Agnello Particiaco

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Influence of the Byzantine Empire and Venice around 840

Agnello Particiaco , in more recent sources Angelo Partecipazio , also called Participazio (* 2nd half of the 8th century probably in Eraclea ; † 827 ), was the 10th Doge of Venice according to the Venetian tradition, as the state-controlled historiography there is called . He was therefore in office from 810 to 827.

With his government, the conflict- ridden process of Venice's detachment from the Byzantine Empire , which was weakened from 820/821 by a civil war lasting several years, intensified. A sign of a new orientation was the minting of Venetian coins with the image of Ludwig the Pious , the Frankish emperor. In addition, Agnellus moved his official residence from Malamocco to Rialto , which permanently moved the center of power from the sandbanks on the edge of the Venice lagoon , which had proven to be militarily unfavorable, to today's core city. Similar to the Galbaii that had already been made to 780-803 such an attempt, so tried the Particiaco, especially Agnellus and his sons Justinian and John to found a dynasty. The Doge initially preferred his younger son John, a decision against which the older Justinianus defended himself. As a result, his father made him a fellow doge, whereas the younger son rebelled by fling from his place of exile to the Frankish court. Only after the death of Agnellus did the older son follow in the doge chair, which in turn was later followed by the younger.

Surname

The name Agnello ('lamb') is assumed by modern research as the original, while Angelo ('angel') is due to later historiographical tradition; In the oldest sources, the Latin form Agnellus appears in accordance with cultural development . In the chronologically closest sources in which the Doge is mentioned, i.e. in the privilege for San Servolo from 819, in the will of his son Justinianus (Giustiniano) from 829 and in the Istoria Veneticorum of Johannes Diaconus from around 1000, he is mentioned with the former Names mentioned. In a forgery from the 12th century, which was assigned to the year 1023, the name variant Angelus appears for the first time .

The same applies to the surname Particiaco , which does not appear before the aforementioned chronicle, and which is only appended to Doge Orso II (911-932), also Latinized. Later historiography assigned this family name to the entire family, the house (casata), so retrospectively also Agnello . Only the tradition of the 19th and 20th centuries created the name variant Partecipazio . Other name variants developed, such as Participiato , for example in the biography portative universelle from 1844, which, however, already prefixes the original name to the mere invention of the 19th century.

family

The Particiaco belonged to the tribunician families in the early days of Venice . They were rich landowners and at the same time held high political or military offices in the east of Veneto , who had succeeded in making the office of tribune hereditary. The Particiaco came from Eraclea and owned estates, forests, vineyards and mills in the whole province, which formally still belonged to Byzantium; for this purpose they maintained an extensive network of trading bases.

Together with the Candiano and Orseolo , it was the Particiaco family who provided most of Venice's doges from 810 to the constitutional reform of 1172. Agnellus was the first doge of a Venice emancipating itself from Eastern Byzantium. He was followed by his sons Justinianus (827-829) and Iohannes (829-836), who was arrested and deposed in 836 and ended his life in a monastery. After the almost thirty-year reign of Petrus Tradonicus (836-864), the Particiaco returned to the doge chair: from 864 to 881 Ursus I and finally his son John I from 881 to 887. Other doges were Ursus II (911-932 ) and his son Peter (939–942) from a side branch of the family, the Badoer .

Doge's Office

At the time of Agnellus' election, Venice was in an extremely tense situation both internally and externally. His simultaneously ruling three predecessors in the Doge's office, Obelerius and his brothers Beatus and Valentinus , had been driven out by the Venetians after an attempt to seize power - with Franconian support - by force of arms had failed. At the instigation of the people's assembly, at the end of 810 or beginning of 811, Agnellus was elected Doge on the initiative of the Byzantine naval commander Arsaphios and the official residence was moved from Malamocco to Rialto , where Agnellus' successor resided until 1797. Two tribunes were placed at the side of the Doge to monitor his judgments. So once again the pro-Byzantine party had prevailed. After the experience of the Frankish invasion under King Pippin , one of the sons of Charlemagne , a few years ago , the residence was built as a fort, which resulted in the first Doge's palace .

The crypt of San Zaccaria

In the peace treaty of Aachen between Byzantium and the Franconian Empire, the borders of Venice were set in 812 and neighboring areas were designated as privileged sales markets for his trade. Pro forma Venice remained dependent on Byzantium and belonged to the Exarchate of Ravenna , but de facto the process of separation was initiated with the treaty. How strong the ties to Constantinople still were is shown by the donation of important relics to the city by the Byzantine emperor Leo V , including those of Zacharias , for which the church of San Zaccaria , one of the oldest in Venice, was built.

Like his predecessors, Agnellus tried to establish a dynasty. Around 814 he sent his son Justinianus (Giustiniano) to the court of Emperor Leo V, who gave him the title of Ipato , consul, but made his brother John (Giovanni) co-ruler of his father. The elder Justinian opposed this dismissal. He refused to reside in the Doge's Palace and instead settled on San Servolo until his father gave in. While John was being sent into exile in Zara on the Dalmatian coast, Justinianus and his son Agnellus came to the Doge's chair.

During the war with the Franks under Pippin, many settlements such as Torcello , Burano or Eraclea were destroyed and abandoned by the population. Agnellus began with the reconstruction and promoted the repopulation. He initiated other important urban development measures in addition to the construction of the Doge's Palace, which still shape the image of the city today: He had a tributary of the Brenta , the Prealto River, regulated in such a way that it formed the archipelago from which the future city would develop should, divided into two groups. The Grand Canal was born. He had islands connected by bridges, which made trade and communication easier.

However, John was by no means prepared to renounce his rights. After a stay in Slavic territory and the flight from Zara, he appeared in Bergamo in Lombardy and placed himself under the protection of Emperor Louis the Pious , son and successor of Charlemagne. However, this wanted to avoid a renewed conflict with the Eastern Empire and delivered the pretender to Venice, where the father and the older son made sure that he was brought to Constantinople. In 820 the young Agnellus , the doge's grandson, was sent to the capital when Michael II ascended the throne there. The young Agnellus died while staying in the metropolis.

In 819 the Doge Agnellus and his eldest son Justinian furnished the monks of the Benedictine monastery on San Servolo with the family chapel of S. Ilario on the mainland, which was located near the Brenta . The background was the relocation of the community, which was threatened by rising sea levels, to the lagoon island.

Around 821, after a decade of disputes, Agnellus had the patriarch of Grado Fortunatus II removed, who was considered a friend of the Franks. The now vacant office was taken over by the Abbot of San Servolo as John V.

Agnellus died around 827. In this year the invasion of the Muslim Aghlabids began on Sicily, as the chronicler Johannes Diaconus reports. This left Justinianus as the only reigning doge.

reception

In the Chronicon Altinate or Chronicon Venetum , one of the oldest Venetian sources, the doge appears with the name and term of office “Angelus Particiacus dux ducavit ann. 18 "or" Angnellus ". However, the edition took over parts of the Chronicle of Andrea Dandolo and thus gave these taken over passages the nimbus of a much older, contemporary source.

The coat of
arms of "Anzolo Participazo" as it was imagined in the 17th century. The coats of arms of the early medieval doges are mere rear projections of younger family coats of arms. The Heraldry began only in the third quarter of one of the 12th century. Later coats of arms were also given to the early Doges who never had a coat of arms (“fanta-araldica”); this served to relate the families of this epoch to the earliest possible doges, which gave them prestige as well as political and social influence. So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these Doges were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families that had ruled Venice (allegedly) since 697.

For Venice at the time of Doge Andrea Dandolo, the interpretation that was attached to the rule of Agnello Particiaco and his two sons was already of great symbolic importance, at the same time it was placed in a now common continuity. The focus of the now firmly established political leadership bodies, which also controlled the writing of history, was directed to the development of the constitution, the internal disputes between the possessores , i.e. the increasingly closed group of the haves, who at the same time occupied political power, but also the shifts in power within the Adriatic and the eastern Mediterranean as well as in Italy. The questions about the sovereignty between the overpowering empires, the law from its own roots, the demarcation from the militarily often far superior mainland powers, above all from the Roman-German Empire and the Franconian Empire, and thus the derivation and legitimation of their territorial claims, always stood in the centre. In Agnellus' case, important church buildings and extremely important relics raised Venice to the ranks of the most important spiritual places, which at the same time was associated with a considerable claim to power. This in turn manifested itself at the same time in the new political center Rialto.

The oldest vernacular chronicle, the Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo , dates from the late 14th century. She depicts the involved processes on a largely personal level, and also includes speeches from the protagonists. The doge "Angiolo Partitiatio, overo Baduaro" sent his older son to Constantinople to negotiate contracts there ("per voler alcuni pati fermar con lui"), which was also successful. In the meantime, as the Particiaco family was trusted, as the chronicle justifies, the younger son was elected co-doge. When the elder returned, he took over the position of his younger brother, who was exiled to Constantinople for having committed unnamed offenses against Venetians ("habiando facto alcun despiaser, et grosso, ad alcuni dela Terra"). A connection with the dispute between the two brothers over the question of co-rule is negated here, but it was precisely this two-generation conflict, if one includes Agnellus' grandson, which later sparked extremely contradicting interpretations. The same applies to internal conditions, such as the rebellion of the two tribunes. “Uno Iohane Tornarico et un Bon Brandalnisio”, the tribunes that rebelled against the two Doges. They were executed: “sovra la punta de San Griguolo fu inpicadi per la gola”. Because the old doge could no longer fill the office, his son John ruled from then on - the old doge was no longer mentioned in the scriptures after the Cronica .

Pietro Marcello led 1502 in his work later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia the Doge in the section "Angelo Particiaco Doge IX." This classification as 9th Doge, together with the original family name, comes from the fact that Marcello the summarizes three galbaii as a single doge. Marcello claims that the first Doge raised on Rialto was given two tribunes, whose office lasted a year, and "non haveva à far nulla senza loro", so without them he could not have done anything. 'It is said that he had Eraclia restored, which is why it was called Città nuova', 'New City'. The Doge had bridges built over 60 islands in the vicinity of Rialto. He sent one of his sons, Giustiniano, to Constantinople to see Emperor Leo, from whom he received "molto amorevolmente" and was given great honors. He made the other son Giovanni his “compagno”, whereupon Giustiniano, when he returned to Venice, ostentatiously refused to go home to his father. In the end, he gave in to his son's request. Giovanni for his part resigned his office with the people's declaration of intent (“per commissione del popolo”), whereupon Giustiniano and his son Angelo “si prese per compagno nel prencipato”. Giovanni, now forced to resign, was exiled to Constantinople. During this time the old doge received the bones of St. Zacharias, a piece of wood from the cross of Christ and parts of his clothing (“con parte delle vesti di CHRISCO nostro Signore”), which he had placed in San Zaccaria. The churches of San Severo and "San Lorenzo nell'Isole" were also built by him. Marcello also knows about the said conspiracy, the leaders of which, "Giovanni Tanolico" and "Bono Bragadino", were executed. "Monetario", from whom we otherwise learned nothing, but who knew about the conspiracy, went into exile of his own free will. His property went to the commune. This is the first time the author mentions a procedure that had long been common for treason in Marcello's time, namely the confiscation of the property of the conspirators. According to Marcello, some claimed that the Venetians had defeated “Vlrico”, the Patriarch of Aquileia, in a sea battle. They also burned Friuli and captured Ulrich and some of his men. They released the prisoners only on the condition that they had to deliver ten pigs to Venice every year on the day of their defeat, plus “dieci staia di pani” - 10 Staia bread, the said capacity being around 83 liters. This humiliating process and the associated celebrations were still celebrated every year in Marcello's time.

The chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , completed in 1532, reports hardly less succinctly . Caroldo, who relies expressly on the chronicle of Andrea Dandolo, says “Angelo Particiatio overo Badoaro” is in the year “DCCCIX” after the decision to move the capital to Rialto was made had been elected Doge "di comune consenso" (p. 54). Surprisingly, however, at one point he inserts views that do not agree with those of Dandolo. The move to Rialto took place after the “venuta di Pipino”, after King Pippin's attempt to conquer the lagoon . As one can read in some old chronicles, according to the author, “Beato duce”, the brother of Obelerio, was the first to take his seat in Rialto (and thus by no means Agnello, as the Venetian tradition since Andrea Dandolo wanted it to be) ). It also shows that in a hall of the "Palazzo Veneto erano in certa antica pittura descritti li successi delli due fratelli Duci Obelerio et Beato", the successes of the two Doge brothers Obelerius and Beatus were depicted in old paintings. With this, the author breaks off and declares without justification that he wants to follow Andra Dandolo's chronicle (p. 54). According to Dandolo, the Doge was succinctly "huomo valoroso, catholico et giusto", and he was the first to have the Doge's Palace built where it is still located. The author expressly derives the name Venetia from the name of the former Roman province. Then he turns to the Patriarch Fortunatus II , in whose favor Giovanni was initially deposed by a synod. Fortunatus had returned from the Frankish Empire with the support of the Doge. However, when he went back to the Frankish Empire against the will of the Venetians, he was replaced by "Gioanni Abbate di San Servolo", the same Johannes V. Fortunatus returned after a short time, but anger and hatred forced him to go back to the Franks where he died. He left his church “molti pretiosi ornamenti”, “many valuable jewelry works”. A peace agreement was reached between Karl and the Eastern Emperor "Michiel Curopalate", so that the "Greco Imperatore governasse Constantinopoli et l'Oriente, et Carlo et successori, Roma et l'Occidente". The agreement with Emperor Nikephorus was confirmed, according to which Venice remained with the Eastern Emperor, and that the Venetians should have the same privileges in the East as in the West (“approvando quello che fù statuito con Niceforo d'haver ceduto [sic!] La Provincia di Venetia, et concesse a Venetiani gl'istessi privilegi et immunità per l'Occidental Imperio che haveano nell'Orientale ”, p. 55). Now the residents of Chioggia and other cities, who had left their homeland for fear of the Franks, could return and rebuild their cities. When the Doge saw the destroyed Heraclea, he had a small town called "Città Nova" built. He sent his sons to Constantinople, or made them "consorte". Giustiniano, outraged that his brother had been made a fellow Doge, refused to enter the Doge's Palace. Instead, he moved to San Severo with his wife Felicita. The Doge then sent Giovanni to Zara and now he raised Giustiniano and, as Caroldo explicitly means, even his son Angelo to be fellow doges (“consorti del Ducato”). Giovanni in turn turned to “Lodovico Imperatore”, who was staying in Bergamo. The doge allowed his son to return, but he now sent him to Constantinople. During this time, the author insists, the doge received the “corpo di San Zaccaria Profetta” from Emperor Leo, plus something of the cross of Christ and, in addition, of his clothes and those of his mother Mary. As a result, Agnello had the monastery of San Zaccaria built, where the aforementioned “relic” also ended up. He left the "Capella di San Marco" to the monks of San Servolo, from which one can recognize the Doge's "auttorita et iuridittione" in church matters. Only a little later, the "propinqui" of the bishop of Olivolo Orso had the churches of San Severo Vescovo and San Lorenzo Martire built. Shortly before his death, this bishop had a nunnery built in San Lorenzo, then San Pietro Apostolo, where the relics of the saints "Sergio et Baccho" were transferred. Angelo (the third doge) was also sent to Constantinople. Meanwhile, "Giusto Sacerdote con Pietro Diacono Nuncio" obtained confirmation of the Venetian privileges from the emperors Ludwig and Lothar. Then the author mentions a conspiracy among "Gioanni Talonico, Buono Bradavisso et Gioanni Monetario", who were executed before San Giorgio. Finally, the author continues with the foundation of the church of "San Daniel", where later a monastery was built under Pietro Polani , and then comes back to the Doge, who died after 18 years in office and was buried in the San Illario he built. At the beginning of his section on Agnello Particiaco (p. 54), when he still follows the aforementioned old chronicles, Caroldo arranges the early history as the prelude to his Libro Terzo , which spans the period from 811 to 1172, which he has a total of 388 years to 810, enter as follows: Tribunes would have ruled Venice (“governati”) alternately for 276 years , then it was subordinate to the Doges of Eraclea (“Duci in Heraclea”) for 40 years, followed by a “Maestro de Cavallieri” for five years ". But because they (the Venetians) disagreed, they returned to elect a doge who resided in Malamocco (“teneva la sede sua in Malamocho”). The Doges stayed there for 67 years until Pippin's arrival ("venuta").

For the Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who made the Venetian chronicle known in the German-speaking area, where he largely followed Marcello, in his Chronica published in 1574, this is the actual and brief description of all the people living in Venice , "Angelus Partitiatius the ninth Hertzog" . According to Kellner, Angelus was "crowned" Doge in 809. He was "the first Hertzog", "who had his residency or court at Rialto". "Two guild masters / who defends them two years / and he does not do anything to him / as assistants / have been assigned to this one." He had Eraclea rebuilt, "which was called Cittannova / or Neuwestatt /". According to Kellner, "a lot of people went to Rialto" because of the "French War". Bridges were "made" "to sixty islands / that lay around". Angelus had two sons, of whom "Justinianus / sent to Leone the Greek Keyser" was highly honored in Constantinople. But meanwhile they gave "the other son / called Johann / as his assistant / who / since Justinian came back home (as they say) so annoyed / that he doesn't want to come for his father." Since the father could not bear the absence of this son (“not tolerate condt”), “he sent Johannem ... away”. The author emphasizes again that the people had put John at his side as an assistant. He “named his Son Justinian / and Angelum his Enckel / Justiniani Son as an assistant in Hertzogthumb.” Johann, on the other hand, was “referred to Constantinople”. Emperor Leo presented the relics of St. Zacharias, "samples a number of our LORD Christ's clothes / and a piece of holy Creutz / and he puts all of this in S. Zacharie churches." The "Church of S. Sever" was built "on Angeli 's suggestion", as was "S. Lorentz / in the islands / which were called paintings / or twins /. ”According to Kellner, his son Ursus built“ a new monastery / at S. Lorentz ”. After this reference to church buildings, Kellner briefly describes the failed "riot", whose leader "Joann Tanolicus and Bonus Bragadinus" were "judged". The confidant Monetarius, “who also had science around the trade”, went “willingly into misery”, “his goods were taken” (he went into exile voluntarily, his property was confiscated). Like Marcello, Kellner also describes the fight against “Ulrich von Aquileia”, also introduced by a carefully distancing “want some”. The reason was Aquileia's resignation to Grado, who was "drawn for". The Venetians, who "lured Ulrich to battle", "fished Ulricum with many nobles", burned all the land "on the Carni water", "which is now called Friul". The Venetians "needed mercy / and left Ulricum and the other prisoners unmarried in return for payment", so they released the prisoners without a ransom. However, they asked for ten pigs and ten loaves of bread a year, "each one the size of a Mesten", plus an ox that was to be slaughtered on the square. At this annual festival, “the Hertzog and the Raht with spears” were supposed to “strike and storm” wooden locks. This, according to Kellner, is happening "at this time, game knows all jar" in memory of the victory over Ulrich. “This was set aside during fishing times / in and out of place. Which died in the 18th year of his regiment. "

Francesco Sansovino (1512–1586) gave in his work Delle cose notabili della città di Venetia, Libri II , published in Venice in 1587 , the name of the Doge as “Angelo Participatio”. By founding churches and moving to Rialto, he had given the republic a stable and “immutable fundamento” (p. 162).

Sketch of the Venice lagoon

In the translation of the Historia Veneta by Alessandro Maria Vianoli , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, and Die Die / Von dem Ersten Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the doge was called “ Angelus Participiatus, the toe Hertzog ”. Counting as the 10th Doge was still not firmly established, however, it was now common belief that Agnello Particiaco had caused the move to Rialto: "He was the first / who employed his court in Rialto", as the author expressly said noted. "He also rebuilt the city of Eraclea as his fatherland / and had it called New City / which was devastated for the second time by the Huns / after their return in Italy / in 911" (p. 84 f ., the Hungarians are meant). Vianoli assumes that the father chose the younger son as co-regent because the older one was in Constantinople. After the return of Justinian, the latter withdrew, whereas the father could no longer “bear” the absence of the older son, “but rather had a great desire to see him again / was compelled / to send his other son to Constantinople / and the Justinianum, next to his grandson Angelo, to accept him as an assistant ”(p. 85 f.). The "divine caution" protected the Doge from the conspiracy led by Johannes Tanolicus and Bonus Bragadinus. According to the author, the Doge died "in the highest peace" and in the 827th year "his oldest son" followed on the Doge's chair.

In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart wrote in his work Kurtze and an increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice , as the counting of the Doges was apparently not yet certain at that time, to the year 809: “The people selected for (IX.) Or like others belong to (X.) Hertzog / the Angelum Partitiatum ”. However, the rule was now subject to a general consensus. He had "hung 60 islands close to each other with bridges / and built a ducal palace at Rio Alto / and also accomplished what the Beatus started" - previously he had reported how, as it were, Beatus was the main person responsible for the economic and political rise of the Maritime Republic has become. Angelus' son Johannes became co-ruler. “But it seems / that they ruled very badly; for the noblemen of Venice also made an alliance against them / although such was discovered / and the conspirators had to pay for it with their lives ”(p. 18).

Johann Friedrich LeBret wrote in his State History of the Republic of Venice , published from 1769, that Angelus was the 10th Doge (p. 134). LeBret ascribes the amazing resurgence of Venice to him alone, because: “Everywhere one saw nothing but the sad marks of the last devastation. But suddenly the terrible movement of the minds was followed by a serene calm and quiet, which was beneficial to the state, the nation, shipping, action ... and the state was, as it were, born again ”(p. 135). Only with the move to Rialto “can we call Venice”. LeBret, who described the character traits and preferences of the Doge without any sources, said that “one must admit at all that after the Pipinian devastation the whole nation was intent on beautifying its city.” But in his opinion, “the rules of taste were still there too veiled, and more than twenty agnelles were required to form the nation in such a way that it was capable of feeling the beautiful. ”The fact that the father preferred the younger son was relativized by believing that the elder was adequately cared for in Constantinople. Overall, the system of government was always in danger of being manipulated by the masters, and the people could only defend themselves against it with uprisings. “Venice was still a disorderly form of government at this time.” The disappointed Justinianus, returning, did not even “wait” his father. The author judged the deposition and banishment of Johannes to Zara, and the appointment of Justinianus as co-regent along with his grandson Agnello, as a presumptuous right to "occupy the throne according to his will" (the author therefore believes that there had already been an inheritance regulation which the eldest had to be regarded as heir to the throne, and Agnellus had violated this). "As praiseworthy as Agnellus had started his reign, so little did he show the usual statecraft at the end of it." (P. 139) After the fall of Emperor Leo, Agnellus sent his grandson of the same name as an envoy to Constantinople.

The Brockhaus of 1839 - at that time still the General Encyclopedia of Sciences and Arts - believed that Pippin had used the opportunity to overthrow the three Doge Brothers to attack the cities of the lagoon, which were leaderless. "Angelo Partecipazio", a wealthy man, had made the proposal, while Pippin wanted to translate to Malamocco, to move the residence to Rialto, which was received "with joy". Malamocco was evacuated. Only then did the Venetians defeat the Franconian army. In thanks for the rescue, "Angelo" 809 was elected Doge. From the chronicle of Andrea Dandolo, the author takes, as he notes in a footnote, that two tribunes had been elected before the election "to which civil and criminal justice should be entitled". On Rialto, Agnellus had the Doge's Palace built, connecting the islands there with bridges and building a number of churches. The Venetians defended the Patriarch of Grado against his counterpart from Aquileia in a skirmish, a conspiracy was broken, "whose members are punished according to the severity of the law". In addition to the two sons Johannes and Justinian, another brother named Justus is said to have existed, as the article says, the bishop of Torcello is said to have been. At first the doge preferred the younger son, but then he could no longer bear the resentment of the older one and banished the younger son to Jadra. Instead, the older son and his son "Angelo" took the doge chair, the latter having already died in Constantinople in 821. The exiled son in turn fled to the Frankish court, where Ludwig the Pious reconciled the son with his father. The Brockhaus puts the year of death at 829.

Samuele Romanin granted “Agnello” a dozen pages in the first volume of his extensive ten-volume opus ' Storia documentata di Venezia ' in 1853 . According to him, the first concern of the new Doge was the repopulation of the islands, whose inhabitants had fled for fear of the Franks (p. 156). According to Romanin, the peace between the empires from 812 onwards only allowed this return, Grado was returned to the republic. When "Giustiniano" returned from Constantinople and refused to visit his father, he instead withdrew with his wife to a house near the church of San Severo. The then banished "Giovanni" fled from Zara to "Ischiavonia" and from there to Bergamo to see Emperor Ludwig. Envoys demanded that he be extradited to take him to Constantinople to avoid future conflicts. Romanin suggests that Patriarch Fortunatus 'had a hand in the rebellion against the Doge under the leadership of Giovanni Tornarico and Bono Bradanesso'. He had to flee and died in the Franconian Empire. Leon the Armenian , although an iconoclast ("sebbene iconoclasta"), tried to maintain good relations with Venice by means of gifts, especially relics. Funds and master builders were also provided by the emperor to build San Zaccaria. In view of the increasing danger from the Saracens, Venice has become more and more important. Nothing unusual was to be seen in it, because the Venetians also prayed for the emperor in reverse, without this being an indication that the Venetians were Byzantine subjects ("senz'esserne sudditi", p. 163). When Leo was overthrown, the doge's grandson, who was also called Agnello, was present to pay homage to the new emperor in 820. When the Saracens attacked Sicily in 827, the new emperor sought the naval support of the Venetians for his fleet, "rinforzandola ancora di navi veneziane da lui domandate in questa occasione" (p. 166). Romanin notes that the Byzantine sources are silent about Venice's two subsequent naval operations, which were unsuccessful, only out of 'arrogance' (“orgoglio”).

Bust of “Angelo Partecipazio” in the Panteon Veneto of the Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti , marble, 59 x 56 cm, a work by Pietro Lorandini , created 1860–1861

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) believed in his history of Venice, published posthumously in 1872, from its foundation to 1084 , only after Angelo Participazzo's move to Rialto “city Venice rose from the blue lagoons to power and glory”. He sums up the change of residence as follows: "Heracliana represented the principle of Greek sovereignty, Malamocco worked for connection to France." Rialto, on the other hand, stood for "we want to be Venetians and our own masters, but we want to be under Byzantine protection" (p. 137) . He suspects that Constantinople demanded hostages, especially sons of the Doge, that a new Doge had to be recognized by the Emperor. In return, he did not want to stand in the way of the inheritance of the Doge's office. Documents were still issued in the name of the emperor. In addition, trade decrees should also apply to Venice, which was also obliged to provide fleet aid. In addition, Gfrörer suggests that the first Particiaco Doge would have preferred to return to his hometown Eraclea, but that this prevented the merchants who preferred Rialto.

Pietro Pinton translated and annotated Gfrörer's work in the Archivio Veneto in annual volumes XII to XVI. Pinton's own account, which did not appear until 1883, came to completely different, less speculative results than Gfrörer. He saw the reason that Agnello stayed on Rialto in the fact that the inhabitants did not want to return to Eraclea. He also doubts that Justinianus was sent as a hostage to Constantinople, which the sources do not speak of, but that the son of the Dog was sent there for negotiations. In doing so, he reproached Gfrörer for overlooking the fact that the alleged hostage was returning to Venice to oppose the younger brother's preference - even when the younger John finally went to the Byzantine capital, Gfrörer claimed to be a hostage again. In Pinton's view, there was no connection between the naval aid and the Emperor's recognition of the new Doge (p. 60).

In 1861, Francesco Zanotto dedicated four pages to the Doge in his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia . In his case, the people's assembly added two tribunes to the newly elected Doge in order to ensure internal peace and to limit the Doge's power. It was also she who decided to move to Venice permanently (p. 22). According to Zanotto, the Tribune Pietro Tradonico became the "sopraintendente agli edificii". The doge became the “amore della nazione”, which is why he was even allowed to determine the two annual tribunes himself. It was only when his younger son was raised as a fellow Doge that there was a 'bitter' dispute in the Doge family. Together with his wife "Felicia o Felicita", he had withdrawn, but had been raised to co-Doge at the expense of his brother "due to the Doge's renewed weakness". According to the author, the deceased Doge was buried in Sant'Ilario e Benedetto.

Also Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna expressed in 1867 in the first volume of his Storia dei Dogi di Venezia view, Agnello was chosen 810 for his services in the defense of the franc against the Doge. It was also this danger that caused the Doge to move to Rialto in 813. Only the ambition to keep the Doge's office in the family blinded the otherwise righteous and benevolent Doge. In addition, the change between the sons was the beginning of a rebellion that was put down towards the end of Agnello's reign.

Byzantium was not only weakened from 820 or 821 to 823 by an overthrow and the anti-empire of Thomas the Slav , but also lost Crete in 824 . Here Thomas negotiates with the Saracens; his troops defeat the imperial army ( Madrid illuminated manuscript of the Skylitzes ). Byzantium had to gradually grant Venice the role of a protective power for the Aria.

Heinrich Kretschmayr believed that Agnellus, who ruled after him from 810 to 827, “had to put up with Greek control tribunes”. After him, Agnellus "sent his son Justinian to change the throne in 814 and his grandson Agnellus with his Greek wife Romana from 820 to pay homage to Constantinople". He believes that the overthrow of John, the son of a Dog, who later fled and was ultimately exiled to Constantinople, makes it clear that this overthrow of Byzantium began. On the other hand, in the opposite direction, the older brother Justinianus was not only given the honorary title Hypathos , but his son, Agnellus' grandson, was even raised to be a fellow doge. In addition, Justinianus called himself "Imperialis hypatus et humilis dux Venetiae". Contrary to a Byzantine ban, Venetian traders sought out Egyptian waters in 828. Kretschmayr sees the naval operations in southern Italy and Sicily as an “army duty” for Venice, but this is expressly not verifiable for the eastern Mediterranean.

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Narrative sources

  • La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 59–171, here: p. 106 , 109 ( digitized version ).
  • Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999 ( text edition based on Berto in the Archivio della Latinità Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) from the University of Siena).
  • Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo civitatum Italiae seu Venetiarum (Chron. Altinate et Chron. Gradense) , Rome 1933, pp. 29, 117, 129.
  • Roberto Cessi, Fanny Bennato (eds.): Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, pp. 1, 32-37.
  • Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 139-146. ( Digitized, p. 138 f. )
  • Alberto Limentani (ed.): Martin da Canal , Les estoires de Venise , Olschki, Florenz 1972, p. 16 f. ( Text , edited by Francesca Gambino in the Repertorio Informatizzato Antica Letteratura Franco-Italiana ).
  • Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 54–56 (cf. Historie venete dal principio della città fino all'anno 1382 ).

Legislative sources

  • Roberto Cessi (ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille , Padua 1942, vol. I, n. 44, therein p. 71 ( digitized version ), 72 and 74, n. 53 (testament of the Doge), p 93-99, therein p. 96 f. ("Domnus Agnelus dux", p. 96 and "Felicitas uxor mea", p. 97) ( digitized version ), vol. II, p. 197.
  • Luigi Lanfranchi , Bianca Strina (Ed.): Ss. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , Venice 1965, pp. 8, 10, 21 f.

literature

Remarks

  1. Roberto Cessi (Ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille , Padua 1942, Vol. II, p. 197.
  2. ^ Giovanni Monticolo (Ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Cronaca veneziana , in: Cronache veneziane antichissime , Vol. I, 1890, p. 132.
  3. Art. Particiaco ou Participiato, Ange , in: Ludovic Lalanne, Léon Renier, Th. Bernard, C. Laumier, S. Choler, Jean Mongin, Eugène Janin, Augustin Deloye, C. Friess: Biographie portative universelle suivie d'une table chronologique et alphabétique ou se trouvent réparti en cinquante-quatre classes les noms mentionnés dans l'ouvrage , Jules Renouard, Paris / Leipzig 1844, column 1209 ( digitized version ).
  4. Diego Calaon, Margherita Ferri: Il Monastero dei Dogi. SS.Ilario e Benedetto ai margini della laguna veneziana , in: Sauro Gelichi (ed.): Missioni archeologiche e progetti di ricerca e scavo dell'Università Ca 'Foscari - Venezia, VI Giornata di studio (Venezia, 12 maggio 2008) , Beltrami , Rome 2009, 185–197, here: p. 185 ( online , PDF).
  5. ^ MGH, Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, p. 60, Chronicon Venetum (vulgo Altinate) .
  6. "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro stemmi." (Maurizio Carlo Alberto stemmra di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , in: Notiario dell'associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).
  7. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 31.
  8. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 32.
  9. Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 14-17 ( digitized ).
  10. Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 54-56 ( online ).
  11. Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 6r – 6v ( digitized, p. 6r ).
  12. Francesco Sansovino : Delle cose notabili della città di Venetia , Felice Valgrisio, Venice 1587, p. 161 ( digitized version ), then again printed at Salicato at the request of Girolamo Bardi , Venice 1606, p. 107 ( digitized version ).
  13. Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Hertsehen Leben / Government, und die Nachsterben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the itzt-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 84-88, translation ( digitized ).
  14. Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 15-17 ( digitized, p. 15 ).
  15. Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769 ( digitized version ).
  16. GF Schreiner: Art. Partecipazio , in: Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste , Third Section O – Z, Twelfth Part: Pardaillon – Pascalia, Leipzig 1839, pp. 340–344, here: pp. 340 f.
  17. ^ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 155–166 ( digitized version ).
  18. August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 136. The section on the Doge fills pages 141–155 ( digitized version ).
  19. ^ Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto (1883) 23–63, here: p. 58 ( digitized version ).
  20. Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo Ducale di Venezia , Vol 4, Venice 1861, pp 22-25 (. Digitalisat ).
  21. ^ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Vol. 1, Venice 1867, o. P.
  22. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 60 f.
predecessor Office successor
Obelerio Antenoreo Doge of Venice
810–827
Giustiniano Particiaco