Diodato Ipato , also Teodato Ipato or in the more timely sources Deusdedit (* in Eraclea ; † after 755 in Malamocco ), was according to the traditional, state-controlled historiography of Venice, the 4th Doge . He was the son of the probably first Doge Ursus (Orso), who was murdered around 737 in the course of fighting within the Venetian lagoon . Diodato was expelled in the course of the related fighting, but returned to the lagoon two years later. He ruled there for a year or two as a Magister militum and was Doge from around 742 to 755 with residence in Alt Malamocco.
After the death of Doge Orso Ipato, Venice was under Magistri militum for five years, each with a one-year term. These were Dominicus Leo , Felix Cornicula , Diodato himself and Julianus Hypathus . The fifth and last of the Magistri , Johannes Fabriciacus , was forcibly evicted during the absence of the responsible Byzantine exarch . The seat of government has now been moved from Eraclea to Malamocco . At the same time there was a return to the constitution before the Magistri , and Diodato was elected Dux (Doge). Byzantium granted him, like his father, the title of Ipato (consul); the reason is not known.
The arid sources prompted later historians to see Diodato as a “loyalist” to the empire, or a ruler with longobard-friendly inclinations, up to and including “autonomist” aspirations. The relative weakness in relation to the great powers of the time may have prevented Malamocco's policy from pursuing too clear a line. Rather, one felt compelled to navigate between the powers. Eventually, the Doge was overthrown and blinded by a Byzantine partisan named Galla . The date of his death is unknown.
The two main sources, i.e. Paulus Diaconus and Johannes Diaconus, show that after the death of Ursus around 737, the father of Deodatus, five magistri militum ruled the lagoon, and there has long been speculation about their dependence on Byzantium. They were newly appointed every year, and among them was Diodato, who is said to have remained in office for two years in a row. However, Johannes Diaconus gives him only one year in his chronicle.
The Doge Diodato can still not be classified in terms of domestic or foreign policy. The research reflects the problematic position of the lagoon cities between the Longobard Empire and Byzantium. Diodato was on the one hand obliged to the Venetians who had helped him to his office, on the other hand, as governor who was dependent on Byzantium, he had to protect the emperor's interests, which required considerable diplomatic skill. In addition, to secure his power and the Venetian territory against attacks by the Lombards , he had the Brondolo Castle built south of Chioggia , which was also useful for controlling shipping between Ravenna and the lagoon.
However, Diodato did not come to the aid of Ravenna when it was besieged by the Longobards under Aistulf , but instead renewed the old peace treaty allegedly concluded between Doge Paulicius and King Liutprand with the enemies of Constantinople . This was in stark contrast to the fact that the Venetians in 739/740, little more than a decade earlier, had provided crucial naval aid in the reconquest of Ravenna after the first conquest by the Lombards.
But after the Frankish king Pippin had conquered Ravenna, which had been Lombardy for five years, in 756 and forced Aistulf to recognize the Frankish supremacy, and the exarchate of Ravenna had passed to the Pope (see Pippin's donation ), the Venetians suddenly saw themselves in an isolated and extreme way vulnerable situation. They revolted against the Doge. The Byzantine partisan Galla sat at the head of the revolt . The doge was deposed, blinded and chased away.
Most historians brought the fundamental change at the beginning of Galla's rule, namely at the same time the place of rule, the constitution, the permanence of the office, and also the title Ipato , finally the election of the son of a former Doge who ruled for more than a decade the still young office, closely related to the general political climate. It was believed to be able to recognize that there were two family groups in Venice, one of which was more loyal to the emperor, and which was accordingly referred to as "loyalists". This group felt attached to Cittanova-Eraclea, the old "capital" Heraclea. The opposing faction consisted of those families who saw their center in Malamocco and who strove for greater autonomy. The break with tradition does not seem to have been as severe as is often assumed, because after all it was the Heraclean Deodatus who moved to Malamocco. It should not have been an anti-Byzantine revolt, if only because in the event of a dispute the new seat of power would have to be much more at the mercy of the imperial fleet than the mainland Eraclea, which is much better protected against a naval attack. Conversely, it was much easier for the Byzantine fleet to come to help in an emergency.
The dating of the reign of Diodatos between 742 and 755 is generally accepted. As in the case of his father, who is said to have recaptured Ravenna, which cannot be reconciled with recent assumptions that this had happened at the end of 739, i.e. after Orso’s death, the Ravenna question soon came to the fore in foreign policy. Because at the beginning of 750 or in July 751 - this date cannot be put more precisely either - the Lombards, led by King Aistulf , conquered the seat of the Byzantine exarch for the second time. This time there was no reconquest. The Venetian lagoon lost almost all contact with the metropolis of Constantinople . This should have strengthened the “autonomists”.
Perhaps between 749 and 756, when Aistulf was already king, Malamocco and the Lombard king agreed to draw a border. Gherardo Ortalli tends to assume that the generous drawing of the boundaries represented a kind of compensation for the promise not to intervene again this time and to recapture Ravenna for the emperor. At the same time, this agreement marked a normalization of the situation in northern Italy . As Roberto Cessi showed, the Doges no longer bore the honorary title Hypatus two decades after Diodato . Both the Chronicle of Johannes Diaconus and the Doge List in the Origo civitatum Italie seu Venetiarum (cf. Chronicon Altinate ) list this honorary title of consul of the Empire.
Diodato is said to have had the castrum of Brondolo built south of Chioggia , as Johannes Diaconus reports. Heinrich Kretschmayr saw it as an anti-Langobard building, while Roberto Cessi also saw it as a “spirito antibizantino”, an “antibyzantine spirit”. In any case, the structure had not only political but also economic implications, as the control and protection of trade on the river and canal systems was simplified.
Domestically, there continued to be conflicts, which the sources indicate only weakly, for example between Eraclea , Equilo and the new center of power Malamocco. In the end Diodato probably fell like his father over the internal conflicts that were carried out with great cruelty, because, as Johannes Diaconus reports, "a quodam infideli, Galla nomine, eius avulsi sunt oculi". So Diodatus was robbed of his sight by an 'unfaithful' named Galla.
Gerhard Rösch assumes that the appointment of Diodato as Magister militum shows either the confidence in him that Diodato would represent the Byzantine cause, or that the Exarch hoped to regain Venetian support in the battle for Ravenna in this way. In fact, it was not until Diodatus' successor that the city was recaptured by the Lombards, and not by a Venetian fleet, but by the Frankish king. According to Rösch, the overthrow of the Magister militum "Johannes Fabriacus" by the conspiracy led by Diodatos meant the overthrow of the representatives of Byzantine rule and the replacement by a title already claimed by the father. More than others, Rösch emphasized the defensive character of Brondolo, which was supposed to block access to the Lidi, the long sandbanks between the lagoon and the open sea. In 754 the Doge concluded an anti-Langobard alliance with the Pope.
After two more years under the said Magistri , Diodato was elected Doge, no longer, like his father, in their common place of birth Eraclea , but on the island of Malamocco , or, as Johannes Diaconus reports: “Venetici, magistrorum militum prelibate prefecture dignitatem abominantes, ut quondam, ducem, videlicet Deusdedem, sepedicti Ursoni ypati filium, in Metamaucense insula sibi crearunt ”. So it was an uprising by the local families - they 'created a doge' - who were in power and who pushed through a constitutional change. At the same time the mansion was moved to Malamocco, so that the mansion was no longer on the northern edge of the Venetian lagoon, but on its eastern edge, on one of the long sandbanks that still separate the lagoon from the Adriatic. Today's Malamocco is just near the city that was later destroyed.
The very brief Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, the oldest vernacular chronicle of Venice, depicts the events, like Andrea Dandolo, on a level that has long been familiar at this time and largely dominated by individuals, especially the Doges The individual doges even form the temporal framework for the entire chronicle, as was customary in Venice. This also applies to “Diode Ypato”, who, according to the author, served as Magister equitum for two years , as “Maestro d'i cavalieri”. The chronicler justifies the end of this Maestri with the factions that arose between them. "Diode" "per la più parte di loro volendolo umiliar per la morte del pare, fu helevado Duxe". Deodatus may have been made a doge as a kind of reparation for the death of his father. The new doge “tractava cautamente vengiarsi dela morte del pare suo meser Orso”, he tried to avenge the death of his father, albeit with precautionary measures (?). But his opponents, under the leadership of the "Gallan", attacked him when he wanted to attach a "forteça" at Brondolo ("hedificar, overo infortir"), and they tore his eyes out. He left that “contrada” 'because of this thing' after having ruled for ten years and two months.
Pietro Marcello said in 1502 in his work later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , "Teodato Ipato Doge IIII." "Nel consiglio de Malamocco fu creato Doge" ('was made doge in the council of Malamocco'), namely in the year "DCCXLII", so in the year 742. Under him, the borders of Eraclea with the Lombard king Aistulf on the river Piave were determined ("stabilì i confini"). When he went to fortify the “castello di Brondolo”, he was treacherously attacked by Galla in the 13th year of his rule (“assalito à tradimento”). He was blinded (“accecato”) and “miserabilmente” expelled from the “Prencipato”. Galla claimed that the victim had wanted to rise to the status of "signore" through the fortifications.
According to the chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , which is hardly detailed at this point and which he completed in 1532, the return to the Dogat took place after five years, because 'because the Venetians knew from experience that a regiment of one year was not to the advantage of the republic, they met in Malamocco and elected Diodato Doge in 742. This fortified his place in Malamocco and received from Byzantium the dignity of consul ("Consular dignità, chiamato ypato"), because he was "fù grandemente amato dall'Imperator de Greci", so he was very much loved by the emperor. “Diodato” was overthrown and blinded by “Galla” after 14 years of reign in 756 when he was about to have a “fortezza dall'altra parte della ripa del Porto” built (“facendo fabricar "Or" facendo construir ").
Even the Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who knew Northern Italy from his own experience and who made the Venetian chronicle known in the German-speaking area, said in his Chronica , published in 1574, that this is Warhaffte actual and short description that everyone who moved to Venice lives , "Theodatus Ipatus" is 742 Become "the four Hertzog". He was "elected to Malamocco Hertzog". "This one made the Eraclean borders / with Aistulpho / the Lombard king / bit the water / called the Piave / and when he promised / to fix the town of Brondulum / attacked in Galla by treachery / gouged out his eyes / and miserably from Hertzogthumb chased away / in the three-seated jar of his Duke Thumb. "Galla" gave for / Theodatus had therefore started to fortify the little place Brondolum / while he was willing / to pose as lord and tyrant / that is why the people gouged out his eyes. "Galla's idea That the son of Orsos wanted to rise to the position of signor or even a tyrant had long been established. The later efforts to establish a dynasty were prefigured here.
In the translation by Alessandro Maria Vianolis Historia Veneta , which was published in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, und Die Die / Von dem Ersten Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the Marcum Antonium Justiniani , who was in power at the time, “Theodatus Ipatus "Initially as the" Third Master of Knights "(p. 43 f.). In this function he had "completely acquired the friendship and general love of the mob" through "many warm and beautiful virtues". Then Vianoli reports that "terribly large earthquakes have occurred not only in these places / but also through the whole world /", so that many cities "were whipped and hunted into the deep crevices of the earth". Some "Istrians" took "several ships away" from the "Isolans", whereupon "Theodat" brought together a lot of ships "in great haste", with which he overcame the pirates "with little loss of his own". These not only had to make amends, but also to replace the "war expenses". In 741 he was replaced in the "Regiment" by "Julianus Ceparius". Vianoli puts the conquest of Ravenna by the Longobards right at the beginning of the Doge's rule, which Theodatus assumed after him in 742, “when Rachisius the Lombard king / who succeeded his brother Astolpho in the government / attacked the Esarcum at Ravenna / drove them out of the city / and taken away from him all places of his territory ”. In doing so, he not only extended the conquest of Ravenna to the entire exarchate of Ravenna, but also placed the conquest in the time after the death of King Aistulf , according to today's understanding, after 756. In this context, the author puts the fortification of Brondolo (“Schloß zu Brondolo ”), namely as a protective work, and thus the fall through Galla. After all, they had settled the border with the Lombards, but now they were "soon driven there by the impetuous waves of suspicion". Galla from Malamocco, "initially his greatest disapproval / and later the most cruel enemy", interpreted the fortification of Brondolo as an attempt to "seize the whole duchy / and make the government hereditary to his descendants." Even with Kellner, not only does tyranny shine through, but above all the hereditary monarchy as a threat. "The gullible rabble" let themselves be persuaded by Galla "in a very treacherous way / that one day he had attacked his previously beloved Hertzog / he had gouged out the eyes and miserably chased away from the duchy." To complete the picture, Galla did not driven only by “malice”, “lust for government” and “ambition”, but he was simply “an evil person” (p. 50). After the fall of his predecessor, who today is dated to the year 755, he took over the Doge's office.
In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart set in his Opus Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice the beginning of the rule of Theodatus in the year 724, because at that time “this type of government was changed again and again Fear of this smoke one jumped back into the previous fire: namely one suddenly chose a Hertzog again ", namely the" deregistered Ursi son / who one killed "(p. 13). The author justifies the expansion of Brondolo quite differently, because in his opinion the Doge feared ending up like his father. Therefore he built himself a “vestes castle / so that he could have a safe refuge there in case of an emergency.” But it was precisely this that made the people suspicious, “as if he were throwing himself up to be a tyrant and trying to maintain his government by force”. For Jacob von Sandrart the doge on his return to Venice, when he found “citizenship in arms”, “was deposed by it and also robbed of his face.” He was followed in 755 by Galla, “the most distinguished ringleader against the previous Hertzog ”.
In the run-up to the French Revolution , Johann Friedrich LeBret sees completely different causes at work in his four-volume State History of the Republic of Venice , published from 1769 . LeBret states: "After the last general had been chased away, it was necessary to hold a general meeting of the people again", which, however, no longer took place in Eraclea, but in Malamocco: "the disorder and disorder was general in the same" ( P. 106). The "two islands of Heraklea and Jesolo, lived in constant quarrel because of border disputes", therefore Eraclea alone was out of the question as the seat of government. According to the author, who projected a statistic conception of the state back into the early Middle Ages, from which one could not yet see how the society of that time functioned, there was a need for a longer government, because “If the rulers were good, a year was too short for them If they were violent, and if they made it an honor to rise above the state laws, that time was too long. ”So the Doge's office was reinstated. “But so that this choice would have all the characteristics that betray the inconstancy of the mob and a government that was not at all strong, the son of the murdered Prince Ursus was chosen.” But, LeBret asks himself, given the choice of “Theodat”, “how should that be luck, which is connected with the apparent danger of murder? ”Even with the Lombards it was“ much safer ”to“ be a prince ”(p. 107). Karl Martell stayed out of the quarrel between the Lombards and the Pope because he needed the help of King Liutprand against the "Saracens". However, Liutprand died in 744 and so "the unworthy Ildebrand" followed him on the Lombard throne; "Rachis" followed after just seven months and made peace with Byzantium. Venice enjoyed a comparatively peaceful time. The Doge had "leisure to form the customs of his people, to fix the reasons of the state, and to make his government pleasant and popular with the people." Even the iconoclasm, according to LeBret, did not cause any unrest on the islands, although they did Empire belonged. Unrest came from the west when Rachis besieged Perugia , but Pope Zacharias was able to persuade him to peace, yes, to go to the monastery, like numerous other Lombards. But his successor Aistulf "suddenly wanted to take everything that was left of him in Italy from the Greek empire." Emperor “Constantine was not able to support his rights in Italy with power”, whereupon Stephen II asked King Pippin for help. “So Theodat thought it would be good to renew the treaty because of the divorce from Heraklea, which his ancestors had already concluded with the Lombards.” Pippin marched twice against the Lombards, and so Theodat recognized the change in the Italian system and tried to “his To put the state in safety from such terrible opponents. ”Like some of his predecessors, who had started to secure the rivers that flowed into the lagoon by means of fortresses, he had Brondolo“ fortified ”to protect the mouth of the Adige. In Brondolo he had “a kind of tower or castle built.” LeBret takes from the “Sagorninian Chronicle”, that is, the work of Johannes Diaconus , “he did not want to put it where it was seen at the time when this author wrote, but on the other side of the river. ”Galla from Malamocco now claimed in view of the construction of the fortress that the Doge's intention was“ to pave the way for independent power and in future to bring the government to his descendants. ”Rhetorical closes LeBret: “What flatters the mob more than the notion of freedom?” With this, Galla created a following, and: “One day, when Theodat had gone to Brondolo to cheer up the workers, Galla fell upon with a bunch of conspirators him here and put out his eyes. "
In his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia from 1861, Francesco Zanotto states that the motives why the Venetians replaced the rule of the Doges with that of the Magistri militum , and then this in turn with that of the Doges, cannot be well defined. In his opinion, however, the disputes between Equilio and Eraclea were the most important reason. According to the author, three doges in addition to the “assemblea nazionale” had their seat in Eraclea. This dispute, which had already led to the death of Ursus, was the reason why Malamocco became the capital. Violent riots broke out during the Doge's election. One recalled the bad regiment of the tribunes , the other side of the arrogance of the last Doge, which had indeed led to the abolition of the Dogat, which was hated for this reason. The tribune, which had existed since republican times, came back to the descendants of Roman families just as much as the Magister militum from the imperial era . Zanotto believes that the acceptance of the title of tribune has given way to that of a Magister militum , because this title was previously worn by "Marcello, siccome capitano dell'armi, ducando Paoluccio Anafesto". One solution would have been for the head of state to bear the title of Doge, but only for a year until the next election. However, the place of residence should not be “Eraclea, già stata teatro di sangue”, not that place of bloodshed, but Malamocco. Then Zanotto counts extremely scarce (11), the five Magistri and outlines its duties. Diodato was the middle of the five men who led the state wisely and best, and who, as some chroniclers say, was confirmed for another year. In 742 - without giving any reason - Diodato was elected Doge. He proceeded with tough laws (“severi leggi”) against the “malefica superbia degli ambiziosi”, that is, against the “arrogance of the ambitious”. He had the demarcation confirmed, which supposedly the first doge "Anafesto" and King Liutprand had already agreed. The Doge remained 'neutral' when the Lombards conquered Ravenna and, Zanotto claims, Venice expanded its trade not only to the east, but also to Africa and Spain. Suddenly, however, this prosperity was disrupted (“tale prosperità fu turbata ad un tratto”) when a new dispute broke out between the tribunician families. These included the “Obelerii di Malamocco”, the “Villonici e Barbaromani di Eraclea” and the “Gauli di Equilio”. Teodato, who liked his hometown Eraclea, made enemies of the Equiliani. When he wanted to secure the border against the 'all-too-neighboring Lombards' who were already in possession of Ravenna, his enemies claimed that he wanted to become a tyrant. Under the leadership of the "Galla Gaulo, uomo sceleratissimo", who had strived for the highest dignity in the state, they attacked the Doge returning from Brondolo and blinded him in 755, 13 years after his election.
Samuele Romanin admitted in 1853 that we had received no news about the guarantees he had accepted and agreed upon by the popular assembly for the election of the fourth Doge Diodato. Instead, in his ten-volume opus Storia documentata di Venezia , he outlines the relevant conflicts in Italy (pp. 117–121). In contrast to Zanotto, he concedes that Venice interrupted the favorable state of peace with the Lombards when its fleet recaptured Ravenna and 'returned it to the Greeks' (p. 121). He also sees an expansion of trade under the Doge as far as Syria and the Black Sea in the east, and to Italy in the west - although he does not mention Spain. One could say that the Venetians were the only nation that traded at that time (p. 122). In addition to the pressure of the surrounding empires, Romanin also names the families from Malamocco, Heraclea and Jesolo that were the cause of the following conflicts. He knows that an Erico Barbaromano, supported by Byzantium, occupied the "lidi Remondini, delle Pinete, di Piave e della Livenza fino a Grado". Galagaulo triumphed over his opponents, the Barbaromani and Obelerii, with the help of Ravenna. Diodato, who came from Eraclea, supported his hometown, which aroused the hatred of the Jesolans. Galla used this situation to seize the Doge at Brondolo, to blind him and to chase him from office.
August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) sees in his history of Venice from its founding until 1084 , which appeared eleven years after his death, above all external influences, in particular Byzantine and Longobard, later Frankish. In Galla's grip on power, he recognizes an action supported by Byzantium. According to Gfrörer, Ursus' father had been overthrown by Byzantium. He also believes that Deusdedit succeeded him after the last Magister militum , which was overthrown after a few months. It was only from this office that he had the title of Doge appropriated (p. 60). Deusdedit - here Gfrörer follows Andrea Dandolo's chronicle - was called back from exile by Felix Cornicula to make amends for the crime committed against his father, as this Magister militum was looking for reconciliation anyway. The "Orsos party raised its head again and quickly came up". With the election of Jovianus , one follows Gfrörer, the Byzantine party came to the fore again, which he derives from his title Hypathos-Ipato. The return to the Dogat, as the author explains succinctly after Andrea Dandolo, has now taken place, "because the Venetians had convinced themselves that authorities changing every year are not beneficial to the welfare of the country." Then Gfrörer argues the other way around, namely that Deusdedit are the same Title, as previously received by Jovianus, but this was only done to pull the Doge from a position of weakness towards the Lombards to the imperial side. The author also believes that Eraclea was an "island devoted to the basileus" and that it was therefore advisable to move to Malamocco. When Pippin defeated the Lombards in 755, they could no longer protect the Doge, and that is why he was overthrown that year (p. 62). Galla seized the Doge's office, "getting along with Greek help". “The connection is palpable,” the author finally claims.
Heinrich Kretschmayr believed he could identify Galla with an Egilius Gaulus, a nobleman from Iesolo who had been in a fight with Malamocco for generations. Although he again concedes the influence of local conflicts more strongly, he classifies them against the background of the supra-regional disputes. He believes he can read from the “spite” of the (much later) tradition that “this regiment”, namely that of the Magistri militum , was little “in the sense of the Venetian population” (p. 48). With him, the Dogat was reintroduced "probably with reference to the services of the Venetian militia for the recovery of Ravenna". Since Deusdedit, as the son of Ursus and “as a meritorious participant in the Ravennatic enterprise, may have been acceptable to both parties”, he was chosen (p. 49). “Civil struggles” and “mainland turmoil” also resulted in the capital being relocated to Malamocco. When Aistulf conquered Ravenna in 751, "his position might seem threatening to the Dux of Veneto, now far and wide the only holder of Byzantine rights in northern Italy". Therefore Deusdedit founded Brondolo "on the Brenta". According to Kretschmayr, the Longobard king preferred to wait until Veneto would "fall into his lap as the last ripe fruit". Before or after his trip to the Frankish Empire, the Pope had plenty of money distributed in Venice in order to secure his support. In 755, however, the Doge was overthrown and blinded by that "Egilius Gaulus".
In 2003, John Julius Norwich no longer even mentions the name of the murderer of Deusdedit, but only lists him as one of the examples of the series of Venetian doge murders. "Teodato" was after Norwich Doge in a quarreling lagoon, where even within the "communities, seething as they were with family feuds and factional strife, flash point was never far away". "Like his father, Doge Teodato came to a violent end". "The fourth Doge lasted a little longer, but after eight years, becoming resentful of the two tribunes who were now elected every year to prevent the abuse of the ducal power, he too was eliminated." According to the author, this situation improved only with Maurizio Galbaio from 764. Thus, in this work the external and internal development of Venice are almost unrelated.
As for all of early Venetian history, the source base is extremely narrow. The chronologically closest source is the Longobard story , the Historia gentis Langobardorum of Paul the Deacon . The Chronicle of Johannes Diaconus , the Istoria Veneticorum , was created around 1000 .
- Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999 ( text edition based on Berto in the Archivio della Latinità Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) from the University of Siena).
- La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 95-98 ( digital copy , PDF).
- Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, p. 115 (Deusdedit as Magister militum ) and p. 116 f. (Dogat) ( digitized from p. 114 f. )
- Gerhard Rösch : Deodato , in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Vol. 39, Treccani, 1991.
- Gherardo Ortalli : Deusdedit , in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Vol. 39, Treccani, 1991, pp. 502-504.
- Claudio Rendina : I dogi. Storia e segreti , 1st edition, Rome 1984, 2nd edition, Rome 2003, p. 27 f.
- So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these doges, especially since the 17th century, were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families (allegedly) ruling Venice since 697: "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro discendenti "(Maurizio Carlo Alberto Gorra: Sugli stemmi di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).
- Gherardo Ortalli : Venezia dalle origini a Pietro II Orseolo , in: Storia d'Italia , Vol. I, Turin 1980, p. 364, 367-373, here: p. 367 f.
- Ottorino Bertolini: Ordinamenti militari e strutture sociali dei Longobardi in Italia , in: Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo , XV, Ordinamenti militari in Occidente nell'alto medioevo , vol. I, Spoleto 1968, p. 502 -507.
- Roberto Cessi : Venezia ducale , Vol. I: Duca e popolo , Venice 1963, pp. 104-109, pp. 112-114. The author assumes there, however, that he had already initiated this demarcation as Dux, i.e. between 745 and 749.
- Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 48ff.
- Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 17 f.
- Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, p 6 ( digitized ).
- Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, p. 49 ( online ).
- "Conoscendo Venetiani per esperienza ch'il regimento d'un anno non era a proposito della Republica, convennero in Malamocho et unitamente elessero nel DCCXLIJ Diodato in Duce" (p. 49).
- Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 3r ( digitized, p. 3r ).
- Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Herthaben life / government, and withering / from the first Paulutio Anafesto on / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, p. 43 f. (Magister militum), pp. 47-50 (Doge) ( digitized version ).
- Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 13 f. ( Digital copy, p. 13 ).
- Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origins to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 106–109 ( digitized version ).
- Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo Ducale di Venezia , Vol 4, Venice 1861, pp 10-12 (. Digitalisat ).
- Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861, 2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972 ( digitized from vol. 1 , Venice 1853, pp. 117–122). The enormous historical work has a volume of about 4000 pages.
- August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, pp. 60–63. ( Digitized version ).
- Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 50.
- John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.
Doge of Venice
|BRIEF DESCRIPTION||Doge of Venice|
|DATE OF BIRTH||7th century or 8th century|
|DATE OF DEATH||8th century|