Rajani palm bun

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Rajani Palme Dutt (born June 19, 1896 in Cambridge , † December 20, 1974 in London ) was a British communist politician, journalist and author. Dutt, who is equally journalistic and politically active, was a key figure in the leadership apparatus of the Communist Party of Great Britain for over four decades . Although he held the actual leadership of the party only briefly and under exceptional circumstances and otherwise exerted influence over long periods of time informally or within the framework of a leadership collective, he is now considered "the most important figure in the Communist Party of Great Britain." Around the center In the 20th century, he was also the most widely received Marxist theorist of the English language worldwide - especially in the British colonies and dominions . However, the humanly difficult bun, described as a “cold fish”, was quite controversial within the party and outside the party - especially among non-communist leftists - often downright hated. This negative image, which is still largely effective, was due in particular to Dutt's characterization, which was widespread in British journalism during the Cold War - “the prototype of the Communist robots” - and which was adopted almost unchanged by the eurocommunist movement in the CPGB after his death .

Life

origin

Dutt's father, Upendra Krishna Dutt, was born in Calcutta . One of his relatives was the colonial official and historian Romesh Chunder Dutt , whose Economic History of India , published between 1902 and 1904, provided important arguments for the emerging Indian nationalism. On the basis of a one-year scholarship, Upendra Krishna Dutt came to Great Britain in 1875 at the age of 18 , where he studied medicine and then settled as a doctor. Dutt's mother was the Swedish writer Anna Palme. She came from a middle-class, conservative family who broke off contact with her when she learned of the relationship with the Indian doctor, who was rejected because of his origins and poverty. Through his mother, Rajani Palme Dutt was related to the future Prime Minister of Sweden, Olof Palme . Dutt's older brother was the botanist Clemens Palme Dutt , his sister the mathematician and ILO employee Ellie Dutt.

Upendra Krishna Dutt had set up a practice in a suburb of Cambridge primarily inhabited by railroad workers. His son, born in 1896, also spent his childhood in this environment. At the same time he came into contact with Indian nationalists such as Surendranath Banerjee and Lala Lajpat Rai as well as British socialists such as Philip Snowden and Tom Mann at home. However, Dutt himself did not consider these influences, but rather his own childhood observations to be formative. In the draft of his unpublished autobiography, he stated:

“I was a socialist before I knew what socialism was. My father had a practice in the working-class district in Cambridge. (...) Then at the extreme other end of Cambridge would be the huge grounds of the professors and big people; mansions with slippery floors to walk on and cups you had to balance in your hands and high conversation about literature and art and all kinds of big questions. It was clear to me as a simple fact of life that these were the criminal classes living on the loot and the others were the ones that did the work. "

academic education

With a lot of effort, the Dutt parents were able to finance a visit to the Perse School in Cambridge. There he distinguished himself and received in 1914 a free place at Balliol College of Oxford University . A few weeks after arriving in Oxford, he joined the Independent Labor Party in the fall of 1914 . At that time, the group of anti-war socialists at the university comprised only six students; it was faced by an overwhelming majority of often aggressive nationalist professors and fellow students. The only war opponent among the teaching staff, the philosopher Bertrand Russell (for whom Dutt organized a public debate with the war advocate Alexander Dunlop Lindsay in late 1914 ), was released and imprisoned for two years in 1916. In Oxford, Dutt became close friends with the Australian early historian and archaeologist Vere Gordon Childe . With him and others, he offered training courses for workers in rural Oxfordshire . He was also involved in the Universities Socialist Federation affiliated with the Fabian Society , at whose events he met George Bernard Shaw , Beatrice and Sidney Webb and Ben Tillett . In 1916 Dutt was imprisoned for six months for refusing to do military service, but was then able to return to the university. However, he was now being closely monitored by the university administration. She took a lecture event organized by Dutt at the end of October 1917, which was massively disrupted by nationalist students, as an opportunity to force him, as a "troublemaker", to leave the university premises. He was only allowed to return for one day to take exams a year later. Although he passed the exams with very good success, the Oxford graduates were not open to the usual development opportunities. An apparently contemplated settlement as a teacher in India was thwarted by the university, which expressly noted his oppositional behavior in the graduation certificate and recommended that those “who are responsible to make the appointment” consider using it in a safer place.

Postwar period and advancement in the CPGB

In the spring of 1919 Dutt received a position as International Secretary in the Labor Research Department , a research institute affiliated with the Labor Party , at that time controlled by the Fabians . Here the 24-year-old worked for the leadership bodies of the Labor Party , and a career in the apparatus of this party certainly seemed to be mapped out. However, the complete incompatibility of the reformist gradualism advocated in these circles with Dutt's political and organizational ideas, which were becoming more and more clearly Leninist , quickly became apparent . Dutt saw the discussions with communist and left-wing socialist students at a meeting in Geneva in December 1919, in which Bolshevik delegates also took part, as decisive for his further development . In this phase he completed his transition to Marxist positions, which he had begun in 1915, and subsequently campaigned for the Independent Labor Party to join the Communist International (KI). Dutt belonged to an ILP group that was founded on July 31 / April 1. August 1920 participated in the founding congress of the Communist Party of Great Britain . There he became a member of the CPGB, but was also a member of the ILP until early 1921.

In July 1921 Dutt cried together with Robert Page Arnot magazine Labor Monthly to life. The paper, which was founded in coordination with the KI and for which Dutt was responsible for decades, was conceived as a non-partisan forum for the labor movement and was primarily intended to help bring representatives of the left wing of the Labor Party into conversation with the CPGB. In the following year he - together with Harry Pollitt and Albert Inkpin - was appointed to a three-person organization commission , which was supposed to reorganize the CPGB according to "Bolshevik principles". This also included the restructuring of the party press, which Dutt initiated in February 1923 with the establishment of Workers' Weekly . Under his editorship, the new central organ was able to increase the circulation from 19,000 to 51,000 copies within a few weeks. These and other successes paved Dutt's way into the inner party leadership; since the summer of 1923 he was a member of the party's five-member Political Bureau . Shortly before, he had been in Moscow for the first time and on this occasion got to know the leadership circle of the KPR (B) . Many from this group disappointed him, some - such as Gregorij Zinoviev - he considered "arrogant windbags". Josef Stalin , on the other hand, made a favorable impression . In 1970 Dutt recalled:

“After all the verbal pyrotechnics (...) Stalin spoke. (...) From that moment I could see that he was head and shoulders above all the others. "

Until 1924 Dutt was one of the proponents of close cooperation with the Labor Party . In this context he was also cautiously optimistic about the first Labor government formed a few weeks after the parliamentary elections of December 6, 1923 ; Although there was no illusion with regard to their programmatic potential, he assumed that this step was suitable to unbalance the well-established system of bourgeois politics with its inconsequential interplay of conservative and liberal heads of government. When the political disaster of this government, which was overthrown after ten months, led to the de facto collapse of the left wing of Labor and, as a result, to the completion of the integration of the Labor Party into the established political mechanisms, Dutt developed into one of the most prominent advocates of a confrontational line against Labor .

In 1924, Dutt married the Estonian communist and AI employee Salme Murrik in Stockholm , whom he had met in 1920 during negotiations leading up to the founding of the CPGB. Murrik, who exercised some kind of informal oversight of the British party at this stage and had direct links with the Executive Committee of the Comintern - particularly Otto Kuusinen - is believed to have accelerated Dutt's remarkably rapid advance into the front ranks of British Communists. In the same year Dutt and his wife moved to Brussels , where he stayed until 1936 - apart from brief interruptions. However, he retained his leadership positions in the CPGB and the editorial board of Labor Monthly .

Activities in Brussels, Paris and Berlin

Dutt justified his sudden "exile" with a change of location that became necessary for health reasons. At least his wife was seriously ill; he himself referred to his growing "exhaustion". Nevertheless, the scope of his political and journalistic work continued to grow. In Brussels, Dutt was available to the KI's Western European office and also took part in the work of the colonial office in Paris . He also stayed repeatedly in Berlin , where the Communist Party of India had an office and the magazine Vanguard , edited by M. N. Roy , was published. Dutt was involved in the preparations for the founding congress of the Anti-Imperialist League , which met in Brussels in February 1927 - which led to a real breakthrough in the work of the AI ​​sections in the colonies and dependent countries.

During these years Dutt dealt in particular with the problems of political and social development in India. In 1925 the CPGB sent Percy Glading to the subcontinent in order to establish contact with the Indian CP - whose ability to act was assumed based on Roy's information. However, after months of searching, Glading returned without discovering a single sign of communist organization activity. Against Roy's resistance, it was decided to work with the non-communist nationalists of the Indian National Congress . Dutt's first major work on India ( Modern India , 1927) also served to support this line . Here he recommended to the Indian political left to work at least in the medium term within the framework of the INC led by “petty bourgeois intellectual elements”; The politics of the circle around Gandhi is full of half-measures and weaknesses, but at the same time it is also the only one behind which a real mass movement stands. Through their cooperation, the left could fight certain, in Dutt's view catastrophic tendencies in INC policy. In a clairvoyant analysis, he considered the ideological and practical revival of pre-colonial social and religious norms to be fatal:

“So, from the existing foul welter of decaying and corrupt metaphysics, from the broken relics of the shattered village system, from the dead remains of court splendors of a vanished civilization, they sought to fabricate and build up and reconstitute a golden dream of Hindu culture - a 'purified' Hindu culture - which they could hold up as an ideal and a guiding light. (...) All social and scientific development was condemned as the conquerors' culture: every form of antiquated tradition, abuse, privilege and obscurantism was treated with veneration and respect. So it came about that the national leaders of the people, who should have been leading the people forward along the path of emancipation and understanding (...), appeared instead as the champions of reaction and superstition, caste privilege and division (.. .). "

Dutt placed his hopes primarily on the current represented by Jawaharlal Nehru in the INC. He had considerable informal influence on the politics of the Indian Communist Party until the early 1950s. Even after the “ultra-left” turn of the AI ​​in 1928, Dutt insisted that for the usually small, habitually and ideologically isolated communist parties in the colonies and dependent countries, a cooperative alliance strategy was to be preferred to an “offensive”, radically attacking policy be. For this he was criticized several times by the responsible AI representatives. For the capitalist metropolises, on the other hand, Dutt seemed to be most appropriate to the new line (although he evidently rejected its agitational escalation in the social fascism thesis). He played an important role in the reorientation of the CPGB, which in 1929 led to the replacement of the previous Secretary General Albert Inkpin. The Labor Party , he argued, was hopelessly lost for an emancipatory policy, and its influence must consequently be ruthlessly broken.

"From the liberal-constitutionalist-democratic outlook must necessarily follow, more and more clearly as the party grows larger, acceptance of the existing order (pending constitutional change), acceptance of the existing state, acceptance of the task of maintaining law and order, and so finally complete acceptance of capitalism, imperialism, class co-operation and coalition - in complete contradiction of the original aspiration of independent working class politics. "

During the dispute over the party's new line, Dutt was also attacked from within the CPGB for the first time. Representatives of the wing, which in spite of everything continued to regard the Labor Party as part of the labor movement, accused him, among other things, of "armchair Bolshevism", which was alien to life. The noticeable fact that the leading party theorist was more or less openly rejected by a significant part of the party apparatus also accompanied Dutt's work in the following decades and became the dominant constant in the 1960s at the latest with the emergence of the forerunners of the eurocommunist movement. Conversely, thanks to his often brilliant monthly comments ( Notes of the Month ) in Labor Monthly, Dutt was able to create a solid readership of party members and sympathizers who trusted his rather than the judgment of the respective party leadership.

Confrontation with fascism

In 1934 Dutt published Fascism and Social Revolution . In its conclusions for the line of the CPGB, the book - which appeared only a few weeks before the united front agreement between communists and socialists in France, which introduced popular front policy - was soon outdated, but in its analytical passages it proved to be one of Dutt's most enduring and influential theoretical works. For the author, the basis of the fascist tendency was the general crisis of bourgeois capitalist societies that began in 1914. Since then, all attempts to get stable capitalist growth going again have failed. Political stabilization was therefore necessarily precarious. This is particularly evident in the rapid wear and tear of the social democratic-reformist current of the labor movement, which was integrated into the ruling mechanism after the war - its illusions about political democracy and "organized" or "planned" capitalism were at the latest with the collapse of the capitalist world economy (see world economic crisis ) as such open or would even turn out to be "already an unconscious groping after Fascism without facing its logical implications". The real fascism is "a form, a means of capitalist class rule in conditions of extreme decay" and to that extent "against than the question of a Mussolini or a Hitler."

"The society of 'stabilized Fascism' (...) would be a society of organized decay. The essence of fascism is the endeavor violently to suppress and overcome the ever-growing contradictions of capitalist society. "

From this point of view, Dutt examined in detail the development of fascist tendencies in Italy, Germany and Austria. In the USA, France and Great Britain, too, a movement towards fascist content can be observed on all levels of society, but this has not (yet) completely broken through, since the ruling classes of these main victorious powers of the world war have more extensive resources and options for action than those of other countries decreed. Nevertheless, Dutt analyzed the social and political content of the “Roosevelt emergency regime” as the clearest expression of a fascist danger in the United States up to that point; local observers should not be fooled by the "sentimental philanthropic ballyhoo". He saw Great Britain entering a phase of development with the National Government established in 1931 , which he described as "encroaching fascism" - comparable to the Brüning regime in Germany. As evidence for this, Dutt referred to the increasing decoupling of government activity from parliamentary procedures, the rapid expansion and militarization of the police apparatus, the increasing restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly, experimentation with various forms of forced labor and finally, as evidence of this, observed under MacDonald the formation of the National Labor Organization manifested the open transition of the leading Labor politicians into the bourgeois camp. This assessment of the domestic political situation in Great Britain remained largely binding on the CPGB until 1940/1941.

As part of his analysis of capitalist decline and the bourgeois state's support for this decline, Dutt wrote - with a view to the category of the "superfluous" - a passage that was occasionally one of the earliest warnings about what had become a reality during the Second World War industrialized mass murder is quoted:

"The more obvious and glaring expressions of this process, the burning of foodstuffs, the dismantling of machinery that is still in good condition, strike the imagination of all. But all do not yet see the full significance of these symptoms. (...) To-day they are burning wheat and grain, the means of human life. To-morrow they will be burning living human bodies. "

Dutt and the line of the CPGB during World War II

At the beginning of the Second World War, the CPGB got into a serious crisis. Politburo and Central Committee supported the declarations of war by Great Britain and France against Germany. In the first weeks of the war, the party even tried, in a peculiar extension of its anti-fascist pre-war course, to distinguish itself as an advocate of particularly decisive warfare. Pollitt published a booklet called How to Win the War . However, on September 15, 1939, Dutt and William Rust urged the Politburo to reconsider the party's stance. As long as the USSR is not involved in the war, the situation is similar to that of 1914, where we are initially dealing with a conflict between two imperialist camps in which the political order of the powers involved does not play a role at all; the task of a revolutionary party is therefore not an imaginary "defense of democracy", but the fight against its "own" government. If, on the other hand, a “ people's government ” comes about through the struggle of the political left , this is also legitimized to intervene against fascist aggression, since the imperialist agenda would then cease to exist. At first, however, Dutt was unable to assert himself; a telegram from the AI ​​leadership, which supported Dutt's position, was suppressed by Pollitt. The turning point was not brought about until the CPGB representative arrived at the KI. On October 2nd, a majority of the Central Committee voted for the change of course. In the previous extremely controversial discussions, Dutt openly pointed out the problematic tendencies that he saw in the party and responsible for the latest “wrong track”:

"We know anti-International tendencies, a contemptuous attitude to the International, anti-Soviet tendencies, the kind of thing that began already at the time of the trials, talk of the collapse of the International, talk of the Soviet Union following its interests and the like, talk of our being an independent party, all kinds of things like that, that are reflections of enemy outlooks, of imperialist and labor reformist outlooks that have no place in the party. "

Dutt - who now took over the post of General Secretary von Pollitt - also demanded that those members who considered the new line he advocated to be wrong to actively represent it externally and threatened that "any member who in such a moment deserts from active work for the party wants to be branded for his political life. ”Many representatives of the minority opinion particularly resented this; Dutt's relationship with William Gallacher , for example, remained permanently shattered.

Though controversial among members and sympathizers and triggered violent attacks on the party, the new line by no means turned out to be the political disaster it is sometimes portrayed as. Dutt positioned the CPGB as the advocate of everyday proletarian interests and the desire for peace, thus laying the foundation for the party's rapid growth from 1941 onwards, albeit under different circumstances. Labor Monthly was able to record the number of its subscribers between December 1939 and December 1940 increase to 20,000 and thus double. After the German invasion of the Soviet Union , Dutt first tried to maintain the demand for a “people's government” and the ideas of a popular front movement that had been created in the months before within the framework of the People's Convention ; he was convinced that only this could guarantee a real coalition warfare with the Soviet Union and at the same time develop a political perspective for Great Britain. When it became clear in July 1941 that Soviet policy was tantamount to cooperation with the Churchill government, Dutt withdrew from the position of general secretary, which Pollitt again assumed. In the following years Dutt achieved a certain national prominence, as, among other things, the BBC occasionally invited him to radio-broadcast discussions until 1947.

Dutt and the post-war development of the CPGB

In the run-up to the new elections scheduled for July 5, 1945 - the first since 1935 - Dutt called for the coalition government to continue during the war. For the elections, he envisaged a left alliance in order to capture as many constituencies as possible. Among other things, he referred to a poll in which 55% of voters in May 1945 voted for a popular front government. A victory for Labor without this alliance - which the Labor leadership rejected - Dutt considered out of the question. He himself was set up in the constituency of Sparkbrook , where the Secretary of State for India Leopold Amery , standing far to the right, took office. Although supported by numerous prominent contemporaries in the election campaign (including Augustus John , JBS Haldane and George Bernard Shaw), Dutt received only 1,853 votes (7.6%) and was clearly defeated.

As the Cold War began , the CPGB was able to hold onto the positions it had consolidated before and during the Second World War, although it had been systematically isolated by government agencies, the Labor Party and trade union leaderships. In 1951 Dutt was involved in the development of the new party program ( British Road to Socialism ), which declared a socialism brought about by the parliamentary majority of a People's Front shaped by the Communist Party as a long-term political goal. During this phase, he became increasingly involved in the International Department of the CPGB, which had acted as a kind of authoritative contact point for communist parties in British colonies and areas of influence since the KI was dissolved in 1943. In this function he intervened in the development of the communist parties in Nigeria , Cyprus , Israel , Egypt , India, Pakistan and Iraq . In particular, advising the South and Southeast Asian parties brought Dutt into conflict several times with the often contradicting line pursued by the Soviet Union.

Before and during the war, the CPGB had changed. Until the mid-1930s it was a classic cadre party without a mass base and influx from social milieus outside the working class, after 1945 it had a disproportionately high proportion of professional intellectuals who, in addition to their party membership, were partly independent and partly supported by the party in separate circles and initiatives organized. Dutt - originally a typical Oxbridge radical himself - observed the network around the magazine Modern Quarterly or structures such as the Communist Club and the Communist Party Historians Group with suspicion, because he viewed such guild-like associations with their special interests as a threat to the party's political unity held. He saw his fears confirmed when, as a result of the XX. At the CPSU congress, an opposition faction emerged in the party, whose speakers and activists were almost exclusively academics such as Christopher Hill , Edward P. Thompson or John Saville . With their publications following Khrushchev's secret speech, these triggered a crisis in the CPGB, which at the turn of the year 1956/1957 led the party to the brink of incapacity to act. With his first, later somewhat relativized, reaction to the revelations about Stalin (“spots on the sun”), Dutt had contributed significantly to the escalation of the debate and, at the same time, ruined his reputation among the left-liberal public. Although he was not a naive “admirer” of Stalin, he viewed the thaw in the Soviet Union with skepticism. In 1970, in an interview with the Sunday Times, he said:

"He [Khrushchev] treated Stalin as though he had been an absolute idiot, an incompetent. This kind of treatment by a little fellow like Khruschev simply gave an impression of spitefulness. "

Retreat and final years

Dutt retired from the party's executive committee in 1965, a year after his wife's death. Pollitt, one of the few CPGB management cadres with whom he had maintained a close personal friendship to the very end, despite the dramatic conflict in 1939, had died in 1960. In the remaining years, Dutt devoted himself increasingly to the problems of Africa's development in individual publications and in Labor Monthly . In addition, he dealt extensively with modern racism . Immediately after the Second World War he had already pointed out that racist thinking in Great Britain - against the background of the slow onset of immigration from the (ex) colonies and the parallel decline of the British labor aristocracy , which was economically and socially tied to the Empire - was a political problem Ranges would be. Even before the Notting Hill Riots of 1958, Labor Monthly hosted a conference on this hitherto completely ignored topic. Dutt was concerned on the one hand with a critique of racist argumentation patterns and on the other hand with an examination of the challenges that arose from the emergence of a culturally and “racially” heterogeneous working class in the capitalist metropolises for the politics of communist parties.

With Dutt, the last and most prominent member of a generation of British communists withdrew from the party leadership, which always placed the individual national communist parties and their specific policies in a global context, i.e. as part of a world movement - with the Soviet Union as the central point of reference and initiator - had looked at. Against this background, she - and none more than Dutt - had relativized the ongoing organizational misery of the CPGB and referred to the continuous growth of socialist influence on a world scale. In the course of the 1960s, however, a tendency gained increasing influence which saw orientation towards and subordination to the Soviet Union as an obstacle to political success on a national scale. As a result, it began to break away from the central axioms of Leninist understanding of politics (cf. Eurocommunism ). During the Czechoslovakian crisis in 1968 it became clear that this group now knew a majority of the party leadership behind them - they pushed through a public distancing from the Soviet policy of intervention. During the dispute over this decision, which split the CPGB into two initially latently and finally openly hostile camps within a few months, Dutt played an active role in party politics for the last time. Although he no longer held any functions and was only able to intervene in the debate through Labor Monthly , he was perceived as the head of the current called tankies by their opponents until his death on December 20, 1974 . Despite his ongoing solidarity with the USSR, he recently indicated that the amount of talent, manpower and time that communists of his generation had invested in political work under this sign threatened to come to nothing. In conversation with a television team who accompanied him for a documentary film in 1972, Dutt said casually (after the shooting was over):

"I put my money on Germany, the terrible mistake was that it was only Russia."

Current reception

For a long time almost completely unnoticed, a rediscovery of individual parts of Dutt's work has been in progress for a number of years, albeit a manageable one. Since 2010 the Perse School in Cambridge has organized the Rajani Palme Dutt Memorial Lecture annually in cooperation with the Communist Party of Britain .

Works (selection)

World Politics (1936)

• The Two Internationals , London 1920.
• Modern India , London 1927.
• Fascism and Social Revolution , London 1934.
• World Politics 1918-1936 , London 1936.
• The Social and Political Doctrine of Communism , London 1938.
• India To-day , London 1940.
• Britain's Crisis of Empire , London 1950. [German as Great Britain's Empire crisis , Berlin 1951]
• India Today and Tomorrow , London 1955.
• The Internationale , London 1964.

literature

• Callaghan, John, Rajani palm bun. A Study in British Stalinism , London 1993.
• Herrmann, Paul-Wolfgang, The Communist Party of Great Britain. Studies on the historical development, organization, ideology and politics of the CPGB from 1920-1970 , Meisenheim am Glan 1976.

Web links

• Full index of Labor Monthly years 1921-1947
• Website with a small selection of Dutt's texts

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Callaghan, John, Rajani Palme Dutt. A Study in British Stalinism, London 1993, p. 7.
2. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 10.
3. ↑ The daily worker editor Dougas Hyde, who left the CPGB in 1948, characterized Dutt as "utterly unhuman". See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 231. As recently as 1993, a Trotskyist author thought it appropriate to refer to Dutt as “scoundrel” in a review of Callaghan's recently published biographical study. See Callas, Duncan, The Shyster Lawyer, in: Socialist Review, No. 167 (September 1993), p. 30. Another - quite critical - contemporary saw in him "a man of intellectual brilliance amounting to genius." See Callaghan , Dutt, p. 231.
4. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 231.
5. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 9ff.
6. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 12.
7. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 13.
8. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 14f.
9. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 16.
10. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 18f.
11. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 19.
12. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 21.
13. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 34.
14. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 24.
15. ↑ See Klugmann, James, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Vol. 1: Formation and early years, 1919-1924, London 1968, p. 26.
16. ↑ See Klugmann, Formation, pp. 76f. and Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 42f., 47ff.
17. ^ See Klugmann, Formation, p. 216 and Callaghan, Dutt, 52.
18. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 50.
19. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 67.
20. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 53.
21. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 58.
22. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 45f.
23. ↑ See Klugmann, Formation, p. 336.
24. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 61.
25. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 59.
26. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 60f.
27. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 90.
28. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 91.
29. ^ Dutt, Rajani Palme, Modern India, pp. 111f.
30. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 254.
31. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 122f., 126.
32. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 137.
33. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 129f.
34. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 125ff.
35. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 119.
36. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 130f.
37. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 130.
38. ^ Dutt, Rajani Palme, Fascism and Social Revolution, 2nd edition, London 1935, p. 18. See also p. 169ff.
39. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 19.
40. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 18.
41. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 243.
42. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 267.
43. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 267.
44. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 267.
45. ↑ See Dutt, Fascism, pp. 262ff. See also Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 150ff., 174ff.
46. ^ Dutt, Fascism, p. 68.
47. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 180.
48. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 181.
49. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 184.
50. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 184.
51. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 192.
52. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 198.
53. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 230, 233.
54. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 212.
55. ↑ See Herrmann, Paul-Wolfgang, The Communist Party of Great Britain. Studies on the historical development, organization, ideology and politics of the CPGB from 1920-1970, Meisenheim am Glan 1976, p. 436.
56. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 239ff.
57. ↑ In 1948, encouraged by Moscow, the communists began armed uprisings in India, Burma and Malaya. Dutt considered this to be disastrous and wrong, especially in the case of India, which is why representatives of the Indian CP accused him of a “reformist” attitude. After Stalin's death, Khrushchev sought and found proximity to the Indian government without transition or comment and thereby disavowed the entire policy of the KPI since independence. See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 229, 248ff.
58. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 263. See also Herrmann, CPGB, p. 255ff.
59. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 269.
60. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 270.
61. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 279.
62. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, pp. 281ff.
63. ↑ See Callaghan, Dutt, p. 284.
64. ↑ See in all Falber, Reuben, The 1968 Czechoslovak Crisis: Inside the British Communist Party, London o. J.
65. ↑ Quoted from Callaghan, Dutt, p. 279.
66. ↑ Cambridge to honor late Indian historian Rajni Palme Dutt , The Times of India, October 31, 2011, accessed November 19, 2011.