Marcellus (Magister militum)

Coat of arms of "Marcello Tegalin" based on ideas from the 17th century. The Heraldry began only in the third quarter of one of the 12th century, and later Arms were awarded to the early doges in retrospect, who had never done such a coat of arms ( "fanta-araldica"); this served to relate the families of this epoch to the earliest possible doges, which gave them prestige as well as political and social influence.

Marcello Tegalliano , also Marcello Tegalin (* 2nd half of 7th century; † perhaps 726 in Eraclea ), was the second doge according to tradition, as the state-controlled historiography of the Republic of Venice is often called . According to said tradition, he ruled from 717 to 726. Its historicity is, however, controversial, only the Venetian historiography knew him by this name, while he appears in the earliest sources from 840 only as Marcellus . In these sources he is also not listed as a Dux (Doge) - apart from a forged papal letter at this point - but as a Magister militum , an army master, which brings him close to Eastern Roman official titles. At times Marcellus was even considered the protector of Venice's freedom against the Lombards , similar to Numa Pompilius for Rome. Today, however, Ursus is usually listed as the first doge, Marcellus as the official in the Byzantine province of Venice.

Surname

The name “Marcello Tegalliano” is a construct of Venetian historiography, which was the only one in use for a long time. The part of the name "Tegalliano" probably goes back to the chroniclers Nicolò Trevisan and Andrea Dandolo . The stabilization of such names often contributed to the fact that important families referred to the respective doge as ancestor, in this case the families Fonicalli and Marcello. The second Doge also appeared in 17th century poetry, for example in Lucretia Marinella (1571-1653) in her L'Enrico ovvero Bisanzio , which was published in 1635 by Gherardo Imberti in Venice, dedicated to Doge Francesco Erizzo and the Republic of Venice and reissued in 1844 acquistato , under that name. He was described as peace-loving and eloquent.

The non-Venetian historians stayed less in line with this state historiography, which was subject to strict control until 1797. The naming as "Marcello Tegalliano" was already a mere agreement of the Venetian historians for Marc-Antoine Laugier in 1767 , to which he preferred the designation as "Marcello di Eraclea" or "Marcel d'Eraclea".

Background and sources, terminology

As with its predecessor, there are almost no reliable sources of information about Marcello Tagalliano or Marcellus that could prove its historical existence. Two sources mention a Magister militum named Marcellus, who later historians claimed was elected Doge. According to this legendary tradition, he was chosen after the death of his predecessor in 717. However, other, very different dates are also mentioned. The two most important chroniclers, namely Johannes Diaconus , who wrote his chronicle around 1000, i.e. around 300 years later, and Andrea Dandolo, who wrote again over 300 years later, agree insofar as they gave Marcellus a reign of 20 years and 6 Attributing months.

The only sources that are relatively close in time and explicitly name the first Doge Paulicius and the “second Doge” Marcellus named in the tradition remain on the one hand the Pactum Lotharii of 840, on the other hand the aforementioned Chronicle of Johannes Diaconus, the Istoria Veneticorum .

The Pactum called 26 adjacent to the (supposedly) first Doge, who there in section dux is called a Master of the Soldiers called Marcellus. According to Heinrich Kretschmayr between 713 and 716, the two had concluded a contract with the Lombard king Liutprand (712-744) : “De finibus autem Civitatis novae statuimus, ut, sicut a tempore Liuthprandi regis terminatio facta est inter Paulitionem ducem et Marcellum mag militum, ita permanere debeat, secundum quod Aistulfus ad vos Civitatinos novos largitus est ”. The document, which traces the demarcation far back into the Lombard era, carefully differentiates between a “dux” and a “magister militum”, between “Paulitio” and “Marcellus”. Venetian historiography believed that the contract had been concluded with the Lombard king Liutprand (712-744), when in the "terminatio" it only says 'at the time of King Liutprand'.

Johannes Diaconus also mentions the two men with reference to the said pactum from the year 840, but Marcellus again only as a magister militum . In the first year of Emperor Lothar, he saw a contractual border regulation that had its starting point between Venetians and “subiectos” of the empire who lived nearby. This border, initially negotiated between the Venetians and imperial subjects ("subiectos"), was recognized again and again by the Franks and the Roman-German rulers over the centuries . This is why it was so important for Venetian national historiography that the Dux and his Magister militum no longer acted on behalf of the Eastern Roman Empire, but instead concluded a treaty of their own accord through which the border against the Kingdom of Italy was recognized.

Italy at the time of the Langobard king Agilulf († 615)

The extension of the independence of the republic as far back as possible into the past had particular propagandistic significance for Venetian historiography. This was able to free them from legal claims of the two empires, and at the same time prove that the noble families of the city had always run Venice. At the same time, the end of the other offices from Roman and Byzantine times showed that the popular assembly justified a break with traditions in a religious and military emergency. In doing so, the oldest families also tied in with pre-Lombard traditions.

The question of whether the alleged second doge could even be considered as such, since he did not explicitly bear this title, occupied the professional posterity to a considerable extent. The various offices that were established in the Eastern Roman Empire, namely those of the tribunes , the duces and the magistri militum , are closely related, as is that of the exarch and the question of the popular assembly. In Ravenna , Ostrom set up an exarchate to combat the Longobards who immigrated to northern Italy from 568 onwards . The Exarch had extensive civil and military rights that were otherwise usually kept separate. Control of the individual, often isolated territories of Italy was given to duces or magistri militum . Dux could be an expression of a more civil function derived from the respective local nobility, while the magister militum corresponded more to a military rank. These magistri were occasionally assigned the duties of a dux .

The first ducats were set up as early as the 6th century, so Venice could have been such a case as well, which is not clear from the sources. Accordingly, there could be a connection to the transfer of power from the tribunes to the Duces , which was also repeatedly asserted in later historiography. Since the historiography of the Republic of Venice tended to negate an early, autonomous popular assembly, the development of this institution has also been little researched. According to Byzantine regulations, all armed men were entitled to vote, especially the exercitus . These men together formed the core of the popular assembly known as the concio generalis or arengo , an assembly that in turn elected the Doges. However, the popular assembly does not appear in such a function explicitly in the sources until 887, even if Venetian historiography later claimed that almost all of the earliest Doges were elected by it.

Reception and embedding in historiography

For Venice, the question of the origin of its highest office of state and its continuity was of considerable importance, so that the leading bodies, which in any case attached great importance to strict control over historiography, asked about the importance of the first doges for the reasons of state and the constitution, attached high value to sovereignty and borderline. The alleged second doge fell far behind in its importance compared to the first.

As early as the 11th century, the Istoria Veneticorum said succinctly: "Anno ab incarnatione Domini DCCXXVII, mortuo Paulitione duce apud civitatem novam, qui ducavit annis XX, mensibus VI, successit Marcellus dux" ('In the year since the Incarnation of the Lord 727 After Paulus Dux died in Civita Nova, who led for 20 years and 6 months, the Doge Marcellus follows'). The sequence of the first three doges belonged to the canon of Venetian historiography at the latest with the chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo (1343-1354), which became the template for numerous other chronicles. Andrea Dandolo reports that Paulucius, Marcellus and Ursus , the first three Doges, were buried in Heracliana. Andrea Dandolo says that Marcellus filled the Doge's office for seven years and three months, but he names 714 as a different year. The Chronicon Altinate , one of the oldest narrative sources in Venice, where it says "Marcellus dux, ducavit annos VIIII, et dies XXI", that is 9 years and 21 days, shows other figures for the duration of the reign.

The very brief Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, the oldest vernacular chronicle of Venice, presents the processes, like Andrea Dandolo, on a level that has long been common at this time and largely dominated by individual men, especially the Doges This also applies to “Marcelo Tegalian”. The individual doges even form the temporal framework for the entire chronicle, as was customary in Venice. This “Marcelo Tegalian” came to the “ducali dignitade” in the year “genzCXIIII ”, ie in the year 714. According to this chronicle, he was a 'lover of peace' ("amador de paxe"), just as he was a "pacis amator" with Dandolo. After a reign of 7 years, 3 months and 5 days, he was buried in the same city as his predecessor, "abiando ducado anni VII, mexi III, dì V". This chronicle only deviates slightly from Dandolo's information in the period of reign, namely by five days.

In 1502 Pietro Marcello meant in his work, later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , "Marcello Tegaliano Doge II." "Fu creato Prencipe" ("was made a doge"), namely "con tutte le voci" , so unanimously. This happened in the year "DCCXVII", ie in the year 717. He was a man of "mirabil pietà" ('wonderful piety'), who also enjoyed the war, but he had not found an opportunity to wage war during his nine-year term in office.

According to the chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , which was written until 1532, “the inhabitants of the islets” came to the lagoon, the “habitatori delle [dette] Venete isolette”, after the death of the (alleged) Doge Paulicius, the “Paoluccio Anafesto” , together in Heraclea, and made “Marcello” the new Doge (“creorono Duce Marcello”). This was a "huomo assai utile alla Republica", a "man very useful to the republic". At that time Antonio, a man from Padua , was Patriarch of Grado . This was first a monk , then abbot of the monastery "Santa Trinità di Brondolo di San Benedetto", and he kept the church free from errors and heresies . Marcellus, and with that the knowledge about him is exhausted, died after 9 years and 21 days of rule and was buried in Heraclea.

Francesco Sansovino († 1586) dedicated to the Doge only two notes, namely one to his birthplace and to the disputes between the Patriarch of Aquileia and Grado , which he extremely outlined scarce, while the 1602 published work Delle history del mondo by Giovanni Tarcagnota just devotes a longer section to these disputes.

Heinrich Kellner gives a slightly different impression of Marcellus. He writes in his Chronica that is the actual and short description of all the lives in Venice from 1574: “This [Marcellus Tegalianus] / as one finds / was a very godly man / and had a high understanding / also had pleasure in getting . But since he had no cause / to start a war / and thus brought his entire government peacefully / he died / since he had been in the Duke of Thumb for nine years. "He expressly refers to" the Sabellicum ", i.e. Marcantonio Sabellico .

Alessandro Maria Vianolis Historia Veneta from 1680 (Volume 1), which appeared six years later in German, tries to make it clear to the readers that it was his "good deeds, which the Grentz divorce / so the Venetians with Luitprando, the Lombard king / had / had / concerned / acquired him the affection and goodwill of the whole citizenry ”. The "citizen of Eraclea", who took office, had a "high understanding" and a "wisdom / same as in the time of King Solomon". So not only the Jesolans came , but also "lots of foreign-arguing parties Hauffen-wise ran to him with gifts and gifts". They hoped for “wise advice” to “resolve their conflict”. In addition, he had passed "many cordial laws and statutes / which are the strongest walls and the very best garrisons of a well-ordered republic". In addition, the dispute between Aquileia and Grado was "compared". In doing so, Candiano, "as the first / the churches / so located in the rule of Venice and Istria / fell to / but to Severo / as the Patriarch of Aquileja, all the others were left". To wage a war he has "never been able to start nor find a legitimate cause". After he had “9. Year and 21st day, possessed the Hertzoglichen Stul / fell asleep in great peace ”.

In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart believed in his work Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world famous republic of Venice , "Marcellus Tegalianus Heracleanus", was a "kind and understanding gentleman", he had ruled peacefully for nine years. The author notes the only historical information about his reign: "At that time the seat of the patriarch was moved to Aquileia."

In 1697, the Cronica Veneta of Pietro Antonio Pacifico also knew that "Marcello Tegalliano Doge II" was "in gouerno noue Anni, e giorni ventiuno" before he died in his hometown of Eraclea. In 1736, the Cronaca Veneta knew that "Marcello Tegalliano" not only ruled for precisely that time, but also that he was elected unanimously ("con tutte le voci fu eletto Principe"). This reign, which already appears in the Chronicon Altinate, was taken over by Johann Heinrich Zedler in 1739, just as Johann Hübner had already done in 1699 in his work Kurtze Questions from the Political Historia . However, he preferred the year 709 as the date of the first Doge election. He saw the end of the rule of the first Doge in 717, the end for "Marcellinus Tegalianus" again in 726.

Even Johann Friedrich Lebret stated, "Marcel ... was a native also of Heraclea". He tried to "carefully follow in the footsteps of his predecessor". “He observed the greatest moderation with the Lombards”, because this “led to the thorough use of his state”, but Aquileia “preoccupied him”. The author describes this dispute as “notorious” and “the popes fled all dealings with these patriarchs”. “Finally, in 698, Sergius got so far that Peter of Aquileia set up a synod in this city, at which the schismatic bishops finally agreed to condemn the three chapters” (cf. three chapter dispute ). It should be clarified which of the two patriarchs should have priority, especially since Grado had occasionally called himself a Patriarch of Aquileia. “The whole of the Mediterranean Veneto, which was then in the hands of the Lombards, was under Aquileia. Grado had Istria and the maritime province from Grado to Capo d'Argine under his shepherd's stick ”(p. 94f.). Since no agreement could be reached between the clergy, they turned to Pope Gregory II "and he decided the dispute to the advantage of Grado". Serenus received a corresponding letter from Aquileia as did “Aemilian” from Grado. But the successor of the Serenus, Calixtus, committed “the greatest violence” against Grado, “and if Marcellus had the spirit and the power of his successors, he would have put these restless Patriarchs of Aquileia in their proper place with greater seriousness”. But "the seed of discord lasted for over a hundred years". According to LeBret, Marcellus could not intervene because he did not want to "embitter" the powerful king "Luitprand" against himself. Gregory II also gave the “Serenus the pallium solely out of respect for the mighty King Luitprand”. “Grado itself, like Istria, was still subject to the Greek Empire at the time of Marcellus. How should Marcellus have mixed up in matters that other rulers are entitled to? ”According to the author, these circumstances could“ justify ”Marcellus' statecraft.

Still strongly tied to historiographical conventions, Francesco Zanotto also wrote in his work Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia from 1861 that the “cittadini”, the “citizens”, had again gathered in Eraclea to determine a successor to the Doge “Anafesto”. Behind Marcellus, the supporters had gathered, to whom the Doge had already given the order to negotiate the border treaty with the Lombards. Other historians, however, according to the author, were silent about the circumstances, only related that Marcellus was of the greatest kindness ("bontà"), was a new Numa, had kept the peace, passed laws, built fortifications at the estuaries, the Have islands defended against pirates by boats. The most important act of his rule, however, was that he defended the Patriarch of Grado, Donato. This was again attacked by Sereno, the Patriarch of Aquileia. Sereno devastated the country in the fight for his spiritual rights. According to Zanotto, a letter to Pope Gregory II was enough to put an end to this activity, because the Pope forbade Sereno to attack the country under Donato. Marcellus, according to the author, ruled for 9 years and 20 days and was buried in Eraclea.

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) believed in his History of Venice, published posthumously in 1872, from its founding until 1084 , after the death of the (allegedly) first Doge: “Marcellus, the previous Magister militum, was now second to the dignity of the deceased Doge Sea Venetia. ”During his reign, Liutprand had drafted the plan to“ drive the Greeks completely out of Italy. ”For the Patriarch of Aquileia, whose official seat was in the Longobard Empire, he had for the first time been awarded the pallium that his predecessors had had been denied without exception. This recognition as a patriarch came about at the instigation of the Lombard king. In this way he tried to win over the long-branched Patriarchate Grado for his empire "and to subordinate the sea Venice to the Lombard crown". But now, on the initiative of the Venetians, Pope Gregory II (715-731) warned the Patriarch Serenus in 723 to continue his attacks on Grado's property. The recognition of his rights was ultimately the condition for the transfer of ownership of the pallium. In addition, Gfrörer cites a second letter in which he announces Rome's steps against Serenus to the Patriarch of Grado and "Duke Marcellus" as well as to the other parishes of "Lake Venetia". Gfrörer expressly accepts the reign of Marcellus from 717 to 726. The passage with the title of duke later turned out to be a mere interpolation .

Modern research

Still Frederic Lanes Venice. A Maritime Republic , published in 1972, saw Venice as a bulwark against tyranny against the backdrop of American post-war history. Other historians also adopted the idealization of Venice and its just rule, which was developed and widespread by the Venetian patriciate. It was not until 1975, with an essay by Eric Cochrane and Julius Kirshner, that the deconstruction of this closed circle of patterns of interpretation began, which continues to this day. The identification of the second Doge with the Magister militum , who is the only Marcellus named in the above-mentioned sources, can accordingly be seen as an unbroken tradition almost up to the end of the 20th century.

This assignment of Marcellus to the Doge's office is based solely on the fact that his predecessor is referred to as Dux . Alvise Loredan believed in 1981 that the military was "in all probability" deployed by the Exarch of Ravenna. And the place of the inauguration was known to some historians, namely the Cathedral of Oderzo . For the Lessico universale italiano of 1968 Marcellus belonged to the nobility of Eraclea . For Eugenio Musatti (1897) he had the pope fixed in connection with the iconoclasm , as Marcellus' predecessor, in his opinion (1888), was “acclaimed by the crowd”. In 1872 Giuseppe Cappelletti pointed out the connection to the iconoclasm and the struggle between the church princes of Aquileia and Grado , behind whom Lombards and Byzantines stood, whereby the author of the I dogi di Venezia , published in 1871, only laconically remarked that he was “more concerned with religion than with arms “I defended the rights of the Patriarch of Grado. The General Encyclopedia of Sciences and Arts in alphabetical order knew in 1864 to add that Marcello had been appointed “with the approval of the emperor”.

Much of this "knowledge", and that through mere rumor and also processed in works of art, knowledge per se considered safe, was already bundled by Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna , the excellent expert on the sources of Venice. He also put the Magister militum and the presumed second doge into one, he also knew that this doge had built fortresses at the estuaries of the rivers into the lagoons, and that boats had been stationed there. In addition, he had conquered the islands of Centenaria and Mossone in the Grado lagoon with a few boats , where he was injured in the fight against the Lombards. He was even put on a par with Numa ( Numa Pompilius ) by the "elders" , since he defended the freedom of Venice against the claims of the Lombards, but at the same time inclined to humanity and meekness. After nine years of reign he was finally buried in Eraclea 726.

Samuele Romanin, on the other hand, follows the Cronicon Altinate , from which he understands that there had been heavy fighting towards the end of the reign of the first Doge ("Orta est contentio inter Venetos - coeperunt fortiter inter se pugnare"), then they destroyed Heraclea. In order not to forfeit the Lombards' privileges immediately, the Doge turned to the Pope to support the Patriarch of Grado against Aquileia. He quotes from a letter from Pope Gregory II in which he should have written a “Marcello duci” (p. 108), which later turned out to be a forgery, or as a later insertion.

In the 1930s, Andrea Da Mosto had no doubt that Marcellus, or "Marcello Tegaliano", was the second Doge. The families of the Fonicalli or the Marcello could have been traced back to him. This type of incorporation into the ancestry was also a reason why the interpretations of Venetian historiography remained almost irrefutable. The handy work enjoyed considerable popularity and was last published again in 1983.

But since the end of the 19th century, historiography began to detach itself from the idea that Marcellus should be viewed as a doge. In 1905, Heinrich Kretschmayr took the Eastern Roman title of the oldest sources seriously and no longer considered Marcellus a Dux , but a Magister militum , without, however, questioning the historicity of the person. He concluded that the Eastern Roman-Byzantine emperor had entrusted this “Magister militum Marcellus of Istria with the administration of the ducat of Veneto”. For Antonio Battistella came Magister militum of Istria. Kretschmayr considered a letter from Pope Gregory II , in which he addressed a “Marcello duci”, among other addressees, to be a forgery, or at least this addition. He indicates further forgeries that even became part of the Cronica de singulis patriarchis Nove Aquileie , in which there are also demonstrably forged synodal acts. All in all, these forgeries are “hardly anything other than part of the legal theoretical constructions of 10/11. This was, as was the statist view of the early 20th century, of great importance for Venetian historiography, because no one other than a doge could have concluded a treaty with the Lombards. According to the Cambridge Medieval History of 1923, the "most plausible theory" was the one that led to the assumption that Marcellus acted on imperial orders and thereby associated himself with the Doge. According to John Julius Norwich , who published his History of Venice in 2003, the alleged treaty was just a demarcation of an Eastern Roman province that was later accepted by the Lombards, and that of a dux Paulicius, for Norwich (in the footsteps of Cessi) the Exarch of Ravenna Paulus, and his Magister militum Marcellus had been established. For Norwich this was the "obvious and indeed the only legitimate conclusion to be drawn". Only the latter could be entitled to contractually fix such a demarcation at the highest state level. Marcellus' predecessor was neither a Doge nor a Venetian, Marcellus was never a Doge either.

The historicity of the first two doges was ultimately questioned by historians, most notably in 1926 by Roberto Cessi . He was the one who suggested equating it with the exarch. For him, the series of doges began with the third doge, according to legend, with Orso Ipato , because the tradition of the second doge was based on the same unreliable sources as that of the first. For Cessi, the choice of a doge was inconceivable under what he believed to be a too strict regime of Constantinople . Cessi saw in Marcellus a possible representative of the Byzantine rule. This may have been one of the interpretations that Venice wanted to avoid for centuries.

Carlo Guido Mor, Joachim Werner , Amelio Tagliaferri, 1962

Carlo Guido Mor was the first to propose the thesis that Paulicius might have been a Lombard dux from Treviso, Marcellus his Venetian counterpart, an assumption that Stefano Gasparri accepted. Gasparri contradicted Cessi's interpretation in 2011. He agrees with him insofar as he also considers the existence of Paulicius unlikely, but the equation with the exarch seems to him to be an expression of "isolationism", the emphasis on an extremely early special role of Venice in which the entire history of deviated from that of the neighbors. Roberto Cessi, as an exponent of this ongoing isolationism in local historiography, emphasizing Venice's special role that had existed from the start, had rejected practically any influence from the mainland, be it from the Lombards or from the Franks. Gasparri also believes that the pacta with the Lombards were also an invention of John the Deacon. The naming of the Longobard king Liutprand only served to date, the contract was by no means concluded with the king himself, but rather it belongs to a number of other contracts of the Lombard rulers below the royal level. Accordingly, there was no Doge Paulicius: "Paulicio non fu il primo doge" (p. 35). As Gian Piero Bognetti had already suggested, Paulicius could have been the Duca of Treviso, or one of his neighbors, possibly a Lombard (p. 38). The Pactum Lotharii thus became a mere coordination of the borders between two adjoining territories, namely the originally Longobard ducate Treviso and the Exarchate of Ravenna, the latter being represented by Marcellus.

The idea of ​​Johannes Diaconus, in the figure of the first two doges, that the essentially growing Venetian state, namely by concluding a treaty with the powerful mainland power in full sovereignty, turns out to be a back projection, if not state propaganda, as Kretschmayr had already stated. Marco Pozza also states that the two names Paulicius and Marcellus were known to the chronicler Johannes Diaconus from several documents. These were next to the said Pactum Lotharii , whose confirmation by Otto II. Of 983 should have been known as well as the names from a praeceptum Otto III. of 992, one of 995 and the text of a Placitum held in Verona of 996 in 996. The invention of the two doges can be traced back to Johannes, whose historiography was then consolidated by the chroniclers of the 14th century, above all Andrea Dandolo.

Anna Maria Pazienza tried to derive Mors' thesis chronically in 2017. The author of the Chronica de singulis patriarchis Nove Aquileie plays a decisive role in this, and a number of documents from the patriarchal archive must have been available to him. Among these was a kind of letter that Patriarch Fortunatus II had sent to his clerics in Grado, possibly from the Byzantine exile, and which resembles a will . Fortunatus lists his services to the Gradensian Church , and he expresses his hope for a speedy return. Since Giordano Brunettin (1991), this source has been viewed more as an excerpt from a court record in which the patriarch tried to emphasize his merits while he was accused of stealing from the Grades church. In view of this far-reaching access to documents that are mostly lost today, Pazienza explains how the chronicler describes the election as the first Doge. As already mentioned, he places it at the time of Emperor Anastasius and the Longobard King Liutprand (around 713), and explains how Paulicius concluded a treaty and Cittanova had the Longobard king assure him. According to Pazienza, this is reminiscent of the text of the Pactum Lotharii , in which the emperor recognizes the borderline that Liutprand once promised Paulicius and the Magister militum Marcellus. For Pazienza it was not a Lombard-Venetian treaty at the highest level, but Liutprand only guaranteed a treaty between Paulicius and Marcellus (which at the same time moved the border from the Piave Maggiore to the Piave Secca). For the author, this defined the border between the Longobard Empire and the Byzantine province of Venice. For them, Paulicius is also not the first Doge of Venice, as the Venetian historiographical tradition has maintained for a millennium, but the Dux of Treviso. The Byzantine province, however, was ruled by that Marcellus, a Magister militum . "No peace agreement was ever concluded between King Liutprand and Venice, nor was Paulicio ever the duke of the lagoon city, as the chronicler states, misinterpreting - if deliberate or not is difficult to say - the evidence at his disposal: the pactum Lotharii or its following renewals ”(p. 42). A founding myth of Venice, derived from the Pactum Lotharii , would be a mere back projection of the author of one of the oldest chronicles of Venice. The alleged first Dux of Venice at Pazienza becomes the Dux of Treviso, a Lombard, the second Doge becomes a representative of the Eastern Roman-Byzantine Empire.

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Narrative sources

• Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999 ( text edition based on Berto in the Archivio della Latinità Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) from the University of Siena).
• La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 94, 177 ( digitized version , PDF).
• Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo civitatum Italiae seu Venetiarum (Chronicon Altinate et Chronicon Gradense) , Rome 1933, pp. 28, 115.
• Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 108-112 ( digitized version , from p. 108 f. ).
• Roberto Cessi, Fanny Bennato: Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, pp. 1, 20, 41, 97.
• Alberto Limentani (Ed.): Martin da Canal . Les estoires de Venise , Florence 1972, p. 9 f.

Legislative sources, letters

• Roberto Cessi (ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriore al Mille , vol. I: Secoli V-IX , Venice 1991, here: n. 18 (letter from Pope Gregory II to the bishops of Veneto and Istria), Pp. 28–30 ( digitized version ).
• Theodor von Sickel (Ed.): Ottonis II et III Diplomata , Monumenta Germaniae Historica , Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae , Part II, Hanover 1893, n. 300, pp. 352–356, here: p. 355 ( digitized version ); n. 100, p. 511 f., here: p. 512 ( digital copy ); n.165, p. 577 f., here: p. 578 ( digitized version ).
• Alfred Boretius , Victor Krause (eds.): Capitularia regum Francorum , Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum sectio , Vol. II, Hannover 1897, p. 135, ( digitized version ), 141 ( digitized version ).

literature

• Marco Pozza: Tegalliano, Marcello, detto Tegalliano , in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 95 (2019)
• Giorgio Ravegnani: Il doge di Venezia , Bologna 2013, p. 16.
• Stefano Gasparri: Venezia fra i secoli VIII e IX. Una riflessione sulle fonti , in: Gino Benzoni , Marino Berengo , Gherardo Ortalli , Giovanni Scarabello (eds.): Studi veneti offerti a Gaetano Cozzi , Vicenza 1992. ( rmoa.unina.it (PDF))
• Stefano Gasparri: Dall'età longobarda al secolo X , in: D. Rando - GM Varanini (ed.): Storia di Treviso , Vol. II: Il Medioevo , Venice 1991, pp. 16 f., 36.
• Stefano Gasparri: Venezia fra i secoli VIII e IX. Una riflessione sulle fonti , in: Studi veneti offerti a Gaetano Cozzi , Venice 1992, p. 6 f.
• Girolamo Arnaldi : Le origini dell'identità lagunare , in: Storia di Venezia , Vol. 1: Origini. Età ducale , Rome 1992, p. 431.
• Antonio Carile , Giorgio Fedalto: Le origini di Venezia , Bologna 1978, from p. 226.
• Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , Milan 1960, p. 4 f.
• Roberto Cessi : Le origini del ducato veneziano , Naples 1951, pp. 150-162, 164-170.
• Andrea Da Mosto: I dogi di Venezia con particolare riguardo alle loro tombe , Venice 1939, p. 33.
• Giuseppe Maranini: La costituzione di Venezia , vol. I: Dalle origini alla serrata del Maggior Consiglio , Venice 1927, p. 30 f.
• Roberto Cessi: Paulucius dux , in: Archivio veneto-tridentino X (1926) 158–179, here: 166 f., 171–176.

Web links

Commons : Marcello Tegalliano  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

1. ↑ So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these doges, especially since the 17th century, were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families (allegedly) ruling Venice since 697: "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro discendenti "(Maurizio Carlo Alberto Gorra: Sugli stemmi di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).
2. ↑ Lucrezia Marinella : L'Enrico ovvero Bisanzio acquistato , Giuseppe Antonelli, Venice 1844; Enrico; or, Byzantium conquered. A Heroic Poem , transl. Maria Galli Stampino, The University of Chicago Press, 2009, globalchalet.net (PDF).
3. ↑ Marc-Antoine Laugier : Storia della Repubblica di Venezia Dalla sua Fondazione sino al presente Del Sig.Abate Laugier Tradotta dal Francese , Carlo Palese e Gasparo Storti, Venice 1767, p. 175, note 1.
4. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1: Until the death of Enrico Dandolo , Gotha 1905, reprint: Aalen 1964, 1989, p. 44.
5. ^ "Hoc tempore Lotharius imperator anno sui primo, pactum, initum inter Venetos et vicinos subiectos imperii super jure redendo et solutione datiorum, requirente duce, per quinquenium confirmavit terras que ducatus distinsit a terris Ytalici regni; et terminationem factam inter Paulucium ducem et Marcelum magistrum militum de finibus Civitatis Nove sub Liutprando rege et ab Astulffo confinatam comprobavit. "
6. ↑ Quoted from Luigi Andrea Berto: Il vocabolario politico e sociale della “Istoria Veneticorum” di Giovanni Diacono . Il poligrafo, 2001, p. 239.
7. ↑ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1: Until the death of Enrico Dandolo , Gotha 1905, p. 44.
8. ^ "Marcellus dux ad predicte dignitatis solium, universis provincialibus congregatia, in eadem civitate promotus fuit, discursis ab Incarnatione predicta annis septingentis quatuordecim. Hic dux, pacis amator, cum subditis et vicinis benevole pertransivit; demum cum ducatum gubernasset annis septem, mensibus tribus, humane vite debitum persolvit, ibique sepultus fuit. "( Ester Pastorello (ed.): Andreae Danduli Ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 , Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, p. 354).
9. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 15.
10. ↑ Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, p.2: "Ma tuttavia, non havendo egli havuta niuna occasione di far guerra, & perciò, essendo passato tutto il suo governo in pace , morì, essendo stato Doge nove anni “( digitized version ).
11. ↑ Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, p. 47 ( online ).
12. ↑ "il quale conservò la Chiesa sua nel culto Divino, immaculata da gli errori et heresie, adherendosi alla Romana Chiesa" (Șerban V. Marin (ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, p. 47).
13. ^ Francesco Sansovino : Delle cose notabili della città di Venetia. Libri II , Lucio Spineda, Venice 1602, p. 35r-v, or Venice 1561, p. 33.
14. ↑ Giovanni Tarcagnota : Delle history del Mondo , i Giunti 1598, pp 314 et seq.
15. ↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice, Sigmund Feyerabend, Frankfurt am Main 1574, sheet 1v ( digitized, p. 1v ).
16. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli: Der Venetianischen Herthaben life / government, and dying / from the first Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 33-35 ( digitized ).
17. ↑ Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 12 ( digitized, p. 12 ).
18. ^ Pietro Antonio Pacifico : Cronica Veneta , Domenico Lovisa, Venice 1697, p. 34.
19. ↑ Cronaca Veneta , Venice 1736, p. 22.
20. ↑ Marcellus Tegalianus or Tagilanus. In: Johann Heinrich Zedler : Large complete universal lexicon of all sciences and arts . Volume 19, Leipzig 1739, column 1207.
21. ^ Johann Huebner : Kurtze questions from the Political Historia: the teachers and learners put on to make things easier. Bite on the Peace Conclusion to Ryswyck continued and With a useful introduction to The Beginners and Complete Register , third part , Johann Friedrich Gleditsch, 1699, pp. 575-577.
22. ↑ Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered in the correct time order, at the same time new additions, from the spirit of the Venetian laws, and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, from the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 94–96 ( digitized version ).
23. ↑ Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, p. 7 f. ( Digitized version ).
24. ↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 49 f., Here: p. 49 ( digitized version ).
25. ↑ Eric Cochrane, Julius Kirshner: Deconstructing Lane's Venice , in: The Journal of Modern History 47 (1975) 321-334.
26. ↑ This is how Claudio Rendina proceeds : I dogi. Storia e segreti , Newton Compton, 1984, p. 23, who admits that one knows “practically” nothing about the second Doge, but it must be the Magister militum who signed the contract with Liutprand (“Dovrebbe essere comunque lo stesso magister militum che firmò insieme a Paoluccio il trattato con Liutprando ”).
27. ^ Alvise Loredan: I Dandolo , Dall'Oglio, 1981, p. 62.
28. ↑ Eno Bellis, for example, cites this: Piccola storia di Oderzo romana , La tipografica, 1968, p. 172.
29. ^ Umberto Bosco: Lessico universale italiano , Vol. 15, 1968, p. 506.
30. ^ Eugenio Musatti: La Storia politica di Venezia secondo le ultime ricerche , Gallina, 1897, p. 13 ("che provocò l'efficace interposizione del Sommo Pontefice per far cessare i dissidi religiosi").
31. ↑ Eugenio Musatti: Storia della promissione ducale , Padua 1888 (reprint Venice 1983), p. 8 (“acclamato dalla moltitudine”).
32. ↑ Giuseppe Cappelletti: Breve corso di storia di Venezia condotta sino ai nostri giorni a facile istruzione popolare , Grimaldo, 1872, p. 20 f.
33. ↑ I dogi di Venezia , Venice, 1871, p. 5
34. ↑ General Encyclopedia of Sciences and Arts in alphabetical order , First Section, Sixty-eighth Part, Brockhaus , Leipzig 1864, p. 450.
35. ^ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , vol. 1. Venice 1867, o. S. ( digitized version ).
36. ^ Samuele Romanin: Storia documentata di Venezia , vol. 1, Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853, p. 107, note 3.
37. ^ Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , reprinted by G. Martello, 1983, p. 2.
38. ↑ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1: Until the death of Enrico Dandolo , Gotha 1905, p. 44.
39. ^ Antonio Battistella: La Repubblica di Venezia ne'suoi undici secolo di storia , Venice 1921, p. 33.
40. ↑ Heinrich Kretschmayr: History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1: Until the death of Enrico Dandolo , Gotha 1905, p. 413.
41. ^ The Cambridge Medieval History , Vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1923, p. 389.
42. ^ John Julius Norwich : Storia di Venezia, Vol. I: Dalle origini al 1400 , Milan 1981, pp. 28, 353.
43. ↑ Roberto Cessi : Paulicius dux , in Archivio Veneto-tridentino 10 (1926) 158-179.
44. ^ Carlo Guido Mor: Sulla "terminatio" per Cittanova-Eracliana , in: Studi medievali, s. 3, X (1969), 2, pp. 465 f., 476, 479-481.
45. ↑ Stefano Gasparri thinks of Piero Bognetti: Natura, politica e religione nelle origini di Venezia , in: Le origini di Venezia , Florence 1964, pp. 15 and 32.
46. ↑ Stefano Gasparri: Anno 713. La leggenda di Paulicio e le origini di Venezia , in: Uwe Israel (ed.): Venezia. I giorni della storia , Venice 2011, pp. 27-45.
47. ↑ Anna Maria Pazienza: Archival Documents as Narrative: The Sources of the Istoria Veneticorum and the Plea of ​​Rižana , in: Sauro Gelichi, Stefano Gasparri (ed.): Venice and Its Neighbors from the 8th to 11th Century. Through Renovation and Continuity , Brill, Leiden and Boston 2018, pp. 27–50.
48. ↑ Giordano Brunettin: Il cosiddetto testamento del patriarca Fortunato ii di Grado (825) , in: Memorie storiche forogiuliesi 71 (1991) 51–123.

predecessor	Office	successor
Paulicius	Doge of Venice 717–726	Orso Ipato