Julianus Hypathus

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Julianus Hypathus or Giuliano Ipato , also Julianus Ceparius , was, according to the Venetian tradition, the fourth of a total of five magistri militum who, after the murder of Doge Orso Ipato , in the years from 737 to 742, the settlements in the Venice lagoon for ever ruled for a year. Julianus Hypathus was the third of these magistri , if one follows this tradition, in office from 739 to 740 or from 740 to 741. Neither the place of birth nor the place of death are known. The associated times are also unknown. Its predecessor was Diodato Ipato ; his successor Johannes Fabriciacus .

Dating attempts and Venetian historiography

The traditional dating of all early medieval reigns is largely based on determinations that go back to the chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo , and thus to the more than half a millennium younger, state-controlled historiography of Venice. In accordance with the views of the fourteenth century, she attributed all essential achievements to the Doges, while the five years of the Magistri remained nebulous and were regarded, as it were, as a failed political experiment.

The question of whether the short-lived office indicates a dominance of the Eastern Roman Empire in the lagoon or, on the contrary, speaks for a rebellion of the dominant families in the lagoon has long been debated. The focus of the research is the reconquest of the Eastern Roman Ravenna from the Lombards by a Venetian fleet, which is now postponed to the year 739 , which does not, as assumed in the tradition mentioned, fall during the reign of Doge Orso Ipato , but that of one of the Magistri militum .

Territories of the Eastern Roman-Byzantine Empire and the Longobard Empire in Italy around 744

Venetian historiography, which from the 14th century onwards was based predominantly on the work of Doge Andrea Dandolo, saw the battle for Ravenna as central against the background of the iconoclastic controversy and the “national resistance” of the Italians against Byzantine rule . This turned the Venetian naval operation into a turning point in the history of Venice, if not the Mediterranean. On the one hand, the Republic of Venice could be reinterpreted as the savior of Byzantium and, at the same time, of the Pope, who was in conflict with the Byzantine iconoclasts. On the other hand, in the Byzantine Empire, the city received trade privileges and rule over the Adriatic for the first time - an orientation that already referred to Enrico Dandolo , under whose leadership the Byzantine capital Constantinople was conquered in 1204.

But still in the 14th century, before the Venetian historiography went through the said "bottleneck" of tradition, which made it largely forgotten what was not in Andrea Dandolo's chronicle, there was at least one account showing the reconquest of Ravenna almost a decade later arranged. The Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, the oldest vernacular chronicle of Venice, does not follow the verdict of Andrea Dandolo, but places the reconquest of Ravenna in the time of "Iulian Ypato", not of Doge Orso Ipato . "Iulian Ypato", on the other hand, is not directly dated by the author, but he explicitly classifies the first of the Magistri militum in the year "genzCXXX ", that is to say in the year 730. This ruled a year as did his successor" Felixe ", which in turn was" Diode Ypato ”for two years follows. With this, the one-year term of office of Julian begins in the year 734 and therefore extends until the year 735. There it says: “Meser Iulian Ypato, dicto messer Iubanico, resse per anno I; nel tempo del qual queli de Ravena veneno al dicto domandando aida per recovrar Ravena, la qual el nievo et successor de Lioprando, re de Lombardia et Romagna, haveva tolto a l'arcivescovo de quela cum tute le sue raxon; unde lo dicto meser Iulian, cum volontade de tuto el suo povolo, li mandò grande secorso de giente et aver, per la qual cossa, non passando molto tempo, quela recovrò cum grando triompho ”(p. 17). The chronicle thus not only provides by far the longest text on the five magistri militum . In addition to the one-year rule, the chronicler mentions that the Ravennates, probably their bishop, turned to the Venetians for help in recapturing the city. With the approval of the whole people, Julianus sent great help - with the use of people and property, certainly men and ships to be thought of - and the triumphant reconquest succeeded after a short time. Despite this success, Julian refused to extend his term of office: "Habiando complido lo suo termene de anno I refudò la rectoria".

Uncertain timing, reasons for the abolition of the Doge's office

As with his predecessors, Julianus' information about his reign has always differed greatly. The said Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo dates this time to the years 734 to 735. Marco Guazzo , on the other hand, completely withholds the office in his Cronica published in 1553 . According to "Orso Ipato terzo doge di Venezia", ​​who was made doge after him in 721 and spent nine years in office, Venice was without a doge for six years (from 730 to 736) "reggendosi per altri magistrati, & uffici ". The lagoon ruled itself through other magistrates and offices. From this it can at least be concluded that Julianus must also have been a Magister Militum from 734 to 735 . In his Sommario istorico in 1609, Michele Zappullo set the election year Orsos to 724 and the year of death to 729, which means that the Magister in question was assigned a reign from 733 to 734.

But when it came to dating, the uncertainty was greater than these comparatively close dates suggest. In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart wrote in his work Kurtze and an increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world-famous Venice Republic that Orso 726 was “chosen” and murdered after eleven years, but he adds on the year of death: “ Others put this in the 680th year. ”This uncertainty in dating also appears elsewhere. In Volume 23 of the source series Rerum Italicarum Scriptores edited by Lodovico Antonio Muratori it is reported that Orso was elected in 711. In contrast, Samuel von Pufendorf (1632–1694) mentions the year 737 as the end of Orso's reign, with which he took over the traditional dating mentioned above.

Assumptions about Julianus' administration

Until the end of the Republic of Venice (1797)

Heinrich Kellner explains in his Chronica , published in 1574, that is the actual and short description that all the parties to Venice lived in Malamocco, as Kellner's laconic reasoning, “then they had no more pleasure in living at the time / that is why they voted in the community a war colonel / who had the regiment and all administration / but one of them didn't wear this fade any longer then a jar. "After the third" war colonel "it says:" Instead came after Julianus Ceparius / or like a part will / Ipatus " - apparently nothing more was known to him about Julianus. Overall, he comes to the verdict that after five years the “unhappy Ampt or regiment of the colonels of war” ended and so “the place came back under the regiment of the Hertzians”. He suggests that the Magistri were not able to settle the dispute in the lagoon, so that the inhabitants of the three arguing cities of Eraclea , Iesolo and Equilio left their cities after the battle in the “Canal Arco” and “moved elsewhere ". In the Historia Veneta of Alessandro Maria Vianoli from 1680, which was translated into German under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, und Die Aussterben 1686, the fourth master's name was "Julianus Ceparius" and according to the translation his title was "Master of Knighthood" . Vianoli believes that the “master”, who left office after him in 742, was “loved by everyone who loved him. He has peculiarly flowed into peace / and made everyone popular / because of his idle and quiet walk ”(p. 44).

Vincentius Briemle mentions Julianus in his pilgrimage in 1727 just as little as the names of the other magistri , but believes that the office of “General in the militia” only existed “for a very short time”. "Theodatus" initially held the office "two years in a row" and then the Doge office was restored. Johann Heinrich Zedler mentions only the names of the magistrates in Volume 14 of his General State, War, Church and Scholars Chronicke from 1745 . In the meantime the year 737 had prevailed for their first assumption of office, but the title had been changed from Magister militum to Magister equitum . The cause of the overthrow is still sought in the person of Doge Orso, whose office was to be abolished, and at the same time the power of the new head was to be curbed by the election for one year. The Magistri equitum also appear with this title in the 40th volume of Zedler's large, complete Universal Lexicon of All Sciences and Arts . Johann Huebner's Kurtze questions from the Political Historia of 1710 remain even more laconic, but speaks of an “INTERREGNUM in Venice” after Orso “massacred”, an interregnum that lasted five years. The tendency to drop the magistri in the ranks of the rulers of Venice largely prevailed. At the same time, Marcellus , the second doge of the Venetian tradition, who is only mentioned as Magister militum in the contemporary sources , had long since been accepted into the ranks of the doges without justification. This made the five years of the Magistri the only interruption in the long line of 120 doges.

Attempts to classify national states: between civil war and Mediterranean great power politics

Carlo Antonio Marin thought the establishment of the Magistri militum was a clever move by the people's assembly to end anarchy, because it gave power to a single man, if only for a year.

The role of the Magistri in the context of the nation state was reinterpreted even more . In his Breve corso di storia di Venezia of 1872, dedicated to popular education , Giuseppe Cappelletti said that the proximity of the Lombards threatened Venetian “freedom” and “national riches” (“nazionali ricchezze”). In 737 the lagoon inhabitants finally murdered because they did not want to tolerate a doge over them, the Orso, which was so well-deserved for the fame and honor of the nation. 741 took over from the ranks of the Magistri as the fourth "Giuliano" the office, who succeeded in reinstating the bishop "Giovanni VII", who had been driven out by the Lombards (probably meant John V). To compensate, he was given the title of " ipato imperiale".

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) saw in his History of Venice, which was published posthumously in 1872, from its foundation to 1084, the Magister militum "as a colonel appointed by the imperial court at Constantinople". "According to Deusdedit, Jovianus was proclaimed Magister militum in 740". As Gfrörer assumes on the Byzantine initiative, he was followed in 741 by Johannes Fabriciacus , who was blinded in 742 (p. 59).

After the posthumous editor Dr. Johann Baptist von Weiß had forbidden the Italian translator Pietro Pinton to annotate Gfrörer's statements in the translation, Pinton's Italian version appeared in the Archivio Veneto . Pinton's own illustration did not appear in the Archivio Veneto until 1883. Orso, since Gfrörer's chronology contradicts the sources, was not overthrown by Byzantine intrigues, but by an internal Venetian civil war, as described in Andrea Dandolo's Chronicon breve . Pinton himself assumed that the reconquest of Ravenna did not take place until 740, at the time of the fifth of the Magistri (pp. 40-42).

Modern research

The question of which side the fourth Magister militum is to be seen on, the Byzantine or the “autonomist” side, remains open to this day . Until recently, research assumed an uprising by the Venetian ruling class, which in the end was no longer willing to submit to a Dux who no longer had any noteworthy support from the Exarch of Ravenna . Accordingly, argued Agostino Pertusi in 1964 , the annually changing magistri militum could be interpreted as the result of the growing ambitions of the groups prevailing in Venice, whereas the restoration of the Dogat could be interpreted as an increase in the Byzantine central power at the expense of the local ruling class. However, since Deusdedit was to be regarded as an exponent of Malamocco and no longer of the old headquarters of Heraclea , it was assumed, in contrast, that the group of families ruling in Malamocco had simply prevailed against those of Heraclea. Accordingly, with the murder of Orso, on the contrary, the Byzantine central power first returned in the form of the Magistri militum , against which Malamocco then resisted, as Gherardo Ortalli argued. The settlement of the epithet or title of Iubianus as Hypatus could therefore be based on a proximity to Byzantine power. It is unclear whether the Magistri had Venetian roots.

The classification of the reconquest of Ravenna in the time of the Magistri militum

Paulus Diaconus in conversation with Pope Gregory, whose vita he wrote (Carolingian fresco in St. Benedict's Church in Mals in South Tyrol , around 825)

The implied confusion regarding the dating of the battles for Ravenna found its way into modern historiography because of a single word in the description of the events by Paulus Deaconus , the source closest in time. This is the name of the Lombard royal nephew in connection with the battle for Ravenna as regis nepus . This was stated in 2005 by Constantin Zuckerman. According to this, Ludo Moritz Hartmann took the view that Hildeprand , the nephew of the Lombard king, would hardly have been addressed as nepus by Paulus Deaconus if he had already been king at the time of the battle for Ravenna. Since it can be deduced from Longobard sources that Hildeprand became king in the summer of 735, although his seriously ill uncle recovered and lived until 744, according to Hartmann, Ravenna must have been conquered before the coronation, i.e. before 735.

Paulus Deacon, however, did not give the newly crowned a large share of the royal power in the following period. On the contrary, in connection with the loss of Ravenna, he contrasted his capture with the manly ('viriliter') death of another defender of the city, the Peredeus Vicentinus dux : "Peredo viriliter pugnans occubuit". If one follows this logic, no more chronological conclusions can be drawn from the designation as a mere nepus .

Pietro Pinton had already suggested dating the battle for Ravenna to 740 in 1883 and again in 1893. He saw the sequence of the accounts of Paul the deacon as chronologically correct. Constantin Zuckerman arranged the events of the reconquest of Ravenna in the larger context of the "dark centuries" of Byzantium and in 2005 came to the conclusion that the conquest by the Venetians must have taken place in the autumn of 739. He does not consider Hartmann's conclusion about the Nepus name to be sound. This, apart from the absolute dating, confirms the view of the Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo , according to which the reconquest took place under Julianus.


Web links

Remarks

  1. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 17.
  2. ↑ Marco Guazzo: Cronica di M. Marco Guazzo dal principio del mondo sino a questi nostri tempi ne la quale ordinatatamente contiensi l'essere de gli huomini illustri antiqui, & moderni, le cose, & i fatti di eterna memoria degni, occorsi dal principio del mondo fino à questi nostri tempi , Francesco Bindoni, Venice 1553, f. 167v and 168r. ( Digitized version ).
  3. ↑ Michele Zappullo: Sommario istorico , Gio: Giacomo Carlino & Costantino Vitale, Naples 1609, p. 316.
  4. ↑ Jakob von Sandrart: Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 12 ( digitized, p. 12 ).
  5. ^ RIS, vol. 23, Milan 1733, col. 934.
  6. ^ Samuel von Pufendorf: Introduction à l'histoire générale et politique de l'Univers , Vol. 2, Chaterlain, Amsterdam 1732, p. 67.
  7. ↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 2r – v ( digitized, p. 2r ).
  8. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli: Historia veneta di Alessandro Maria Vianoli nobile veneto , Giacomo Herzt, Venice 1680, p. 36 f. ( Digitized version ).
  9. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Herthaben life / government, and withering / from the first Paulutio Anafesto to / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, translation ( digitized ).
  10. ↑ Vincentius Briemle, Johann Josef Pock: The through the three parts of the world, Europe, Asia and Africa, especially in the same to Loreto, Rome, Monte-Cassino, no less Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, Mount Sinai, [et] c. [Etc. and other holy places of the promised land employed devotional pilgrimage , first part: The journey from Munich through whole Welschland and back again , Georg Christoph Weber, Munich 1727, p. 188 ( digitized version ).
  11. ^ Johann Heinrich Zedler: General State, War, Church and Scholars Chronicke , Vol. 14, Leipzig 1745, p. 5 ( digitized version ).
  12. ↑ Large complete Universal Lexicon of all sciences and arts , Vol. 46, Leipzig / Halle 1745, Sp. 1196 ( digitized version ).
  13. ↑ Quoted from the 1714 edition: Johann Hübner: Kurtze Questions from the Political Historia , Part 3, new edition, Gleditsch and Son 1714, p. 574 ( digitized version ).
  14. ^ Carlo Antonio Marin: Storia civile e politica del commercio de 'veniziani , 8 vols., Coleti, Venice 1798-1808, vol. 1, Venice 1798, p. 182 f.
  15. ^ Giuseppe Cappelletti: Breve corso di storia di Venezia condotta sino ai nostri giorni a facile istruzione popolare , Grimaldo, Venice 1872, p. 26 ( digitized version ).
  16. ↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer: History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 58 ( digitized version ).
  17. ^ Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto (1883) 23–63 ( digitized version ).
  18. ↑ "Il ritorno di nuovo ai duces [...] è da intendere come un ritorno alla normalità, cioè alla sovranità bizantina dell'esarco." (Agostino Pertusi: L'impero bizantino e l'evolversi dei suoi interessi nell'alto Adriatico , in : Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, p. 69).
  19. ↑ "il trasferimento della sede a Malamocco […] die ad indicare una ripresa del processo autonomistico" (Gherardo Ortalli: Venezia dalle origini a Pietro II Orseolo , in: Longobardi e Bizantini , Turin 1980, pp. 339-428, here: p . 367).
  20. ↑ This and the following according to Constantin Zuckerman: Learning from the Enemy and More: Studies in “Dark Centuries” Byzantium , in: Millennium 2 (2005) 79–135, esp. Pp. 85–94.
  21. ↑ "Quem Langobardi vita excedere existimantes, eius nepotem Hildeprandum foras muros civitatis ad basilicam sanctae Dei genetricis, quae Ad Perticas dicitur, regem levaverunt." (Paulus Diaconus VI, 55). The coronation came because it was believed that his father would soon die. However, he did not die until 744.
  22. ^ Pietro Pinton: Longobardi e veneziani a Ravenna. Nota critica sulle fonti , Balbi, Rome 1893, p. 30 f. and Ders .: Veneziani e Longobardi a Ravenna in: Archivio Veneto XXXVI11 (1889) 369-383 ( digitized version ).
  23. ↑ Constantin Zuckerman: Learning from the Enemy and More: Studies in “Dark Centuries” Byzantium , in: Millennium 2 (2005) 79–135, especially pp. 85–94.
personal data
SURNAME Julianus Hypathus
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Magister militum of Venice
DATE OF BIRTH 7th century or 8th century
DATE OF DEATH 8th century