Soviet invasion of Poland

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Soviet invasion of Poland
Part of the invasion of Poland in World War II
Red Army invades Poland, 17 September 1939. Red Army invades Poland, 17 September 1939.
Date17 September6 October 1939
Location
Result Decisive Soviet victory
Belligerents
Poland Soviet Union
Commanders and leaders
Edward Rydz-Śmigły Mikhail Kovalov (Belarusian front),
Semyon Timoshenko (Ukrainian Front)
Strength
Over 20,000[1]
20 understrength battalions of Korpus Ochrony Pogranicza[2] and improvised parts of the Polish Army.[3]
Estimates vary from 466,516[4] to over 800,000[3]
33+ divisions,
11+ brigades
Casualties and losses
Estimates range from 3,000 dead and 20,000 wounded[5] to about 7,000 dead or missing,[2]
not counting about 2,500 POWs executed in immediate reprisals or murdered by anti-Polish OUN bands.[5]
250,000[2]-400,000[6] captured
Estimates range from 737 dead and under 1,862 total casualties (Soviet estimates)[5][7]
through 1,475 killed and missing and 2,383 wounded[8]
to about 2,500 dead or missing[3]
or 3,000 dead and under 10,000 wounded (Polish estimates).[5]

The Soviet Invasion of Poland of 1939 started on September 17, 1939, more than two weeks after the German attack on Poland which had begun on September 1. It ended in a decisive victory for the Soviet Red Army.

Shortly before the onset of the war, in 1939, the Soviet Union attempted to create an anti-German alliance with United Kingdom, France, Romania and Poland on the condition that the Soviet troops be allowed entry into Polish teritory.[9] That attempt ended in a predictable failure at which point the Soviets were free to pursue an agreement with a more willing Nazi Germany. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed between Soviets and Nazi Germany on August 23. Officially a non-aggression pact, it contained a secret appendix in which the Soviet Union and Germany divided the territory of Eastern Europe into their respective spheres of influence. Meanwhile, the Polish High Command withdrew majority of forces from the Polish-Soviet border to face the German threat. On September 17, following German successes in the west of Poland, the Red Army forces crossed the eastern Polish border. To justify their action, the Soviet Union issued a declaration that Poland as a feasible state no longer existed[10] and that the Soviet actions were intended to protect the Ukrainians and Belarusians who inhabited the eastern part of Poland.[11]

The Soviets quickly achieved their goals, easily overcaming the sporadic Polish resistance. About 6,000 to 7,000 Polish soldiers died in fighting against the Red Army;[2] about 230,000 or more became prisoners of war.[12] In the aftermath, all of the 13.5 million former Polish citizens from the areas annexed by the USSR were treated as if they were Soviet citizens, and unrest was quelled with thousands arrested or executed and hundreds of thousands (estimates vary) sent to the east in four major waves of deportations.[13]

The Soviet military operation united Ukrainians and Belarusians within the expanded Soviet Ukrainian and Byelorussian republics. The Soviet annexation of these territories was an important event in the history of Ukraine and Belarus, which eventually became independent states in 1991.[14] During the time of the People's Republic of Poland, the Soviet invasion was considered a delicate subject, often ommitted from official history, in order to preserve the illusion of "eternal friendship" between members of the Eastern Bloc.[15]

Prelude

The Polish-Lithuanian union of the fourteenth century began the cultural assimilation into Polish culture (Polonization) of the territories with large Ruthenian populations. This process intensified after the Union of Lublin in the sixteenth century. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Russian Tsardom fought over the mostly Ruthenian territories for centuries in a series of Polish-Russian Wars. Through both voluntary and forced cultural assimilation, Polish culture became dominant in the western Ruthenian lands, while Russian culture predominated in the eastern lands, where Russification had a significant impact.

Deployment of Polish divisions on 1 September. The majority of Polish forces were concentrated on the German border; the Soviet border was mostly stripped of units.

In the late 1930s, the Soviet Union attempted to create an anti-German alliance with the United Kingdom, France and Poland, all opponents of German expansion.[9][16][17][18][19][20] Negotiations for a Soviet-British-French alliance failed in summer 1939 because of Russian insistence on a sphere of influence stretching from Finland to Romania and on activation of the treaty not only by direct aggression but by "indirect aggression" towards territories in the assumed Soviet sphere of influence.[21] Soviet demands for right of passage and pre-emptive entry into Poland, Romania and the Baltic States were rejected by the respective governments, who, as Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Józef Beck, put it, did not trust the Red Army, once on their territory, to ever leave.[9] In reaction, the Soviets instead signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany, nine days before the German invasion. Officially a non-aggression pact, the agreement included a secret appendix in which the Soviet Union and Germany divided Eastern Europe into their respective spheres of influence.[22] The treaty was one of the decisive factors in convincing Hitler to begin the invasion of Poland.[9]

The treaty afforded the Soviet Union additional defensive space in case of hostilities in the West.[23] It also offered a chance to regain control over disputed territories lost after the Russian Revolution of 1917 and ceded to Poland in the aftermath of its defeat twenty years earlier and the possibility of reuniting the eastern and western branches of the Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples under Soviet control.[5][24][25] To facilitate a war between the capitalist powers might lead to their mutual exhaustion,[9] opening new territories to the spread of communist ideology.[26]

The German government followed the Polish September Campaign with repeated requests for the Soviets to act upon the August agreement attack Poland from the east. The German ambassador to Moscow, Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, and Stalin's protegé Vyacheslav Molotov exchanged a series of diplomatic communiqués on the matter.[11] The Soviets' response was delayed because they needed time to mobilise the Red Army, and they were distracted with the recent flare up in the Soviet-Japanese Border Wars. Further, the Soviets had to consider the possible reaction of the Western Allies reaction.[27] After the armistice between the Soviets and Japan was signed on September 16, following the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, Soviet forces in Europe, although not fully mobilized, were finally ready to move and secure their share of the spoils.[27][5]

Military campaign

File:Second World War europe.PNG
Invasion of Poland: Germany and its allies from the west (blue), Soviets from the east (red).

Events arising out of the Polish‑German War has revealed the internal insolvency and obvious impotence of the Polish state. Polish ruling circles have suffered bankruptcy. . . . Warsaw as the capital of the Polish state no longer exists. No one knows the whereabouts of the Polish Government. The population of Poland have been abandoned by their ill‑starred leaders to their fate. The Polish state and its government have virtually ceased to exist. In view of this‑state of affairs, treaties concluded between the Soviet Union and Poland have ceased to operate. A situation has arisen in Poland which demands of the Soviet‑Government especial concern for the security of its state. Poland has become a fertile field for any accidental and unexpected contingency that may create a menace to the Soviet Union. . . . Nor can it be demanded of the Soviet Government that it remain indifferent to the fate of its blood brothers, the Ukrainians and Byelo‑Russians [White Russians] inhabiting Poland, who even formerly were without rights and who now have been abandoned entirely to their fate. The Soviet Government deems it its sacred duty to extend the hand of assistance to its brother Ukrainians and brother Byelo­-Russians inhabiting Poland

— Vyacheslav Molotov, quoted in Times, Sept. 18, 1939, p. 5[28]
Situation after September 14, 1939. Note the Soviet advance in the east.

The Polish defence of the borders was already over by 17 September 1939, and the major Polish counter-offensive of the Battle of the Bzura was under way. The Polish plan had been to retreat and reorganize along the Romanian Bridgehead, an area near the southern border with Romania where they could hold out and wait for a French attack to distract the Germans in the west. These plans had to be abandoned overnight when the over 450,000-1,000,000[5] strong Soviet Union Red Army launched its attack invading the eastern regions of Poland, with seven field armies creating the Belarusian (under Mikhail Kovalyov) and Ukrainian (under Semyon Timoshenko) fronts.[5] The invasion violated the Riga Peace Treaty, the Soviet-Polish Non-Aggression Pact and other international bilateral and multilateral treaties.[29] Soviet diplomats claimed they were "protecting the Ukrainian and Belarusian minorities of eastern Poland in view of the imminent Polish collapse." In fact, the Soviets were acting in collusion with the Nazis, intending to carve Europe into the Nazi and Soviet spheres of influence specified in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.[11][7][10] Britain and France denounced Soviet actions as unjustified and reconfirmed their obligations to Poland (Polish-British Common Defence Pact, Franco-Polish Military Alliance).[5]

Soviet propaganda poster depicting the Red Army advance into Western Ukraine as liberation of the Ukrainians from the Polish yoke. The Ukrainian text reads: "We stretched our hand to our brothers so that they could straighten their backs and throw away to the oblivion the despised rule of the whips that lasted for centuries." Note the person thrown off the peasants' backs is the caricature image of Pilsudski in the Polish military uniform holding the whip ({{lang-uk:канчук, [kanchuk]). The "Polish masters" were summarily referred to as "kanchuks".

Marshal of Poland Edward Rydz-Śmigły, the Polish commander-in-chief, at first ordered Polish forces to resist the new invaders. Polish border defence forces in the east, known as the Korpus Ochrony Pogranicza (Border Defence Corps), consisted of about 20 understrength battalions[2] numbering about 20,000 troops under the command of general Wilhelm Orlik-Rueckemann.[5] Rydz-Śmigły then consulted Prime Minister of Poland, Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski, and ordered troops to fall back and not to engage the Soviets except in self-defense.[2][7] Those orders created confusion[5], and did not prevent clashes and even some small battles, as the Red Army did not hesitate to attack, giving Polish forces no option but to fight (or surrender).[2] Polish soldiers and the local Polish population attempted to defend their homeland against the new invaders—although in some cases non-ethnic Polish populations, particularly Ukrainians and Belarusians, welcomed the invading troops as liberators.[8] The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists rose against the Poles, and communist partisans organised local revolts, for example in Skidel.[5][30] The NKVD acted quickly to discipline such rogue elements.

Red Army cavalry in Lviv, 1939

Polish political and military leaders believed they were losing the war even before the Soviet invasion put the issue beyond doubt[5] Prior to the Soviet attack from the east, the Polish military's fall-back plan had called for long-term defence against Germany in the south-east of Poland, in the hope of relief from a Western Allies attack on Germany's western border.[5] Though the Polish government refused to surrender or negotiate a peace with Germany, it now ordered all units to evacuate Poland and reassemble in France.[5] And so, at around midnight on 17 September, half a day after the Soviet Union declared that the Polish state no longer existed, and only days after the Soviet government manufactured that justification for its actions,[11][10][31] the Polish government crossed into Romania. Within weeks, the Polish government in exile had established itself on foreign soil, where it set up the Polish Underground State to provide military and civilian resistance in Nazi-occupied Poland.[5]

Polish forces tried to move towards the Romanian bridgehead area. They still actively resisted the German invasion and occasionally clashed with the Soviet forces. In a battle that lasted from 17 September to 20 September, the Polish Armies Kraków and Lublin were defeated by the Germans at the Battle of Tomaszów Lubelski, the second largest battle of the campaign[32] (after the Bzura counteroffensive[33]). Lwów (Lviv) surrendered on 22 September, the Germans having attacked the city over a week earlier and handed operations over to the Soviets in mid-siege.[34][35]In a similar example of co-operation, the Wehrmacht passed the Brest Fortress, taken in the aftermath of the Battle of Brześć Litewski, over to the Soviet 29th Tank Brigade when they arrived on 17 September.[36] Under German General Heinz Guderian and Soviet Brigadier Semyon Krivoshein the two forces held a joint victory parade in the town.[36] On 19 September, Soviet forces took Wilno after a two-day battle; and on 24 September, the Red Army captured Grodno after a four-day battle.

File:German Soviet.jpg
Soviet (left) and German officers meet after the Soviet invasion of Poland.

The Red Army reached the line of the rivers Narew, Western Bug, Vistula and San by 28 September. They often met German units advancing from the other side. On October 1, during the battle of Wytyczno, one of the last battles of the campaign, Soviet troops forced Polish units to withdraw into the forests.[37][38]

Some isolated Polish garrisons managed to hold their positions long after being surrounded by enemy forces. The Polish capital of Warsaw, defended by reorganised retreating units, civilian volunteers and militias, held out until surrendering on 28 September. The Modlin Fortress north of Warsaw surrendered on 29 September, after an intense sixteen day battle. Oksywie garrison held until 19 September; and Hel was defended until 2 October. The surrender of the last operational unit of the Polish Army, General Franciszek Kleeberg's Samodzielna Grupa Operacyjna "Polesie", after the four-day Battle of Kock near Lublin on 6 October, marked the end of the September Campaign.

Aftermath

Small-town residents of Western Byelorussia gather to welcome the Red Army as they arrive to take over the territory from Poland. The Russian text reading "Long Live the great theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin-Stalin" contains a spelling error.
File:Germans and Soviets.jpg
The Red Army takes over in Brześć Litewski. The Wehrmacht general at the centre is Heinz Guderian; the Soviet general is Semyon Krivoshein.

Between 6,000 and 7,000 Polish soldiers died fighting the Red Army.[2] The Soviets took 230,000 to 450,000 Polish soldiers prisoner (230,000 immediately after the September campaign and an additional 70,000 after the Soviets annexed the Baltic States and assumed supervision of interned Polish soldiers there).[12][2] [6][39][2] The Soviets often failed to honour terms of surrender. In some cases, they promised Polish soldiers freedom after surrender and then arrested them when they lay down their arms.[5] The treatment of prisoners-of-wars, especially officers, was also controversial.[5] The Soviets also murdered tens of thousands of Polish prisoners-of-war; some, like General Józef Olszyna-Wilczyński, during the invasion itself (he was captured, interrogated and shot on 22 September).[5][40][41]On the 24 September in the village of Grabowiec near Zamość, Soviets murdered forty two staff and patients of a Polish military hospital.[42] After a tactical Polish victory at the battle of Szack on 28 September, where the combined KOP forces under general Wilhelm Orlik-Rueckemann routed the Soviet 52nd Rifle Division, the Soviets executed all the Polish officers they captured.[43] Over 20,000 Polish officers perished in the Katyn massacre.[36][5]

The Soviets conquered about 250,000 square kilometres of territory, inhabited by 13.5 million Polish citizens, while suffering only about 737 fatalities and a total of 1,862 casualties.[7] On 28 September, a further secret German-Soviet protocol adjusted the arrangements of August:[3] now all of Lithuania was made a Soviet, not German, sphere of influence, and the dividing line in Poland was moved in Germany's favour to the Bug River. With few exceptions, the Soviet Union annexed all Polish territory east of the line of the rivers Pisa, Narew, Western Bug, and San; the Soviet and German annexations are sometimes referred to as a 'Fourth partition of Poland'.[5] During the following two years, approximately 100,000 Polish citizens were arrested[44]; between 350,000 and over 1,500,000 Poles were deported, of whom between 250,000 and 1,000,000, mostly civilians, died.[13] Soviets, just like the Nazis, were hostile to the Polish culture and the Polish people, aiming at their destruction.[45]

Poland and the Soviet Union had never declared war on each other;[5] but the diplomatic relations were broken as the Soviets withdrew their recognition to the Polish government with the start of the invasion.[11] Polish-Soviet relations were briefly re-established in 1941 after the Sikorski-Mayski Agreement but then broken off again as news of the Katyn massacre emerged in 1943[46]; the Soviets then started a campaign to get the Western Allies to recognize the alternative Polish pro-Soviet puppet government in Moscow led by Wanda Wasilewska.[47].

Dominant nationalities in Poland and surrounding regions, 1931
Polish border-changes, 1939-1945.

Of the 13.5 million civilians living in the newly annexed territories, Poles comprised the largest single ethnic group; but Ukrainians and Belarusians together comprised over 50% of the population of those regions.[48] The operation did not give the Soviet Union control of all territories inhabited by Ukrainians or Belarusians, as there were still Ukrainians and Belarusians living west of the new German-Soviet border (some in the areas traded to Germany by the Soviet Union in the agreement of 28 October—see maps): Chełm and Lemkivshchyna (Łemkowszczyzna), for example, were among the ethnically Ukrainian lands that remained in German-occupied Poland. Nonetheless the Soviet invasion united the vast majority of Ukrainians and Belarusians within the expanded Soviet Ukrainian and Byelorussian republics. This had never been a main goal of the operation.[11] In fact, the Soviets pursued policies of Sovietization inimical to Ukrainian culture and Belarusian culture, as well as to Polish culture,[48] and not all Ukrainians or Belarusians welcomed reunification under the regime responsible for the Ukrainian Famine of 1932-33 (in practice, the poor usually welcomed the Soviets, while the elites tended to join the opposition).[49][50] Sovietization, which required compulsory collectivization of the whole region, was accompanied by the repression, bordering on terror, of any opposition: all political parties and public associations were broken up, their leaders denounced as "enemies of the people" and imprisoned or executed. Even the anti-Polish Ukrainian Insurrection Army met the same fate after 1939 and was finally wiped out in Operation Wisła in 1947,[51] having done much to convince western Ukrainians that their future no more lay in integration with the Soviet Union than it had in assimilation into Poland, but rather in the realisation of an independent, undivided Ukrainian state.[49][50] The unifications of 1939 were, even so, an important event in the history of Ukraine and Belarus, because it was from the Soviet republics that the two nations emerged as independent countries after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 when they created the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) with the Russian Federation.[14] Orest Subtelny sums up the historical significance of the Ukrainian reunification: "Since 1654, when the tsars began steadily to extend their control over Ukraine, Ukrainians had lived in two distinct worlds: one ruled by the Russians and the other by Poles or Austrians. As a result of the Second World War, the East/West Ukrainian dichotomy finally ceased to exist, at least on the political level. The process of amalgamation—of unification of two long-separated branches of the Ukrainian people—was not only a major aspect of the postwar period, but an event of epochal significance in the history of Ukraine".[52]

Rendezvous. Hitler is shown greeting Stalin with the words "The scum of the earth, I believe?" to which Stalin replies "The bloody assassin of the workers, I presume?" This political cartoon by David Low, first published in the Evening Standard on the 20th of September, 1939, satirises the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, depicting Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin greeting each other in exaggerated fashion following their invasion of Poland, with their words suggesting (correctly) that their understanding will be short-lived.

Soviet censors suppressed details of the 1939 invasion and its aftermath. Immediatly afterwards, Stalin insisted that the Anglo-French alliance had attacked Germany, not the other way round;[53] and Molotov said Germany had made peace efforts which had been turned down by "Anglo-French imperialists".[54] All Soviet governments denied the existence of the Secret Protocol to the Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact until end December 1989, when it was disclosed that it was "found" in the Soviet archives. [9]This policy was applied in the People's Republic of Poland and in the Eastern Bloc as a whole, in order to preserve the image of "Polish-Soviet friendship" promoted by the respective communist governments. The official policy varied from banning all mention of the invasion to a simplified portrayal of it as a "liberation" of the Polish people from "oligarchic capitalism", and the "reunification of Belarusian and Ukrainian people"; any further study or teaching of the subject was strongly discouraged.[38][36][15] Despite these attempts at whitewashing and the silencing of research and discussion about the the Soviet occupation and massacres in Poland, the matter was treated in various underground publications (bibuła)[38] or in other media, such as the 1982 protest songs of Jacek Kaczmarski (Ballada wrześniowa).[55]

Orders of battle

Battles of the Soviet invasion

The battles related to the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 include:

See also

Notes

  1. ^ It is very hard to judge the strength of Polish forces on the eastern border facing the Soviets. Increasing numbers of KOP units, as well as most Polish Army units stationed in the East during peacetime, were sent to the Polish-German border before or after the war. KOP forces guarding the eastern border numbered around 20,000 (Sanford). On 21 September, an improvised KOP "army" had a strength of 8700 troops. Polish army units which fought the Soviets had mostly been disrupted and weakened by their retreat from the Germans, making estimates of their strength problematic; it is estimated about 250,000 of such troops found themselves in the line of Soviet advance and offered sporadic resistance (Sanford). The total Polish army on 1 September 1939, counting un-mobilized (and sometimes, never mobilized) units, numbered about 950,000 (PWN). Historians agree that the vast majority of these forces never saw action against the Soviets.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Template:Pl icon Edukacja Humanistyczna w wojsku. 1/2005. Dom wydawniczy Wojska Polskiego. ISNN 1734-6584. (Official publication of the Polish Army). Last accessed on 28 November 2006.
  3. ^ a b c d KAMPANIA WRZEŚNIOWA 1939 (September Campaign 1939) from PWN Encyklopedia. Please note that the above link is the Internet Archive version, mid-2006. The new PWN article is significantly shorter.
  4. ^ According to Soviet sources—Colonel-General Grigory Fedot Krivosheev, Soviet casualties and combat losses in the twentieth century, ISBN 1-85367-280-7.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v George Sanford, Katyn And The Soviet Massacre Of 1940: Truth, Justice And Memory, Routledge, 2005, ISBN 0415338735, Google Print, p.20-24
  6. ^ a b Template:Ru icon Молотов на V сессии Верховного Совета 31 октября цифра «примерно 250 тыс.» (Please provide translation of the reference title and publication data and means)
  7. ^ a b c d Review of Jan T. Gross' Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia. H-net review, 2003. Last accessed on 14 November 2006.
  8. ^ a b Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1988). "Ukrainian Collaborators". Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947. McFarland. p. 199. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3. Cite error: The named reference "Piotr_p199" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  9. ^ a b c d e f THE COMING OF THE WAR AND EASTERN EUROPE IN WORLD WAR II. University of Kansas, lecture notes by professor Anna M. Cienciala, 2004. Last accessed on 15 March 2006.
  10. ^ a b c Tadeusz Piotrowski (1997). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide... McFarland & Company. p. 295. ISBN 978-0-7864-0371-4. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameters: |chapterurl= and |coauthors= (help)
  11. ^ a b c d e f See telegrams: No. 317 of September 10: Schulenburg, the German ambassador in the Soviet Union, to the German Foreign Office. Moscow, September 10 1939-9:40 p.m.; No. 371 of September 16; No. 372 of September 17 Source: The Avalon Project at Yale Law School. Last accessed on 14 November 2006; Template:Pl icon1939 wrzesień 17, Moskwa Nota rządu sowieckiego nie przyjęta przez ambasadora Wacława Grzybowskiego (Note of the Soviet government to the Polish government on 17 September 1939 refused by Polish ambassador Wacław Grzybowski). Last accessed on 15 November 2006.
  12. ^ a b Template:Pl icon obozy jenieckie żołnierzy polskich (Prison camps for Polish soldiers) Encyklopedia PWN. Last accessed on 28 November 2006.
  13. ^ a b The actual number deported in the period of 1939-1941 remains unknown, and various estimates vary from 350,000 (Template:Pl icon Encyklopedia PWN 'OKUPACJA SOWIECKA W POLSCE 1939–41', last retrieved on March 14 2006, Polish language) to over two million (mostly WWII estimates by the underground). The earlier number is based on records made by the NKVD and does not include roughly 180,000 prisoners of war in Soviet captivity. Most modern historians estimate the number of all people deported from areas taken by the Soviet Union during this period at between 800,000 and 1,500,000; for example R. J. Rummel gives the number of 1,200,000; Tony Kushner and Katharine Knox give 1,500,000 in their Refugees in an Age of Genocide, p.219; in his Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1917, p.132. See also: Marek Wierzbicki, Tadeusz M. Płużański (2001). "Wybiórcze traktowanie źródeł". Tygodnik Solidarność (March 2, 2001). {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help) and Template:Pl icon Albin Głowacki (2003). "Formy, skala i konsekwencje sowieckich represji wobec Polaków w latach 1939-1941". In Piotr Chmielowiec (ed.). Okupacja sowiecka ziem polskich 1939–1941. Rzeszów-Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. ISBN 978-83-89078-78-0. {{cite conference}}: Unknown parameter |booktitle= ignored (|book-title= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help) According to Norman Davies, almost half of the approximately one million deported Polish citizens were dead by the time the Sikorski-Mayski Agreement had been signed in 1941, as quoted by Bernd Wegner in From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the World, 1939-1941, Bernd Wegner, 1997, ISBN 978-1-57181-882-9. Google Print, p.78
  14. ^ a b Wilson concedes that "Ukrainian nationalists cannot denounce the 1939 Nazi-Soviet pact in the same terms as their Baltic counterparts, as it led to the unification of most Ukrainian lands". Quoted from: Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith, Cambridge University Press 1996, page 152.
  15. ^ a b Marc Ferro, The Use and Abuse of History: Or How the Past Is Taught to Children, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 978-0-415-28592-6, Google Print, p.258 See Education in the People's Republic of Poland for other examples.
  16. ^ Julian Jackson, "The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940.", Section: "The alliance that never was", pp. 71-74, Oxford University Press, 2003, ISBN 019280300X
  17. ^ Robert W. D. Boyce, "French Foreign and Defence Policy, 1918-1940: The Decline and Fall of a Great Power", pp. 263-264, Routledge, 1998, ISBN 0415150396
  18. ^ William Evans Scott, "Alliance Against Hitler: the origins of the Franco-Soviet pact", Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1962, LCCN 62-0
  19. ^ "The USSR proposed a ten-year Anglo-French-Soviet alliance which would include Rumania and Poland."
    Antoni Gronowicz, "Polish Profiles: The Land, the People, and Their History", p. 51, Westport, Conn. : L. Hill, 1976, ISBN 0882080601
  20. ^ {Мельтюхов, Михаил Иванович (Mikhail Meltyukhov), "Советско-польские войны. Военно-политическое противостояние 1918—1939 гг." (Soviet-Polish Wars. Political and Military standoff of 1918-1939), pp. 181-200, Moscow, Veche, 2001, ISBN 5-699-07637-9(in Russian).
  21. ^ Louise Grace Shaw, The British Political Elite and the Soviet Union, 1937–1939, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0714653985, p 119; Keith Neilson, Britain, Soviet Russia and the Collapse of the Versailles Order, 1919–1939, Cambridge University Press, 2006, ISBN 9780521857130, p 298.
  22. ^ According to Von Ribbentrop, Germany had agreed to what Britain had refused: a free hand in the Baltic and a free hand in the Balkan states. Gerald.L.Weinberg, A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II, Cambridge University Press, 1994, ISBN 0521443172, p 963.
  23. ^ James F. Dunnigan, The World War II Bookshelf: Fifty Must-Read Books, Citadel Press, 2004, ISBN 0806526092Google Print, p.132
  24. ^ Timothy Snyder, Covert Polish missions across the Soviet Ukrainian border, 1928-1933 (p.77, in Cofini, Silvia Salvatici (a cura di), Rubbettino, 2005).]
  25. ^ Dmitri Trenin, The Spacial Dimension of Russian History. From The End of Eurasia: Russia on the Border Between Geopolitics and Globalization. Carnegie Moscow Center. Last accessed 2 March 2007.
  26. ^ Michael Gelven, War and Existence: A Philosophical Inquiry, Penn State Press, 1994, ISBN 0271010541, Google Print, p.236
  27. ^ a b Steven J. Zaloga, Howard Gerrard, The Poland 1939: the birth of Blitzkrieg, Osprey Publishing, 2002, ISBN 1841764086, Google Print, p.80
  28. ^ CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR INTERNATIONAL EVENTS FROM 1931 THROUGH 1943, WITH OSTENSIBLE REASONS ADVANCED FOR THE OCCURRENCE THEREOF. A 421 page chronology with citations to original source documents. Published by the U.S. Government. Last accessed on 15 March 2007.
  29. ^ Apart from the two pacts mentioned, the treaties violated by the Soviet Union were: the 1919 Covenant of the League of Nations (to which the USSR adhered in 1934), the Briand-Kellog Pact of 1928 and the 1933 London Convention on the Definition of Aggression; see for instance: Template:En icon Tadeusz Piotrowski (1997). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide... McFarland & Company. ISBN 978-0-7864-0371-4. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameters: |chapterurl= and |coauthors= (help)
  30. ^ For example, see events as described in: Template:Pl icon Bronisław Konieczny, Mój wrzesień 1939. Pamiętnik z kampanii wrześniowej spisany w obozie jenieckim, KSIĘGARNIA AKADEMICKA SP. Z O.O./Biblioteka Centrum Dokumentacji Czynu Niepodległościowego, ISBN 978-83-7188-328-6 [1] [2] [3] and Moje życie w mundurze. Czasy narodzin i upadku II RP, KSIĘGARNIA AKADEMICKA SP. Z O.O., 2005 ISBN 978-83-7188-693-5 [4] [5]
  31. ^ Template:Pl icon Dariusz Baliszewski, "Most honoru", Tygodnik Wprost, Nr. 1138 (19 September 2004). Retrieved on 24 March 2005
  32. ^ The Vickers Mk. E light tank in the Polish service. Private Land Army Research Institute. Last accessed on 11 March 2007
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    Elżbieta Trela-Mazur (1997). Włodzimierz Bonusiak, Stanisław Jan Ciesielski, Zygmunt Mańkowski, Mikołaj Iwanow (ed.). Sowietyzacja oświaty w Małopolsce Wschodniej pod radziecką okupacją 1939-1941 (Sovietization of education in eastern Lesser Poland during the Soviet occupation 1939-1941). Kielce: Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna im. Jana Kochanowskiego. p. 294. ISBN 978-83-7133-100-8. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameters: |chapterurl= and |coauthors= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
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References

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  • Dunnigan, James F (2004). The World War II Bookshelf: Fifty Must-Read Books. Citadel Press. ISBN 0806526092.
  • Krivosheev, G.F (1997). Soviet Casualties and Combat Losses in the Twentieth Century. Translated by Christine Barnard. London: Greenhill Books; Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books. ISBN 1853672807.
  • Ferro, Marc (2003). The Use and Abuse of History: Or How the Past Is Taught to Children. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-28592-6.
  • Gelven, Michael (1994). War and Existence: A Philosophical Inquiry. Penn State Press. ISBN 0271010541.
  • Gronowicz, Antoni (1976). Polish Profiles: The Land, the People, and Their History. Westport, Conn.: L.Hill. ISBN 0882080601.
  • Template:Pl icon Grzelak, Czesław (1993). Szack - Wytyczno 1939. Warsaw: Bellona. ISBN 978-83-11-09324-9.
  • Jackson, Julian (2003). The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940. Oxford University Press. ISBN 019280300X.
  • Template:Ru icon Mel'tiukhov, M. I (2004). Sovetsko-pol'skie voiny, 2-e izd., ispr. i dop. (Soviet-Polish Wars: Political and Military Standoff, 1918-1939) Moskva: EKSMO: IAuza. ISBN 5699076379.
  • Template:Pl icon Konieczny, Bronisław. Mój wrzesień 1939. Pamiętnik z kampanii wrześniowej spisany w obozie jenieckim. KSIĘGARNIA AKADEMICKA SP. Z O.O./Biblioteka Centrum Dokumentacji Czynu Niepodległościowego. ISBN 978-83-7188-328-6.
  • Template:Pl icon ——— (2005). Moje życie w mundurze. Czasy narodzin i upadku. II RP, KSIĘGARNIA AKADEMICKA SP. Z O.O. ISBN 978-83-7188-693-5.
  • Neilson, Keith (2006). Britain, Soviet Russia and the Collapse of the Versailles Order, 1919–1939. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521857130.
  • Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1998). Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife: Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company. ISBN 978-0-7864-0371-4.
  • Template:Pl icon Ryś, Kazimierz (Kazimierz Ryziński); Ryszard Dalecki. Obrona Lwowa w roku 1939. Palestine-Rzeszów: WEiP APW, Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 50. ISBN 978-83-03-03356-7 (ISBN refers to the 1990 reprint of the original publication).
  • Sanford, George (2005). Katyn And The Soviet Massacre Of 1940: Truth, Justice And Memory. Routledge. ISBN 0415338735.
  • Shaw, Louise Grace (2003). The British Political Elite and the Soviet Union, 1937–1939. Routledge. ISBN 0714653985.
  • Snyder, Timothy (2005). "Covert Polish Missions Across the Soviet Ukrainian Border, 1928-1933." In Confini: Costruzioni, Attraversamenti, Rappresentazionicura. Ed. Silvia Salvatici. Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro): Rubbettino. ISBN 8849812760.
  • Subtelny, Orest (2000). Ukraine: a History. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0802083900.
  • Wegner, Bernd (1997). From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the World, 1939-1941. Providence: Berghahn Books. ISBN 1571818820.
  • Weinberg, Gerald L (1994). A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521443172.
  • Wilson, Andrew (1997). Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521574579.
  • Zaloga, Steven J (2002). Poland 1939: The Birth of Blitzkrieg. Contributor Howard Gerrard. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1841764086.

External links

Further reading

  • Jan Tomasz Gross, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's West, Princeton University Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-691-09603-2