Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbā'ī

Abū ʿAlī Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Jubbā'ī ( Arabic أبو علي محمد بن عبد الوهاب الجبّائي, DMG Abū ʿAlī Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Ǧubbāʾī ; born in 849 in Jubbā in Chuzistan ; died 916 in ʿAskar Mukram near Ahwāz ) was one of the most important theorists of the Muʿtazila and at the same time one of the most important representatives of the Kalām at the turn of the 9th to the 10th century. As Ibn an-Nadīm notes, he was in charge of the Muʿtazilites of Basra in his day. Among the numerous works he dictated was a commentary on the Koran . Although this has not survived on its own, it has been partially reconstructed on the basis of quotations in later works.

Al-Jubba'ee's teaching had many followers , especially in Chuzistan and among the elites of Fars . The well-known theologian Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī was one of his many students . However, he later turned away from him and founded his own theological school, which is called Ashʿarīya .

Life

First stage of life

Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbā'ī was born in Jubbā, a place between Basra and Ahvaz on the Jail River, where sugar cane was grown. He was the descendant of a client of ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān named Humrān ibn Abān. Little is known about his childhood except that he was once saved from death when he was carried away by the river while fetching water. When he came to Basra at a young age, he met the Muʿtazilite Abū Yaʿqūb Yūsuf ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Shahhām, a companion of Abū l-Hudhail , and apprenticed with him. It is said that he enjoyed listening to the discussions of the Kalām scholars and afterwards told al-Shahhām the exact course of the discussions. Even in these early years he was known for his argumentative strength ( qūwat al-ǧadal ). In individual discussions in which he was allowed to participate, he cornered his opponents.

Stay in Baghdad

ʿAbd al-Jabbār ibn Ahmad reports that al-Jubbā'ī had enough wealth from his father to make a living. Between 870 and 872 he left Basra and lived in Baghdad for a while. Almost nothing is known about his stay in Baghdad, except that the well-known Muʿtazilite scholar Abū l-Qāsim al-Balchī attended his class here.

A passage in al-Ashʿarīs doxographic work Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn shows that al-Jubbā'ī saw himself impaired in his religious freedom of thought in Baghdad. In this passage it is reported that al-Jubbā'ī made a fundamental distinction between two types of geographic area, the "house of disbelief" ( dār al- kufr ) and the "house of faith" ( dār al-īmān ). For him, "house of disbelief" was "any area that one cannot pass or that one cannot be in without showing some form of disbelief or agreement with disbelief." In this sense, Baghdad also considered al-Jubbā'ī to be a "house of disbelief" because one could not stay there without pretending to be unbelieving. What he considered to be unbelief were Sunni dogmas such as the doctrine of imperfection in the Quran and the creation of sins by God.

As the leading theologian of the Muʿtazila in ʿAskar Mukram

Around 890 al-Jubbā'ī moved from Baghdad to ʿAskar Mukram northeast of Ahwāz. In this small town, which was very prosperous because of the sugar cane cultivation in the area, he stayed until the end of his life and gathered a circle of students around him. Among them were well-known personalities such as ʿAbd al-Wāhid ibn Muhammad al-Husainī, Muhammad ibn Zaid al-Wāsitī, Abū l-Fadl al-Hujandī and Mūsā ibn Rabāh and Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī. People also traveled to him from Khorasan and Transoxania to listen to his theological discussions. Abū ʿAbdallāh Muhammad ibn ʿUmar as-Saimarī (d. 927), who was almost the same age as al-Jubbā'ī and had previously studied with the Muʿtazilites in Baghdad, especially al-Chaiyāt, occupied a particularly prominent position among his followers . Al- Jubbā'ī referred to him as "our master" ( šaiḫu-nā ) in view of his age in order to show him respect.

His daughter and son were among those who studied with al-Jubbā'ī. His daughter spread the Muʿtazilite teachings among the women in the area. One of the works of al-Jubba'ī consisted of answers to their questions. Al-Jubbā'ī had numerous theological disputes with his son Abu Hāschim. In some cases, these led him to agree with his opinion.

Al-Jubbā'ī is said to have very rarely picked up books. ʿAbd al-Jabbār ibn Ahmad draws his companions with the statement that they only saw books in his hand twice. The first was the Zīdj of al-Khwarizmi , the second al-Ǧāmiʿ al-kabīr of al-Shaibānī .

Al-Jubbā'ī only left the place ʿAskar Mukram when he wanted to attend discussions in neighboring cities or to settle financial matters. So he regularly traveled to Ahwāz once a year, when the property tax ( ḫarāǧ ) was collected there, in order to collect the portion of it due to him. He then distributed these among his needy students and the poor in the area. Abū ʿAlī at-Tanūchī (d. 994) delivers a lengthy account of how al-Jubbā'ī reminded the chief of the tax authorities ( ṣāḥib ad-dīwān ) of Ahwāz, with whom he was friends, of his responsibility for the injustice of his officials exclaimed, making him repent and give up his office. It is also reported that once in the Sūq of Ahwāz, Jubbā'ī had a disputation with the Chorasan Muʿtazilite al-Hārith al-Warrāq.

The break with al-Ashʿari

A well-known disciple of al-Jubbā'ī was Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī . But he turned away from him after he got to know the works of the Basrian traditionalist Zakarīyā ibn Yahyā ad-Dabbī (d. 920) and became a Sunni . According to Ibn Challikān's report, the trigger was the discussion of the problem of the three brothers, to which al-Jubbā'ī had no answer. This problem is believed to have three brothers, one of whom was believing, virtuous, and pious, the second an unbeliever and libertine rejected by God, and the third a child. Al-Ashʿari wanted to know what the fate of the three will be like in the hereafter when they die. Al-Jubba'i replied, "The virtuous brother has a high position in Paradise, the unbeliever is in the depths of Hell, and the child is among those who have achieved salvation." - "If the brother who died as a child now wants to have the same position as the virtuous brother, is this possible?" Al-Jubbā'ī denied it and justified this with the fact that the virtuous brother had acquired more meritorious works in his life than the child. When al-Ashʿari objected that the brother who died as a child had not had the opportunity to acquire meritorious works due to his early death, al-Jubba'ī tried to explain his early death by stating that God knew he would be in the event of survival would have become sinful. Al-Ashʿari replied that in this case the brother who had become a sinner would also have the right to an early death. Al-Jubba'i could not answer that.

According to Ibn Challikān, al-Ashʿarī then left al-Jubbā'ī, and both felt a deep aversion to one another. From then on, the two theologians also fought each other in their writings (see below). Al-Ashʿari is said to have even covertly attended al-Jubbā'ī's class once and incited a woman who attended the class to repeatedly ask questions that al-Jubbā'ī could not answer. According to as-Safadī (d. 1363) there was a step relationship between al-Ash alārī and al-Jubbā'ī in that the latter had married al-Ashʿarī's mother, but this statement is not confirmed by any other source.

Death and burial

He ordered his son Abū Hāschim to bury him after his death also ʿAskar Mukram and not to move him away from there. When he died there in Shabān 303 (= February / March 916), the residents of ʿAskar Mukram said the funeral prayer for him. Abū Hāschim, however, insisted on taking his father's body to Jubbā and buried it in the same place where his mother and mother were, in a corner of the garden of al-Jubbā'ī.

Works

What Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbā'ī dictated, according to the testimony of his Baghdad colleague Abū l-Husain al-Chaiyāt (d. 913) alone, filled 150,000 sheets. Ibn an-Nadīm listed 70 books by him in his Fihrist, but none of these books has survived independently. What information about al-Jubbā'īs works can be found in later texts has been brought together by Daniel Gimaret in a bibliography comprising a total of 42 works.

His commentary on the Koran

Al-Jubbā'īs Kitāb at-Tafsīr has received particular attention in previous research . The work is said to have consisted of a total of over 100 parts. The Twelve Shiite scholar Ibn Tāwūs (d. 1266) devoted an entire chapter in his work Saʿd as-suʿūd fī n-nufūs to al-Jubbā'īs commentary on the Koran and cited many of his statements there. Quotations from the work are also preserved in later Tafsīr works, for example the Maǧmaʿ al-bayān by at-Tabrisī and the Tafsīr kabīr by Fachr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī . Rosalind Ward Gwynne and Daniel Gimaret have made an independent effort to reconstruct al-Jubbā'īs Tafsīr as much as possible on the basis of these quotations.

A peculiarity of the book was that al-Jubbā'ī did not cite any earlier exegetes, but only allowed the Muʿtazilite Abū Bakr al-Asamm (d. 816/7) to speak. A remark by Ibn ʿAsākir also shows that al-Jubbā'ī wrote it in the dialect of his locality, Jubbā. A peculiarity of the content of a Koran exegesis was that he rejected al-Chidr's identification, based on hadiths, with the servant of Sura 18 : 65. According to Ibn Tāwūs, al-Jubbā'īs Tafsīr also differed from other Koran commentaries in that they did not mention Qisas al-Anbiyāʾ and Asbāb an-nuzūl material and did not deal with the passages in which the Iʿjāz of the Koran appeared were.

Al-Jubbā'ī's commentary on the Qur'an has generated much criticism. His disciple al-Ashʿari wrote a commentary on the Qur'an designed to refute his Tafsīr and that of Abū l-Qāsim al-Balchī. In it he accused al-Jubbā'ī with reference to his dialectic commentary that he did not understand the language of the Koran at all. Ibn Tāwūs also quoted from the work so extensively to refute it. He accused al-Jubbā'ī, referring to his descent from a client of ʿUthmāns, of general hostility towards the Banū Hāschim and saw this as the real reason why al-Jubbā'ī nowhere in his Qur'an comment on the authority of ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās had referred.

Other works

A systematic treatise on the basics of the Muʿtazila was the Kitāb al-Uṣūl , to which al-Ashʿarī wrote a refutation. Other subjects on which al-Jubbā'ī wrote independent works are the Idschtihād (Gimaret No. 1), the Imamat (No. 7) and the principle of Al-Amr bi-l-maʿrūf wa-n-nahy ʿan il- munkar (No. 8). In many of his works, al-Jubbā'ī answered questions from students (Gimaret nos. 13-15, 27, 28). Other writings were in the nature of refutations. The people and groups of people against whom he drafted such rebuttals included the Muaztazilites Abū l-Hudhail (No. 18) and al-Jāhiz (No. 41). an-Nazzām and Muʿammar (no.23), the theologians Ibn Kullāb and Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī ( no.19 ), the Khurramites ( no.20 ), the Christians (no.21) and the astrologers (no. 22). Al- Jubbā'ī devoted five writings alone to the refutation of the works of Ibn ar-Rāwandī (nos. 32, 35, 36, 38, 42).

Gimarets list has been expanded in recent years by Hassan Ansari nor by another book, namely the Kitab al-Maqālāt that in several books of Yemen's Zaidi is mentioned and possibly identical to one anonymous transmitted text, the Hassan Ansari in a manuscript collection in the mosque library of Shahāra in Yemen. It is a doxographic work that deals with the various religious currents and theological schools of Islam.

Teaching

The teachings of al-Jubbā'ī are very well known through the works of ʿAbd al-Jabbār , which contain many quotations from him, and through al-Ash -arī's doxographic work Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . It is emphasized that al-Jubbā'ī deviated from the teaching of Abu l-Hudhail on several points. He himself is quoted as saying that there are forty questions on which there is a disagreement between himself and Abu l-Hudhail. Al-Malatī, on the other hand, was of the opinion that there were only 19 points on which he deviated from Abū l-Hudhail. In any case, Al-Jubbā'ī was very fond of Abu l-Hudhail. He is quoted as saying: "There is no one greater in this world after the companions of the Prophets than Abū l-Hudhail, except those from whom he learned, like Wāsil ibn ʿAtā ' and ʿAmr ibn ʿUbaid."

ontology

Fachr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī considered it to be one of the most striking points in al-Jubbā'ī's teaching that he thought it possible that an accident in a state can exist and non-exist at the same time. It is also reported that al-Jubbā'ī thought it possible that an accident could be in many places at the same time, even in a million different places. Al-Jubbā'ī also commented on the contentious question of the persistence of accidents. He taught that colors, tastes, smells, life, ability, health, and many other accidents endure, while he believed that the accidents which the living person directly causes in himself do not endure.

Regarding substances ( ǧawāhir ), he taught that they are of only one kind ( ǧins ). They formed different substances by themselves, some of which were dissimilar and some of which were identical, but in reality they were not different from one another.

Al-Jubbā'ī rejected the statement that things are things before they exist ( al-ašyāʾ ašyāʾ qabla kauni-hā ) but taught that one could say, "Things are known as things before they exist "( al-ašyāʾ tuʿlam ašyāʾ qabla kauni-hā ).

Attributes and names of God

Among the parts of al-Jubbā'ī's system of teaching that are best known are his views on the attributes and names of God. For this he had also written a separate work. While Abū l-Hudhail had taught, "God is knowing by a knowledge that is his essence," al -Jubbā'ī said that God is knowing by his being ( ʿālim li-ḏāti-hī ), almighty and living because of his Essence ( qādir ḥaiy li-ḏāti-hī ). He wanted this to be understood in such a way that "the fact that God is knowing does not require an attribute or mode of knowing which causes him to be knowing." According to al- Jubbā'ī , that which distinguishes God most is his initial eternity ( qidam ), for while all creatures came into being in time, God is beginningless.

Like other Muʿtazilites, al-Jubbā'ī made a distinction between essential attributes ( ṣifāt an-nafs ) and active attributes ( ṣifāt al-fiʿl ), the latter being the attributes associated with God's temporal activity. The active attributes include, in particular, the divine names Murīd, Muhibb, Wadūd, Rādī, Sāchit, Ghadbān, Muwālī, Muʿādī, Halīm, Rahmān, Rahīm, Rāhim, Chāliq, Rāziq, Bāri ', Musauwir, Muhyī and Mumīt. With some divine names like Karīm and Samad he meant that they can be both essential and active attributes, but then each have a different meaning. He wanted the names of God as-Samīʿ ("the one who hears") and al-Basīr ("the one who sees") to be understood in such a way that God is not hearing and seeing, but that he has hearing and seeing.

With regard to the question of which names are applicable to God at all, in contrast to the Baghdad Muaztazilites, he did not use their occurrence in the Koran as a criterion, but the question of whether "reason points to the meaning." He said that because of the will activities that arose in time and are not tied to any place, God could be described as "willing" ( murīd ). He also said that God is a speaker ( mutakallim ), namely through the speech which he "creates anew in the subject of the reader when reading each reader [...]".

There was also controversy with his disciple al-Ashʿari over the question of God's names. ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī reports that al-Jubbā'ī referred to God as "obedient to his servant" ( muṭīʿ li-ʿabdihī ) when he did what man wanted. Al-Ashʿari then reprimanded him for misunderstanding God's true nature. Since al-Jubbā'ī thought that one could deduce God's name for him from all actions, al-Ashʿarī nailed him to the fact that God could then also be called "pregnant women" ( muḥbil an-nisāʾ ). When al-Jubbā'ī replied in the affirmative, al-Ashʿarī accused him of being worse heresy than the teaching of the Christians, who used the term "father of Jesus'" ( Abū ʿĪsā ) for God .

Rejection of the divine vision

Like most Muʿtazilites, al- Jubbā'ī rejected the Sunni doctrine of " seeing God" ( ruʾyat Allaah ). According to Ash-Shahrastani , he rejected the idea that God could be seen with eyes in Paradise. For the Qur'anic word in sura 75 : 22f: "On that day there will be radiant faces that look at their Lord" ( wuǧūhun yaumaʾiḏin nāḍira, ilā rabbi-him nāẓira ), on which the Sunnis base the doctrine of God's vision he has a different interpretation. Accordingly, the word ilā in this sentence was not a preposition , but the singular of the noun ālāʾ (" beneficence "), so that a completely different meaning resulted for the sentence: "On that day there will be beaming faces, the beneficence of their master watch."

Sin doctrine

Al-Jubbā'ī strongly emphasized human responsibility. Man bring about his own deeds, both good and bad, both obedience and resistance, acting independently and with his own authority ( istiqlālan wa-stibdādan ). According to a report cited by Ibn al-Murtadā, al-Jubbā'ī rejected as inadmissible any form of invoking divine predestination to justify one's sins. The hadith , according to which Adam had excused his rebellion against God in the fall by saying that God had predetermined this for him, was therefore also untrue.

According to Al-Jubbā'ī, there is a clear system of future rewards and punishments. Whoever commits a great sin ( kabīra ) is neither a believer ( muʾmin ) nor a kāfir , but is on the level of a "stray" ( fāsiq ). If he does not perform a tauba , he is condemned to eternal hellish punishment. Al-Jubbā'ī insisted to the scholar ad-Dīnawarī that God was bound by his threatening promise ( waʿīd ), that is, that he had to punish sinners and unbelievers because otherwise he would break his word . Among other things, he referred to the Koran word in Sura 11 : 119: "I will truly fill hell with lots of jinn and people."

Lutf: The doctrine of divine grace

The concept of divine grace ( luṭf ), which he adopted from Bishop ibn al-Muʿtamir , played an important role in al-Jubbā'īs thought . He had also dictated his own work to his students about it. Al-Jubbā'ī believed that God had such "graces", but he believed that in the case of the man God knows he is capable of believing without Lutf, the fact that he is shown Lutf, the reward diminishes because then he would believe without effort. Conversely, if he believed without God showing him favor, his reward would be greater because of the greater effort.

God, al-Jubbā'ī taught, give people everything that is best for them ( al-aṣlaḥ ), although the best is not the most pleasant ( al-alaḏḏ ), but that which is best for the life after Death is most favorable and most appropriate for life here, even if it hurts and happens against the will of the people. It is like drinking a medicine. All obligations ( takālīf ) imposed by religion are considered to be favors ( alṭāf ) of God. The sending of the prophets, the regulation of the religious law and the establishment of the rules ( aḥkām ) are also such indications of favor. His view of diseases and diseases was similar. In his opinion, these were not really something bad ( šarr ), but only in a figurative sense . He said of the pain that it could occur so that something would be rewarded. With this he also explained the pain of children. But it also happens again and again that God allows undeserved generosity ( tafaḍḍul ) to prevail towards people .

According to Al-Jubba'ī, God is not obliged to do what is optimal ( al-aṣlaḥ ) for people in every respect , but only what is best in relation to religion. When asked what was the point of God letting the Messenger of God die while he let Iblīs live, he replied: "The only one who cannot be renounced is God himself. But as far as the prophets are concerned, God does them by his favors ( Altaf ) dispensable. If God had known that the killing of Iblees a benefit is, he would have killed him. If he had known, conversely, that in his survival a disaster is, however, he had not lived. the one who is bad if he continues to live would be bad if he dies. "

The role of reason in his thinking

Al-Jubbā'ī saw reason ( Haql ) as an important criterion for judgment. It has already been mentioned that with regard to the question of which names are applicable to God, he did not use their occurrence in the Koran, but rather the question of whether "reason points to the meaning" as the criterion. Al-Jubbāʾī also suggested that the kalām is the simplest thing because reason provides evidence for it. The knowledge ( maʿrifa ), the thanks to the benefactor, the knowledge of good and bad are also something necessarily given by reason. He also adopted a Sharia based on reason and limited the prophetic Sharia to the measures of the rules and the timing of acts of obedience to which reason could not access. Due to reason and wisdom, it is also incumbent on God, who is himself referred to as "the wise" ( al-ḥakīm ), to reward the obedient and punish the disobedient.

Imamate and attitude to Schia

As-Shahrastani writes that al-Jubbā'ī and his son took the view that the Imamate was bestowed by free choice. Al-Jubbā'īs doctrine of the Imamate is given more precisely by ʿAbd al-Jabbār ibn Ahmad, who quotes in his Muġnī from al-Jubbā'ī's work on this subject. Accordingly, al-Jubbā'ī taught that with an imam who 1. belongs to those who are known for excellence ( faḍl ), ancestry ( sābiqa ) and extensive knowledge, which 2. one knows to be in his time give no one who is equal to him, and 3. has no quality that disqualifies him for the office, is obliged to pay homage because there is no doubt about him. If one of the warriors ( ahl as-siyar ) has paid homage to him, then he is imam through his homage, so that it is up to the other Muslims to approve of him. However , al-Jubbā'ī refused to designate the imam by transferring the previous imam, unless the designation meets with the approval of the community, as was the case with the designation of ʿUmar by Abū Bakrs. Al-Jubbā'ī did not consider a removal from office - even at his own request - to be permissible for the Imam. What was handed down by Abū Bakr, that he asked for removal from office after the end of the Ridda Wars , was not meant in the actual sense, but only an attack of piety ( zuhd ) and the request for discharge.

The statements about his position regarding the succession dispute are contradictory. As-Shahrastani writes that al-Jubbā'ī and his son, like the Sunnis, took the view that the order of the Sahāba in terms of rank corresponded to their chronological order with the Imamate (i.e., Abū Bakr was the best). Adh-Dhahabī, on the other hand, narrates the view of al-Jubbā'ī that he had abstained ( tawaqquf ) from the question of whether ʿAlī or Abū Bakr was better . This agrees with the description of his position in Abū l-Hasan al-Ashʿarī. ʿAbd al-Jabbār ibn Ahmad , however, speaks of al-Jubbā'ī the view that abstaining from the question of the Imamate is inadmissible and that therefore the Muslims had the duty to pay homage to ʿAlī.

The Zaidite author Ibn al-Murtadā (d. 1437) also emphasized al-Jubbā'īs closeness to the Shiite position. He quotes the scholar Ibn Farzūyeh as saying that al-Jubbā'ī had refuted the book of ʿAbbād ibn Sulaimān (d. Approx. 864) about the preference of Abū Bakr , the book of al-Iskāfī (d. 854) about preference ʿAlīs not, however. From this one can see that the accusation of ʿalī hatred ( na denb ) which the Rāfidites brought against al-Jubbā'ī is unjustified. His opponents, which he described as Nawābit have accused al-Dschubbā'ī inconsistency, in that on the one hand pro when she Alid traditional Hadith, but on the other hand with Mu'awiya held.

What Abd al-Jabbār reports of him in his work Faḍl al-iʿtizāl also speaks for a shia-friendly al-Jubbā'īs . Accordingly, al-Jubbā'ī strove to unite the ranks of Muʿtazilites and Shiites in his place ʿAskar Mukram, since the Shiites in the doctrine of Tawheed and God's justice ( ʿadl ) agreed with the Muʿtazilites and only had different views with regard to the Imamate . The union of the two groups was already well on its way, but al-Jubbā'ī's disciple opposed these plans, so that the project ultimately failed.

Later authors viewed al-Jubbā'ī primarily as an enemy of the Rāfidites. As-Safadī narrated from him the statement that the Hadith belonged to Ahmad ibn Hanbal , the Fiqh to the Hanafis , the Kalām to the Muʿtazila, the Rāfidites only a lie. Ibn Tāwūs also saw in al-Jubbā'ī an enemy of the Rafidites. However, this contrasts with a report by Ibn al-Murtadās, according to which al-Jubbā'ī criticized al-Jāhiz for his polemics against the Rāfidites.

Split of supporters after his death

Al-Jubbā'īs son Abū Hāschim, who was only 25 years old when his father died, deviated from his father's teachings on several points. As-Saimarī, who moved to Baghdad shortly after the death of al-Jubbā'ī, defended his teaching and declared Abu Hāschim to be an unbeliever because of his deviations. The former supporters of al-Jubbā'īs were accordingly divided into two groups. One followed his son Abū Hāschim, the other believed his teachings to be wrong and distanced himself from him and regarded as-Saimarī as the leading authority. The followers of the two schools later came to be known as Bahshamīya and Ichschīdīya.

Abū Hāschim responded to the accusations as-Saimarīs with his own treatises in which he tried to refute them. As-Saimarī, on the other hand, tried to pull Abū Hāschim's opponent over to his side. He also defended the teachings of al-Jubbā'ī against other Muʿtazilites. For example, he wrote a reply to Abū l-Qāsim al-Balchī, who had rejected al-Jubbā'ī's doctrine of the optimum ( al-aṣlaḥ ) in a writing .

Muʿtazilit ʿAbd al-Jabbār ibn Ahmad , who lived two generations later, also regarded Abū ʿAlī like his own teacher and consistently referred to him in his works as “our sheikh ” ( šaiḫu-nā ). In addition, al-Jubbā'ī was also worshiped outside of the Muʿtazilite circles. The Hanafi scholar Ahmad ibn'Alī al-Dschassās (d. 981), for example, al-Dschubbā'ī boasted that he science of Kalam relief made available and their difficulties have been resolved.

literature

Arabic sources

• ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār ibn Aḥmad : Faḍl al-iʿtizāl wa-ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . Ed. Fuʾād Saiyid. Tunis 1974. pp. 287-296. Digitized
• Abū l-Ḥasan al-Asʿarī : Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn wa-ḫtilāf al-muṣallīn . Ed. Hellmut Ritter . Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1963.
• ʿAbd al-Qāhir ibn Ṭāhir al-Baġdādī : Al-Farq baina l-firaq . Ed. Muḥammad ʿUṯmān al-Ḫišn. Maktabat Ibn Sīnā, Cairo, o. DS 161f. Digitized - Engl. Transl. S. 188f. Digitized
• ʿAbd al-Qāhir ibn Ṭāhir al-Baġdādī: Al-Milal wa-n-niḥal . Ed. Albert Nader. Dar el-Machreq, Beirut, 1970. pp. 128f. Digitized
• Shams ad-Dīn aḏ-Ḏahabī : Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. Ed. Shuʿaib al-Arnaʾūṭ and ʿAlī Abū Zayd. Beirut 1986. Vol. XVI, pp. 183f. Digitized
• Ibn ʿAsākir : Tabyīn kaḏib al-muftarī fī-mā nusiba ilā ʾl-imām Abī ʾl-Ḥasan al-Ašʿarī . Damascus 1347h. Pp. 130, 134-138. Digitized
• Ibn Ḫallikān : Wafayāt al-wa-A'yan anbā' abnā' az Zaman . Vol. IV, pp. 267-269. Digitized - Engl. Transl. William Mac Guckin de Slane , Vol. II, pp. 669-671. Digitized
• Ahmad ibn Yaḥyā Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . Ed. Susanne Diwald-Wilzer. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1961. pp. 80-85.
• Ahmad ibn Yaḥyā Ibn al-Murtadā: al-Munya wa-l-ʿAmal fī šarḥ Kitāb al-Milal wa-n-niḥal. Ed. by TW Arnold under the title al- Muʿtazilah: being an extract from the Kitābu-l milal wa-n niḥal . Harrassowitz, Leipzig, 1902. pp. 45-48. Digitized
• ʿAlī ibn Mūsā Ibn Tāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd li-n-nufūs . Bustān-e Ketāb, Qom, 2001. Digitized
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• Ṣalāḥ ad-dīn Ḫalīl ibn Aibak aṣ-Ṣafadī: al-Wāfī bi-l-wafāyāt . Vol. IV. Ed. Sven Dedering. Steiner, Beirut, 1974. pp. 74f. Digitized
• Muḥammad aš-Šahrastānī : al-Milal wa-n-niḥal Ed. Aḥmad Fahmī Muḥammad. Dār al-Kutub al-ʿilmīya, Beirut, 1992. pp. 67-72. Digitized - German transl. Theodor Haarbrücker. 2 vols. Halle 1850–51. Vol. I, pp. 80-88. Digitized

Secondary literature

• Hassan Ansari: "Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī et son livre al-Maqālāt " in Camilla Adang (ed.): A Common rationality: muʿtazilism in Islam and Judaism. Würzburg: Ergon 2007. pp. 21-38.
• ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Badawī: Maḏāhib al-islāmīyīn . Dār al-ʿIlm lil-Malāyīn, Beirut, 1996. pp. 280–329.
• Johann Fück : "New materials for Fihrist" in the magazine of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft 90 (1936) 298–321. Digitized
• Louis Gardet: Art. " Al- Dj ubbāʾī" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Vol. II, pp. 569b-570b.
• Daniel Gimaret: "Matériaux pour une bibliographie des Jubbaʾi" in Journal Asiatique 264 (1976) 277-332.
• Daniel Gimaret: "Matériaux pour une bibliographie des Jubbaʾi: Note complémentaire." in Michael E. Marmura (ed): Islamic Theology and Philosophy: Studies in Honor of George F. Hourani . SUNY, Albany, 1984. pp. 31-38.
• Daniel Gimaret: "Comment al-Ǧubbāʾī interprétait les versets" prédestinationnistes "du Coran" in Annales du département des lettres arabes / Université Saint-Joseph, Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines, Institut de lettres orientales 5 (1990) 5–22.
• Daniel Gimaret: Une lecture muʿtazilite du Coran, le Tafsīr d'Abū ʿAlī al Djubbā'ī (m. 303/915) partiellement reconstitué à partir de ses citateurs. Louvain et al. a., Peeters, 1994.
• Rosalind Ward Gwynne: The tafsīr of Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī first steps toward a reconstruction . Dissertation, University of Washington, 1987.
• Margaretha T. Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. ʿAbd al-Jabbār's teaching on pain and divine justice . Brill, Leiden 2000. pp. 21-26.
• Max Horten: The philosophical systems of the speculative theologians in Islam . Friedrich Cohen, Bonn, 1912. pp. 352-373. Digitized
• Ahmad Pākātčī: Art. "Ǧubbāʾī" in Dāʾirat-i maʿārif-i buzurg-i islāmī . Markaz-i Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif-i Buzurg-i Islāmī, Tehran, 1988ff. Vol. XVII, pp. 450a-466a.
• JRTM Peters: God's created speech. A study in the speculative theology of the Muʿtazilî Qâḍî l-quḍât Abūl-Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Jabbâr ibn Aḥmad al-Hamadânî . Brill, Leiden 1976. pp. 18f, 388-390.
• Sabine Schmidtke : "Ǧubbāʾī, Abū ʿAlī" in Dānišnāma-yi Ǧahān-i Islām . Vol. 9, pp. 540-544.
• Fuat Sezgin: History of Arabic Literature . Vol. 1. Leiden: Brill 1967. pp. 621f.
• William Montgomery Watt , Michael Marmura: The Islam II. Political developments and theological concepts. Stuttgart u. a. 1985. pp. 297-299.

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Cf. Ibn an-Nadīm: al-Fihrist . Ed. Ibrāhīm Ramaḍān. Dār al-Maʿrifa, Beirut, 1997. p. 213. ( online version ).
2. ↑ Cf. al-Baġdādī: Al-Farq baina l-firaq 161.
3. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ḥauqal : Kitāb Ṣūrat al-Arḍ . 2nd volume. Brill, Leiden, 1939. p. 292.
4. ↑ See Guy Le Strange: The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate . Cambridge, 1905. p. 243. Digitized .
5. ↑ ^{a b c d} Cf. Ibn Ḫallikān: Wafayāt al-aʿyān . Vol. IV, p. 267. - Engl. Transl. Vol. II, p. 670.
6. ↑ ^{a b c d} Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār: Faḍl al-iʿtizāl . 1974, p. 287.
7. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 80.
8. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār: Faḍl al-iʿtizāl . 1974, p. 295.
9. ↑ Cf. Gwynne: The tafsīr of Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī . 1982, p. 10.
10. ↑ Cf. Gwynne: The tafsīr of Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī . 1982, p. 11.
11. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 464.
12. ↑ Cf. Ḥudūd al-ʿĀlam . Ed. V. Minorsky. London 1937. p. 130.
13. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār: Faḍl al-iʿtizāl . 1974, p. 290.
14. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, p. 23.
15. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 109.
16. ↑ Cf. Gimaret: "Matériaux pour une bibliographie des Jubbaʾi" 1976, No. 14.
17. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, p. 24.
18. ↑ Cf. Gwynne: The tafsīr of Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī . 1982, p. 11.
19. ↑ Cf. at-Tanūḫī: Nišwār al-muḥāḍara wa-aḫbār al-muḏākara. Ed. ʿAbbūd Šālǧī. Dār Ṣādir, Beirut, 1995. Vol. I, pp. 221-224.
20. ↑ Cf. Fück: "New materials for the Fihrist". 1936, p. 303f.
21. ↑ Cf. al-Baġdādī: Al-Milal wa-n-niḥal . 1970, p. 128f.
22. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. 1986. Vol. XVI, p. 183.
23. ↑ Cf. aṣ-Ṣafadī: al-Wāfī bi-l-wafāyāt . 1974, p. 74.
24. ↑ Cf. Gwynne: The tafsīr of Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī . 1982, p. 13.
25. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila 1961, p. 82.
26. ↑ Cf. Fück: "New materials for the Fihrist". 1936, p. 303f.
27. ↑ Cf. Gimaret: Matériaux pour une bibliographie des Jubbaʾi . 1976 and 1984.
28. ↑ Cf. Gimaret: Matériaux . 1984, p. 32.
29. ↑ Cf. al-Malaṭī: Kitāb at-Tanbīh . 2009, p. 32.
30. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ṭāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd . 2001, pp. 252-303.
31. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtadā: al-Munya wa-l-ʿAmal. 1905, p. 33.
32. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir : Tabyīn kaḏib al-muftarī . 1347h, p. 138f.
33. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ṭāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd . 2001, pp. 275-277.
34. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ṭāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd . 2001, pp. 254f.
35. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir : Tabyīn kaḏib al-muftarī . 1347h, p. 137f.
36. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ṭāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd . 2001, p. 253.
37. ↑ Cf. Ibn ʿAsākir : Tabyīn kaḏib al-muftarī . 1347h, p. 130.
38. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. 1986. Vol. XVI, p. 184.
39. ↑ See Ansari: "Abū ʿAlī al-Jubbāʾī et son livre al-Maqālāt " 2007, p. 23f.
40. ↑ See Peters: God's created speech. 1976, p. 18.
41. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 84.
42. ↑ Cf. al-Malaṭī: Kitāb at-Tanbīh . 2009, p. 32.
43. ↑ Quoted from Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 84.
44. ↑ See Faḫr ad-Dīn ar-Rāzī: Iʿtiqādāt firaq al-muslimīn wa-l-mušrikīn . Ed. ʿAlī Sāmī an-Naššār. Maktabat an-Nahḍa al-Miṣrīya, Cairo, 1938. p. 43. Digitized
45. ↑ Cf. al-Baġdādī: Al-Farq baina l-firaq 161.
46. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 359.
47. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 308.
48. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 161f.
49. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. 1986. Vol. XVI, p. 184.
50. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 69. - Dt. Transl. 83.
51. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 69. - Dt. Transl. 85.
52. ↑ See Horten: Die philosophischen Systeme 1912, p. 359.
53. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 524.
54. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 530.
55. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . Pp. 179, 528.
56. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . Pp. 175-177.
57. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 525.
58. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 67. - Dt. Transl. 80f.
59. ↑ ^{a b} cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 67f. - German Transl. 81.
60. ↑ Cf. al-Baġdādī: Al-Farq baina l-firaq 161.
61. ↑ Cf. D. Gimaret: Art. "Ruʾyat Allāh" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition Vol. VIII, p. 649.
62. ↑ Cf. Ibn-Ḥazm: ​​al-Faṣl fi-l-milal wa-l-ahwāʾ wa-n-niḥal. Ed. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm Naṣr; ʿAbd-ar-Raḥmān ʿUmaira. 5 vols. Beirut: Dār al-ǧīl, 1985. Vol. III, p. 8f.
63. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 68. - Dt. Transl. 81.
64. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 81.
65. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 68. - Dt. Transl. 82.
66. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 83.
67. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 101.
68. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 70. - Dt. Transl. 86.
69. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 68. - Dt. Transl. 82f.
70. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 537.
71. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 70f. - German Transl. 86f.
72. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 84.
73. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 525.
74. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 82.
75. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 68. - Dt. Transl. 82.
76. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 71. - Dt. Transl. 88.
77. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār ibn Aḥmad: Al-Muġnī fī abwāb at-tauḥīd wa-l-ʿadl . Ed. ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd et al. Sulaimān Dunyā. Ad-Dār al-Miṣrīya li-t-taʾlīf wa-t-tarǧama, Cairo, undated vol. 20/1. P. 253.
78. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār ibn Aḥmad: Al-Muġnī fī abwāb at-tauḥīd wa-l-ʿadl . Ed. ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd et al. Sulaimān Dunyā. Ad-Dār al-Miṣrīya li-t-taʾlīf wa-t-tarǧama, Cairo, undated vol. 20/2. P. 146.
79. ↑ Cf. aš-Šahrastānī: al-Milal wa-n-niḥal p. 71. - Dt. Transl. 88.
80. ↑ Cf. aḏ-Ḏahabī: Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ. 1986. Vol. XVI, p. 183.
81. ↑ Cf. al-Ašʿarī: Maqālāt al-islāmīyīn . P. 458f.
82. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār ibn Aḥmad: Al-Muġnī fī abwāb at-tauḥīd wa-l-ʿadl . Ed. ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd et al. Sulaimān Dunyā. Ad-Dār al-Miṣrīya li-t-taʾlīf wa-t-tarǧama, Cairo, undated vol. 20/2. P. 82.
83. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 84.
84. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 82.
85. ↑ Cf. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār: Faḍl al-iʿtizāl . 1974, p. 291.
86. ↑ Cf. aṣ-Ṣafadī: al-Wāfī bi-l-wafāyāt . 1974, p. 74.
87. ↑ Cf. Ibn Ṭāwūs: Saʿd as-suʿūd . 2001, pp. 255-259.
88. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 68.
89. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, p. 20.
90. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, pp. 25f.
91. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, p. 23.
92. ↑ See Heemskerk: Suffering in the Muʿtazilite theology. 2000, p. 24.
93. ↑ See Peters: God's created speech . 1976, p. 16f.
94. ↑ Cf. Ibn al-Murtaḍā: Ṭabaqāt al-Muʿtazila . 1961, p. 80.