ^ Letter v. July 11, 1959, in: The Correspondence. Hannah Arendt, Gershom Scholem. Berlin 2010, p. 415f.
  11. ^ Letter v. June 29, 1959, in: The exchange of letters. Hannah Arendt, Gershom Scholem. Berlin 2010, p. 417.
  12. ↑ so Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, (1982), 2004, p. 101ff and Antonia Grunenberg, 2003, p. 35.
  13. ^ East and West Library.
  14. ↑ Liliane Weissberg: Hannah Arendt and her "really best friend, who has unfortunately been dead for a hundred years" , p. 33, in: Monika Boll, Dorlis Blume, Raphael Gross (editor): Hannah Arendt and the 20th century , 2020
  15. ↑ Liliane Weissberg: Hannah Arendt and her "really best friend, who has unfortunately been dead for a hundred years" , letter printed on p. 34, in: Monika Boll, Dorlis Blume, Raphael Gross (editor): Hannah Arendt und das 20 Century , 2020
  16. ↑ Thomas Wild: Hannah Arendt. Frankfurt a. M. 2006, p. 69.
  17. ↑ Liliane Weissberg: Hannah Arendt and her "really best friend, who has unfortunately been dead for a hundred years" , letter printed on p. 38, in: Monika Boll, Dorlis Blume, Raphael Gross (editor): Hannah Arendt und das 20 Century , 2020
  18. ^ Barbara Hahn: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. In: Wolfgang Heuer, Bernd Heiter, Stefanie Rosenmüller (eds.): Arendt manual. Life, work, effect. Stuttgart Weimar 2011, p. 24.
  19. ↑ See Julia Kristeva: The female genius Hannah Arendt. (Franz. Original 1999), Berlin 2001, p. 96f.
  20. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 13.
  21. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 15.
  22. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 23.
  23. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 287.
  24. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 72.
  25. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 125f.
  26. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 85.
  27. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 107.
  28. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 181.
  29. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 97.
  30. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 136.
  31. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 143.
  32. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 158.
  33. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 299.
  34. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 280.
  35. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 196f.
  36. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 206.
  37. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 287f.
  38. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 9.
  39. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 209.
  40. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 212.
  41. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 229.
  42. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 233.
  43. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 215.
  44. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 17.
  45. ^ Hannah Arendt: Rahel Varnhagen. Life story of a German Jewess from the Romantic period. (1959); Munich 1981, p. 17.