Grado lagoon

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Aerial view of the Grado lagoon and the Marano lagoon

The Grado lagoon , in the local dialect Gravo , is a lagoon at the far northern end of the Adriatic . It takes its name from the city of Grado , an Italian municipality with a population of just over 8,000. The water stretches over a coastal stretch of 25 km from Fossalon di Grado to the island of Anfora at the level of the estuaries of Ausa and Corno and covers an area of ​​about 90 km², together with the lagoon of Marano to the west , the lagoon even covers 160 km² . Usually a distinction is made between an eastern part, the palù de sora , and a western part, the palù de soto of the Gradenser lagoon , with the road completed in 1936 separating the two parts. There are around 30 islands within the lagoon. The depth of the water varies between 40 cm at low tide and 80 cm at high tide.

Location, outline

Barbana in the Grado lagoon

The western part known as palù de soto forms the greater part of the lagoon; this is where most of the islands and canals are. In the eastern palù de sora is Barbana, the largest island. These islands are from west to east: Isola Marinetta and di Sant'Andrea, Portobuso, while in the east the larger islands form Isola Bavaiarina and Gorgo, only then does the island of Grado - connected to the mainland by a road - follow with the smaller Le Cove, north of it Barbana. There was a monastery on San Pietro d'Orio for centuries. Ravaiarina and Gorgo, where there was a church, were air force bases during World War I. The island of Isola di Morgo, located further to the west, had extensive agricultural production until a few decades ago; the island of Anfora, located in the far west, formed the border between Italy and Austria in 1866 -Hungary. On Barbana in the far east there was a congregation of the Friars Minor.

geology

During the last maximum of the glacier extension , the Tagliamento glacier reached around 17,000-16,000 BC. Its maximum extent. The meltwaters formed the later rivers Corno, Cormor and Torre as well as the Tagliamento , which was a river up to two kilometers wide that dug itself 25 to 30 meters deep into the fan landscape. The glacier left an extensive terminal moraine system. On the other hand, the Isonzo glacier ended above Gorizia . The Piave glacier divided in the lower area into an eastern arm, which followed the Val Lapisina and reached the plain at Vittorio Veneto , and a western arm, which followed the today's Piave valley . Terminal moraines also formed 12 kilometers above the plain. Finally, the Brenta Glacier probably ended near Valstagna about 10 km above the valley opening at Bassano .

ecology

The Grado lagoon is considered to be one of the best preserved wetlands in the entire Mediterranean. However, there is a considerable input of nitrogen from human activity, which is almost compensated by the pronounced tides, so that the substances mostly end up in the Adriatic and no accumulation can be seen. While the loads from heavy metals are generally lithogenic in nature, this does not apply to mercury , which is mainly brought in through the mines around Idrija, i.e. washed into the lagoon via the rivers from Slovenia.

history

Prescribed history (from 4000/3000–1100 BC)

As has long been known from the sources , the settlement of the lagoon reached back at least to late antiquity . The road that connected Aquileia with its port Grado in Roman times is now mostly under water. When the Huns conquered Northern Italy, the Patriarch of Aquileia withdrew to Grado, which led to a long dispute over the seat of the Patriarch. Eventually Grado itself became the seat of its own patriarchate, the Patriarchate of Grado .

However, the lagoon was formed much earlier, as archaeological research has shown, through which the formation in the period between 4000 and 3500 BC. BC could be dated. At that time the sea level was about 4 m lower than today, only a few settlements from ancient times are known. Around 1800 BC This level was about -3.0 to -2.7 m below the current one. This rise continued, so that around 1250 to 1100 BC. A level of −2.0 to +0.6 m is to be expected. At that time, at the end of the Late Bronze Age , the settlements were abandoned. However, the sea level cannot be verified as the cause, so that other causes of a natural or social nature are searched for.

The traces of settlement go back even further a little north of the lagoon, where traces can be traced back to the Mesolithic . In September 2013, new excavations began on Canale Anfora, località Ca 'Baredi, a canal that goes back at least to Roman times; the settlement there over a former river course was built around 3000 BC. The settlement was done with foresight and with knowledge of floods and irrigation possibilities, which included the construction of canals and ditches. Farming probably existed in the higher elevations, while livestock was kept in the lower elevations. There was also fishing and collecting molluscs.

Roman period (1st to 5th century), Ostrogoth Empire, Eastern Current (from approx. 540)

Today's lagoon was largely silted up in Roman times and extended a few kilometers into the Adriatic; the area consisted of a wide plain with a series of hills. The majority of the settlement finds come from these elevations. Of the around 20 proven sites in the area of ​​today's lagoon, 14 had already been examined around 2000. A tributary of the Isonzo , reinforced by the confluence of Natiso cum Turro (where Aquileia's port was located), crossed the plain, and some of these arms and rivulets are still used as canals today.

The 181 BC BC founded Aquileia., The ninth largest city of the Empire, dominated the surrounding countryside and the lagoon, through which it ran a year-round, long-distance trade to Ravenna, which over the lagoon chain of Grado, Marano, Caorle , Venice and Comacchio could be handled, but also over roads like the 131 BC Built AD. Via Annia , the way to Adriatic enough. The Natiso was again navigable for merchant ships about 13 km north of Aquileia; Another waterway led to Noreia , where contacts with the Illyrians existed. When the Natiso silted up, the goods were transported in carts. These paths and the lagoons were of great importance in an area which, due to its natural conditions, was considered to be "harborless", as Livius (X 2, 4) and Strabo (VII 5, 1) had already established. The area was in turn connected to the entire Mediterranean region via the Adriatic Sea. Accordingly, Roman ships were found in the extension of the waterways, such as the Stella River, including the Stella 1 (discovered 1981, 1st century AD), Caorle 1 (2nd century BC) and Grado 2 (discovered 2000, 3rd century BC) that were excavated in 2011 and 2012.

Six inscriptions, three burial places and two capitals come from the island of Barbana; of greater importance was the place from 2./3. until the 5th century. In the area of ​​Tapo Rabante and Le Cove only settlement remains, including mosaics, were found . The area around Sant'Agata-San Gottardo was probably the location of a port, possibly with direct access to the sea, as well as bank fortifications several hundred meters long. Numerous other Roman traces were found on the islands of Parnpagnola-fondale del Groto, Gorgo, Villa Nova and Morsano along the road to Aquileia, in the form of workshops, camps, docks and necropolises . There were also coins of the Emperors Constantine and Gallienus , which, however, only appear in the inventory of the Museum of Aquileia. The island of Marina di Macia was apparently on the sea and at the same time on one of the rivers that led towards Aquileia. There was a large interim storage facility where goods arriving via the Adriatic were reloaded, as well as goods from the hinterland for the purpose of being shipped by sea.

Remains of the Basilica of San Giovanni (4th - 6th centuries)
Relief of a kantharos with doves and a Greek cross in Santa Maria delle Grazie, Grado, part of a 6th century choir screen

In 452, the Huns under Attila destroyed Aquileia, which has almost wiped out the city, which has been the provincial capital since Diocletian , according to the long accepted assumption. From the middle of the 5th century there is no evidence of settlements in the lagoon, but it has been shown that Aquileia did indeed continue to exist. The closest source in time, the Ms. n. 202 of the cathedral library in Merseburg from the 2nd half of the 5th century (a copy from the 11th century), mentions siege and conquest, but does not name destruction. First the Fasti Consolari Ravennati claim this destruction for the first time: "Aquileia fracta est", then again Cassiodorus . In a letter of 536/537, however, he still mentions state storage facilities, Horrea , in Aquileia. Archeologically, traces of a city fire in the middle of the 5th century can be proven, but also a number of building measures afterwards. Cividale , which was believed to have advanced to become the provincial capital and which actually grew rapidly, certainly took over the defense of the Alps, which also meant relocating warehouses for the army.

Grado, for his part, now assumed a strong economic role and grew too. A castrum was built there in the second half of the 6th century . The large Roman ships that needed ports and loading points were replaced by smaller units. In addition, since the early 5th century, when the imperial court was relocated from Milan to Ravenna, Aquileia felt competition from Classe, which rose to become the main port. Ravenna also now ousted Aquileia from its traditional trade contacts with wine and oil from Istria. The city ​​experienced a new rise with the Ostrogoths , because their conquests in the north reactivated the old trade contacts. The decline of Aquileia therefore only began with the Lombards . When the long war against the Ostrogoths was waged under Justinian I , Grado acquired a significant role as a naval base. Persian troops were also settled there, probably former prisoners from the battles against the Persian Empire - first referred to as persoiustiniani under an Armenian fighting near Verona . In the Gradensian Sant Eufemia Church, a fragment of the inscription proves their presence. It reads: "[Io] hannis [mil] es de nu [me] ro equit [um] [pe] rsoiustiniani votum solvit." This refers to the remains of Persian troops that were settled in Grado after the advance of the Lombards. According to Prokop, this was the high number of 800 men.

The said Canale Anfora was used for shipping at least from the 1st to the 3rd century; it silted up completely by the 4th century, so that agricultural land was created there. For the lagoon it was the central waterway and the connection to the Mediterranean trade, for the hinterland it was the central trade route to Aquileia. Among the numerous artefacts from Roman times, the amphorae stand out with around 3000 fragments . It turned out that the vast majority of the commercial goods that were transported on the canal and thus crossed the lagoon came from the eastern Mediterranean. Italian amphorae made up almost half of the artifacts, and almost a third came from the east. 13.7% of the amphorae came from Africa , only 6.7% from Iberia. However, the proportion of amphorae from Africa rose to 36% in the last of the three phases in which the canal existed, even surpassing the proportion of Italian goods (32%). At the same time, wine from Italy and Istria consistently made up almost half of imports, but the proportion of wine from Romagna rose sharply. Olive oil was almost as well represented , again primarily from Istria; this oil seems to have virtually prevented the supply of African oil. The trade with North Africa between Mauritania and Tripolitania was also very intensive, but more in wine. In the 5th and 6th centuries, the ousting of Aquileia by Ravenna also had an impact here.

Patriarchate Grado (from 568), claim by Venice (until 1797)

Longobard and Byzantine territories before 603
The Venetian lagoon system with its political borders in 840
Detail from a map of northeast Italy with the lagoons of Grado and Marano, Carel Allard (1648–1709)

The role of the lagoon remains unclear during the early rule of the Lombards , who moved to Italy from 568 and conquered large parts of the country against tough Eastern Roman resistance. According to tradition, Paulus , the highest church leader in northeast Italy and on the Istrian peninsula, fled from his residence Aquileia from the approaching Lombards to the safer island of Grado, while his cathedral chapter remained at the old official seat. This spatial separation and the reconciliation of the Grado patriarch with the Pope in 699 became essential prerequisites for the division of the patriarchate. Thus, a patriarchate ( Aquileia Nova ) based in Grado was created alongside the nearby remaining patriarchate Aquileia .

Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna , otherwise an excellent expert on the sources of Venice, believed that the alleged second Doge of Venice, Marcello Tegalliano , had conquered the islands of Centenaria and Mossone in the Grado lagoon with a few boats in the early 8th century, in the course of which he was fighting the Lombards had been injured. He was even put on a par with Numa ( Numa Pompilius ) by the 'elders' because he had defended the freedom of Venice against the claims of the Lombards.

With the appearance of the Franks, who succeeded in conquering the Longobard Empire under Charlemagne , Grado came into conflict between the two great empires of the Franks and the Byzantines. In the course of 785 the merchants of Venice had been expelled from the Pentapolis , which in turn was operated by the Patriarch of Grado. The Doge Johannes came up with the plan to take revenge on Grado for this act, which had permanently damaged Venice's trade in the Adriatic Sea. His father had already split off the Diocese of Olivolo - today located in the east of Venice's historic center - from Grado. Grado was in turn part of the Frankish Empire, which Olivolo could also become a source of conflict. This split actually led to violent arguments with another John , the Patriarch of Grado, who saw his rights violated. The enmity between the Doge Johannes and the patriarch of the same name escalated in 802 when the Doge instructed his son Mauritius to conduct a punitive expedition at the head of a fleet. Grado was destroyed, the captured patriarch was overthrown from a "very high tower" ('altissima turre'). Around 821 , after a decade of disputes, the Doge Agnellus had the subsequent Patriarch of Grado, who was considered a friend of the Franks, removed.

This was followed by very long battles in which the Patriarch of Aquileia tried to enforce his obedience over Grado, while Venice feared this deep interference in its territory, because Grado also included a number of dioceses in Istria in addition to Olivolo. Grado became almost identical to Venice after the dioceses on Istria were again subordinated to Aquileia in 827. The borders of the Patriarchate of Aquileia were set by Charlemagne in 811. Although the Grado lagoon was quite remote from Venice, it was in any case suitable as a safe place of exile, as in 836 against the Doge Johannes Particiaco , or as a burial place, as in 887 for the first Petrus Candianus .

However, in the 9th century, Slavic and Saracen groups endangered the lagoon. Venice was defeated against the Croats in 872 in a sea battle near Salvore ( Savudrija ) off Istria. One of their leaders by the name of Trpmir attacked a number of towns in Istria in 876 and then turned against Grado. But this time the Venetians managed to win. In 875 the inhabitants of Grado were able to defend themselves against an attack by sea by the Saracens, an attack on the city itself was repelled by a Venetian fleet without fighting. In contrast to the cities around the lagoon of Venice, Grado was spared the attacks of the Hungarians who were in Italy around 899.

At the same time, the struggles over the church organization, whose focus was Grado, intensified. Under the Doge Ursus Particiaco new bishoprics emerged, with which the canon of the six dioceses of the ecclesiastical province of Grado was permanently established. These bishoprics were Caorle , Eraclea , Iesolo , Malamocco , Olivolo and Torcello . But the attempt by state power to subordinate the church to itself soon led to renewed clashes. This was particularly evident in 874, when Peter , the newly elected Patriarch of Grado, not only refused the office, but fled to the Kingdom of Italy. When the Doge noticed that the Patriarch had rejected his candidate for election as Bishop of Torcello, and even threatened him with excommunication , the Doge forced him to flee. Despite multiple interventions by Pope John VIII. Ursus forced the patriarch Peter and his appointed bishops to resign. With this, the Doge achieved a fundamental turnaround in relation to the patriarchy, even if Peter was allowed to return in the end. In 880 there was a treaty with the Patriarch of Aquileia . In it, the Patriarch promised an end to the hostilities on the part of Grado, as well as renouncing all claims to the dependent churches and their properties. The longer-term consequence was that the Doge proposed candidates for episcopal, abbot and abbess offices until the 11th century and participated in the election, as well as exercising secular jurisdiction over the high clergy.

Venice enforced its claim to the lagoon and especially Grado by a variety of means, including a blockade. In support of the Patriarch of Grado, the Doge imposed a sea blockade in 944. Grado controlled access to the hinterland via the Natissa, which, however, was ruled by the Patriarch of Aquileia. There had been conflicts here before. On January 13, 880, such a dispute between Doge Ursus and Patriarch Walpertus was ended by a contractual agreement. Another source of conflict was the use of the forests in Friuli by the Gradensians, which had already been regulated in the time of Lothar I. The “magna discordia”, the “great discord”, broke out when armed men provoked an argument in Grado. Marinus, the Patriarch of Grado, acted as mediator. He led the Doge to 'restore peace and friendship'. With the promissionis carta of March 13, 944, the Patriarch of Aquileia, his entire clergy and his 'people' recognized all stipulations that governed the relationship between kingdom and ducat, but especially not to carry out any acts of violence in the area of ​​the ducat, but in the To report contrary acts of violence by others to the Doge. This secured the further expanding trade in the north as far as Bavaria . Finally, at a Roman synod that met around the turn of the year 967 to 968, the title of patriarch of Grado was recognized. The Doges increasingly tried to bring their own relatives, preferably their sons or brothers, to the patriarchal seat.

Venice ruled around 1000

In the event of an overthrow, such as in 976, this office could become a serious threat to the now stabilized regiment of Venice if the relatives of the fallen victim turned to the Roman-German Empire for help . In such conflicts between Venice and the empire Grado became an important lever of power. When relations with the Western Empire cooled, it supported the ambitions of the Patriarch of Aquileia Poppo , who tried to make Grado his suffragan again. Poppo had Grado occupied and looted. On one of Pope John XIX. After the Synod convened in 1027, he had succeeded in having Aquileia's supremacy over Grado recognized for a short time. After the reconquest, the Doge had the city wall of Grado reinforced with iron gates. With the Pope in 1044 the Gradenser achieved the final restoration of the status quo and the condemnation of Popp’s misdeeds. Probably in 1162 the Patriarch of Aquileia, Ulrich II von Treffen , besieged the island city of Grado in the course of the dispute with Friedrich Barbarossa . The Doge immediately sent all available ships northward. The patriarch's troops were defeated, the patriarch and some of his followers were taken prisoner.

With the Byzantine Emperor's Chrysobull of 1082, which gave the Venetians enormous trade advantages in the Empire, the entire upper Adriatic benefited from the increasing flow of goods. Grado himself was cut off from his surroundings with a view to potential income from country estates. The great had feudal ties to Aquileia, not Grado. In addition, only two donations from the years 1012 (by the Doge Tribuno Memmo) and 1058 (by a chaplain of San Marco) have survived. In 1074 the Doge Domenico Silvio called a meeting of the prelates of the lagoon, apparently with the purpose of giving income to Grado, which was considered extremely poor. Above all, the spiritual institutions provided money and grain, and occasionally wine. The doge alone gave the enormous sum of 110,400 denars (p. 5), the bishops and abbots gave 18,000 denars a year. The Doge consisted of fixed income, land taxes and annual concessions, most of which cannot be quantified in more detail. As the certificate issued indicates, the Doge's predecessor, Domenico Contarini, had already undertaken such efforts, albeit without great success. With the aforementioned Chrysobull, significantly more money came to Grado, in the form of gold coins from Byzantium. But even this did not solve the problems due to a lack of regular inflow. Nevertheless, provisions from the Chrysobull in connection with the Venetian trading quarter in Constantinople , where Venice received land, now also brought regular income. These came mainly from the supervision of weights and measures. After 1109 there was not a single letter from the Pope, who, as was usual for a long time, lamented the poverty of Grado. Under the patriarch Enrico Dandolo (approx. 1134–1184 in office) the resources of the patriarchate were sufficient, as a proponent of church reform he brought Cistercians into the lagoon and soon obtained primacy over Dalmatia. In 1156 Dandolo was able to build a patriarchal palace in Venice himself, namely in the sestiere of San Silvestro.

Because church offices played an essential role in the investiture controversy, the Pope opened up possibilities of interference, against which Venice defended itself by initially maintaining a patriarchate controlled by Grado, which it brought entirely to Venice in 1451. But already in the 11th century the patriarch resided more and more frequently in Venice. Grado's influence went even further when in 1157 Pope Hadrian IV determined that all of Dalmatia should belong to the patriarch's obedience - three years earlier Arbe and Ossero had been subordinate to him. Grado became an increasingly important lever for the establishment of a Venetian colonial empire. The essential role that the patriarchal office played within the Venetian Empire was particularly evident in the case of the Patriarch Enrico Dandolo, who with the Badoer family opposed supporting schismatics , by which Byzantium was meant (church schism since 1054). The ecclesiastical territory was subordinate to him up to the borders of Ragusa . The Doge Pietro Polani had his opponents exiled and demolished the houses of the Dandolo in the Venetian community of S. Luca.

Letter of indulgence from Dominicus (1318–1332), Patriarch of Grado, for Dietkirchen near Bonn, document dated December 1326. Dominicus and eleven bishops gathered in Avignon award for devotional visits to the parish church of St. Peter in Dietkirchen on certain days and for contributions to the building fund, Lighting, ornaments or other church requirements an indulgence of 40 days; Parish archive of St. Johannes Baptist and Petrus (collegiate church), Bonn center.

The port has long been more important as a base for Venetian navies on the voyage towards Istria and Croatia, especially during the protracted battles against the Narentans , Slavic pirates in the eyes of the Venetians.

From 1420, after Venice had succeeded in taking Aquileia, a long decline began there, at the end of which the city even lost the status of a diocese in 1751.

Tourism, fishing, salt extraction

In 1875 Grado only had four hotels, but increasingly investments were made in tourist facilities, in which Austrian and Bohemian families such as the Auchentaller, Oransz, Bauer or Zipser also took part. In 1914, the city already had 35 hotels. The number of private houses grew less rapidly, their number rose from 74 to more than 100. The increase in the number of hotels mainly took place in the five years before the First World War , because in 1909 there were only 19 hotels. At that time there were 11,080 visitors, in 1913 there were already 17,790. From 1894 the railway connected Monfalcone with Cervignano , from there one drove to Belvedere by carriage, then by boat to Grado. In 1910 a direct connection to Belvedere was completed, a bridge was not built until 1926. In the beginning, sick children from poor families were sent there to relax. Grado has now become a glamorous bath, one of the most famous in the empire.

As in the much larger Venetian lagoon, there are so-called casoni , simple houses, some of which are roofed with reed, built by local fishermen , on several islets .

literature

  • Marco Pozza: I documenti vescovili originali della Provincia Gradense. 1046-1200 , Aracne, Canterano 2018. ISBN 978-88-255-0843-7
  • Emanuela Colombi: Storie di cronache e reliquie: la nascità del patriarcato di Grado nelle prime cronache venetiane. In: Cristianesimo nella Storia. 3, 2010, pp. 779-825.
  • Marino Zorzi: Grado, Venezia, i Gradenigo. Edizioni della Laguna, 2001 (exhibition catalog).
  • Giulia Cester: Gli elementi di attrattività turistica: l'area lagunare e rurale di Grado. Tesi di laurea, Venice 2011/12 ( online ).
  • Dario Gaddi: Approdi nella laguna di Grado , in: Antichità Altoadriatiche XLVI (2001) 261-275.

Web links

Commons : Grado Lagoon  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

supporting documents

  1. ↑ Aldino Bondesan, Paolo Mozzi, Alessandro Fontana: Alluvial megafans in the Venetian – Friulian Plain (north-eastern Italy): evidence of sedimentary and erosive phases during Late Pleistocene and Holocene , in: Quaternary International 189 (2008) 71–90.
  2. ↑ Alessandro Acquavita, Ida Floriana Aleffi, Cristina Benci, Nicola Bettoso, Erica Crevatin, Luisella Milani, Francesco Tamberlich, Loredana Toniatti, Pierluigi Barbieri, Sabina Licen, Giorgio Mattassi: Annual characterization of the nutrients and trophic state in a Mediterranean coastal lagoon: The Marano and Grado Lagoon (northern Adriatic Sea). In: Regional Studies in Marine Science. 2, 2015, 132-144.
  3. ↑ Stefano Covelli, Elisa Petranich, Leonardo Langone, Andrea Emili, Alessandro Acquavita: Historical sedimentary trends of mercury and other trace elements from two saltmarshes of the Marano and Grado lagoon (northern Adriatic Sea). In: Journal of Soils and Sediments. 17.7, 2017, 1972-1985.
  4. ↑ A. Fontana, G. Vinci, G. Tasca, P. Mozzi, M. Vacchi, G. Bivie, S. Salvador, S. Rossato, F. Antonioli, A. Asioli, M. Bresolin, F. Di Mario, I. Hajdas: Lagoonal settlements and relative sea level during Bronze Age in Northern Adriatic: Geoarchaeological evidence and paleogeographic constraints. In: Quaternary International. 439, 2017, pp. 17-36.
  5. ^ Giacomo Vinci: Antichi paesaggi del Friuli protostorico. Popolamento e ambiente nella pianura udinese dell'età del bronzo. Dissertation, Udine 2015, section Un caso esemplificativo: il sito di Canale Anfora e la laguna di Grado nell'età del bronzo. Pp. 111–118, here: p. 111.
  6. ^ Giacomo Vinci: Antichi paesaggi del Friuli protostorico. Popolamento e ambiente nella pianura udinese dell'età del bronzo. Dissertation, Udine 2015, section Un caso esemplificativo: il sito di Canale Anfora e la laguna di Grado nell'età del bronzo. Pp. 111–118, here: p. 116.
  7. ↑ With the project Beyond the City Walls (BCW): the landscapes of Aquileia , the scope of the archaeological investigations was extended to include antiquity on the one hand, and the large-scale project also included the lagoon in addition to the rural area around Aquileia. Above all, aerial images and GIS data are used to better capture the dynamics of the historical landscape (Arianna Traviglia: Integrated Archaeological Investigations for the Study of the Greater Aquileia Area. In: The New Technologies for Aquileia. Macquarie University, 2011 ( online , PDF)).
  8. ↑ Dario Gaddi: Approdi nella laguna di Grado. In: Claudio Zaccaria (ed.): Strutture portuali e rotte marittime nell 'Adriatico di età romana (= Collection de l'École française de Rome, 280). Rome 2001, pp. 261-275, here: pp. 261-263.
  9. ↑ Massimo Capulli: Ships of Aquileia. Underwater Archaeological Research on Marine and Inland Routes of the Upper Adriatic Sea , in: Skyllis 13 (2013) 18–23 ( online , PDF).
  10. ↑ Dario Gadda: Approdi nella Laguna di Grado , in: Antichità Altoadriatiche (2001) 261–275 ( online , PDF).
  11. ↑ Gian Pietro Brogiolo, Aurora Cagnana: Nuove Ricerche sull'origine di Grado. In: Gian Pietro Brogiolo, Paolo Delogu (eds.): L'Adriatico dalla tarda Antichità all'alto Medioevo, Atti del Convegno di Studio (Brescia, 11-13 ottobre 2001) , All'Insegna del Giglio, Florence 2005, p. 79-108.
  12. ^ Yuri A. Marano: Dopo Attila. Urbanesimo e storia ad Aquileia tra V e VI secolo dC. , in: Jacopo Bonetto, Monica Salvadori (Ed.): L'Architettura privata ad Aquileia in età romana. Atti del convegno di studio (Padova, 21–233 Febbraio 2011) , Padova University Press, Padua 2012, pp. 571–589, here: p. 583 ( online , PDF).
  13. ^ Yuri A. Marano: Dopo Attila. Urbanesimo e storia ad Aquileia tra V e VI secolo dC. , in: Jacopo Bonetto, Monica Salvadori (Ed.): L'Architettura privata ad Aquileia in età romana. Atti del convegno di studio (Padova, 21-233 Febbraio 2011) , Padova University Press, Padua 2012, pp. 571-589 ( online , PDF).
  14. ↑ Quoted from Giorgio Ravegnani: Venezia bizantina , in: Atti del convegno internazionale Greci e Veneti. Sulle tracce di una vicenda comune: Treviso Casa dei Carraresi 6 ottobre 2006 , Fondazione Cassamarca, Treviso 2006, p. 247. The inscriptions there, along with precise localization, can be found on the website of the Collaborative Research Center for Materials and Text Cultures. Materiality and presence of the written in non-typographic societies , section GRADO: BASILIKA SANT'EUFEMIA .
  15. ↑ Nicola Bergamo: Venezia bizantina , Helvetia, Spinea 2018, p. 35 f.
  16. ↑ Rita Auriemma, Valentina Degrassi, Dario Gaddi, Paola Maggi: Canale Anfora: Uno spaccato sulle importazioni di alimenti ad Aquileia tra I e III secolo dc , in: Giuseppe Cuscito (ed.): L'alimentazione nell'antichità , Triest 2016, Pp. 379-404, here: p. 380.
  17. ^ Karl Bertau : Scripture - Power - Holiness in the literatures of the Judeo-Christian-Muslim Middle Ages , Walter de Gruyter, 2005, p. 173.
  18. ↑ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Volume 1, Venice 1867, o. S. ( digitized version ).
  19. ↑ Nicola Bergamo: Venezia bizantina , Helvetia editrice, Spinea 2018, p. 134.
  20. ^ Kurt Heller : Venice. Law, Culture and Life in the Republic 697-1797 , Böhlau, Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 1999, p. 663.
  21. ^ Carlo Guido Mor : L'età feudale , Vol. I, Milan 1952, p. 222 and Roberto Cessi : Politica, economia e religione , in: Storia di Venezia , Volume II, Venice 1958, p. 206.
  22. ↑ John Mark Nicovich: The poverty of the Patriarchate of Grado and the Byzantine-Venetian Treaty of 102 , in: Mediterranean Historical Review 24 (2009) 1-16 ( academia.edu ).
  23. ↑ Annunziata Berrino: Storia del turismo , FrancoAngeli, Naples 2016, pp. 86–88.

Coordinates: 45 ° 42 ′ 28.2 "  N , 13 ° 21 ′ 6.05"  E