Giovanni I. Particiaco

Influence of the Byzantine Empire and Venice around 840

Giovanni I. Particiaco , in the contemporary sources Iohannes Particiaco , Venetian Çuane , in the later sources mostly Participazio or Partecipazio († around 836), was the 12th doge of the Republic of Venice according to the historiographical tradition . He ruled from 829 to 836 as a short-term predecessor in the office of fellow Doge, and later as the successor to his brother Justinianus in the office of sole ruling Doge, but he was overthrown three times.

Johannes' less fortunate reign was marked by domestic political tensions and conspiracies, in the course of which he had Malamocco destroyed, which until around 811 had been the seat of the Doges. Conflicts between the leading cities of the Venetian lagoon as well as the influence of the Carolingians and the Byzantine emperors, which were reflected in the corresponding factions within the lagoon, were held responsible for these tensions . In addition, Slavic pirates, called Narentans , increasingly appeared in the upper Adriatic, who were already able to capture entire fleets; in southern Italy the Venetians were supposed to fight the Saracens for the first time , who had begun to conquer Sicily in 827 . During John’s term of office, the first predecessor building of St. Mark's Basilica , begun under his brother, was completed , the palace chapel to accommodate the relic of St. Mark .

family

The Particiaco belonged to the tribunician families in the early days of the Republic of Venice. These families were wealthy landowners and held the highest political and military offices in Eastern Veneto , which was part of the Eastern Roman Empire until the beginning of the 9th century . They had succeeded in making the Eastern Roman-Byzantine office of a tribune hereditary. From the beginning of the 9th to the middle of the 10th century, the family tried again and again to make Venice a hereditary monarchy.

Life and domination

The centers of power east of the Adriatic around 814

John was raised to co-regent by his father Agnellus , doge since 810, while his brother Justinianus stayed in Constantinople . However, when he returned to Venice, Johannes, who leaned towards the pro-Frankish party, lost his office and was exiled to Zara . After his father's death, his elderly brother called him back to Venice. After the death of Justinian, John took over the Doge office.

During his reign, the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, supported by his predecessors , was inaugurated , a predecessor of today 's St. Mark's Basilica .

After two years in office, the former Doge Obelerius , exiled to Constantinople , whom the father of the two brothers had driven out around 810, managed to escape from exile and embark on the northern Adriatic. He soon seized the island of Vigilata off Istria and he found further allies in his hometown of Malamocco . John reacted immediately, first attacking and devastating Malamocco, then destroying Vigilata. Obelerius was taken prisoner. John had him beheaded and exhibited his head to the Venetians on the border with the Franconian Empire - but according to other sources before Malamocco. Depending on the basic pattern followed by the respective historian, the transnational conflict situation was brought to the fore with the former installation site, and the contestants became exponents of a pro-Franconian or pro-Byzantine faction, or with the latter the conflicts within the lagoon were emphasized especially those between Rialto and Malamocco.

Hardly was this revolt suppressed when an uprising by the Byzantine tribune Caroso forced him to flee to the Frankish court, where he was received with goodwill by Emperor Lothar . Caroso declared himself a Doge, but three months later, according to other sources , he was blinded by the Particiaco supporters, who knew how to get the many dissatisfied with the rule of the usurper to their side, in the Doge's Palace, blinded him and leaving Venice chased away.

Until the return of John, the bishop of Olivolo , whose official seat was in the east of Venice, ran the affairs of state, a man named Ursus . He may have belonged to the Particiaco. After about a year of exile, Johannes was received with all honors in Venice, but soon afterwards was confronted with new resistance because of his rigorous style of government.

Venice was threatened by numerous pirates during this period, including Slavs and Saracens . The former sat at the mouth of the Narenta on the eastern bank of the Adriatic, which is why they were called 'Narentans'. John concluded an agreement with them, perhaps around 830, but it came to an end in 834/835 when a merchant fleet was attacked on its way back from Benevento in southern Italy .

Led by the Mastalici family, after leaving the church of San Pietro di Castello , the doge was captured, shaved and shorn and deported to Grado , where he was forcibly ordained a priest. He died there around 836 without leaving any heirs.

reception

In the Chronicon Altinate or Chronicon Venetum , one of the oldest Venetian sources, the doge appears with the name and term of office “Iohannes Particiacus dux ducavit, et filius Angeli, frater Iustiniano, ambo duci, ducavit ann. 8 ”, so he was in office for eight years, with the Angelus being expressly named as a doge.

For Venice at the time of Doge Andrea Dandolo , the interpretation that was attached to the rule of Agnellus Particiacus and his two sons Justin and Iohannes as well as the grandson Agnellus (II) was of high symbolic importance in several respects. The focus of the political leadership bodies, long established in the middle of the 14th century, which have steered historiography especially since Andrea Dandolo, focused on the development of the constitution (in this case the question of the formation of dynasties, but also the role of the popular assembly) and the internal conflicts between the possessores (represented in the family name), i.e. the increasingly self-contained group of the haves, who at the same time occupied political power, but also the shifts in power within the lagoon (the increasing importance of Rialto, the dwindling of Malamocco and Eraclea), the Adriatic and in the Eastern Mediterranean as well as in Italy. The focus was always on the questions of sovereignty between the overpowering empires, of law from its own roots, and thus of the derivation and legitimation of their territorial claims. Similar to the Galbaii, attempts were made to reduce the uncertainty of the situation to deficiencies in the balance of power, i.e. in the constitution, which did not yet allow the power of the Doge and his descendants to be incorporated in such a way that the formation of a dynasty was no longer possible. With Iohannes it became clear again that a failure of the institutions and attitudes of the decision-makers had to lead to the resurgence of the usual violence within the city. In addition, the brothers Iohannes and Justinianus showed that even the right to birthright was disputed and that too much space was given to paternal indecision.

The oldest vernacular chronicle, the Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, depicts the events on a very personal level that has long been customary at this time, which once again gave the Doges greater individual power. While the later doge "Justinian" was sent by his father to Constantinople in order to successfully negotiate agreements there ("per voler alcuni pati fermar con lui"), in Venice Iustinian's younger brother John was raised to be a fellow doge because the House of Particiaco was raised trusted, as the chronicle explains. When the elder returned, John gave up the position in favor of his brother. According to the chronicle, he had to do this because he was guilty of unnamed offenses ("habiando facto alcun despiaser, et grosso, ad alcuni dela Terra") - there is no mention of a prerogative of the firstborn. As a result, John was exiled to Constantinople. A connection with the dispute between the two brothers over the question of co-rule is negated here, although Johannes was initially preferred, but it was precisely this two-generation conflict, if one includes the grandson Agnellus, even three-generation conflict, in which a whole series of contradicting one another later emerged Interpretations ignited. Because the old doge could no longer fill the office, his son John ruled from then on - in the writings, according to the author of the Cronica - the old doge was no longer mentioned.

External relief depicting the handover of the keys to St. Peter (with tiara ) through Jesus sitting on the lap of Mary, his mother (calle dietro il campaniel, on the island on which the church of San Pietro is also located, in the sestiere Castello )

Quite different to Pietro Marcello . In 1502, in his work later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , he led the Doge in the section “Giovanni Particiaco Doge XII.” Marcello claims that Agnello made his younger son “Giovanni” his “compagno”, whereupon “ Giustiniano ”, having returned to Venice from Constantinople, put his father under pressure by ostentatiously absent. Giovanni resigned his office with the people's declaration of intent (“per commissione del popolo”), whereupon Angelo met the other son Giustiniano and his son Angelo (II.) In 827 “si prese per compagno nel prencipato”. Giovanni, however, was exiled to Constantinople. After his return in 828 he was again raised to be a fellow doge and successor to his brother. Although Iohannes managed to conclude a treaty with the Narentans, pirates who made the northern Adriatic unsafe, they robbed a fleet returning from Apulia. Under the leadership of “a certain Carosio” (“di un certo Carosio”) some nobles conspired against the Doge. The Doge had to flee, and Carosio “usurpo il Prencipato” (p. 21) - with this Marcello declares Caroso to be a usurper and thus an illegitimate holder of the Doge's office. Against “Carosio”, some “gentil'huomini” under the leadership of Basilio Transimondo, Giovanni Mauritio and Domenico Ortiano, as well as thirty other nobles who could no longer bear the tyranny (“non potendo comportare la tirannide di Carosio”) rose up against “Carosio”. . They attacked the usurper, tore his eyes out ("gli trassero gli occhi") and sent him into exile. Many confidants were also killed. John the Doge was recalled from the Frankish Empire when Basilio Transimondo, Giovanni Mauritio and “Orso Vescovo di Castello” ruled the 'Republic'. A dispute with the "Mastalitia" family led to betrayal and attack in the Church of San Pietro ("fu assalito à tradimento nella chiesa di San Pietro da gli huomini della contraria fattione"), the Doge was given the insignia of power ("insegne di Prencipe") robbed, the beard and hair shaved. He spent the rest of his life in a monk's habit in his place of exile, Grado.

Notwithstanding turn reports the Chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , completed 1532. Caroldo says "Ioannes Badoaro" have begun to reign in "DCCCXXIX". In his time the Church of St. Markus, "nell'Angulo del Palazzo", in the corner of the Doge's Palace, was renovated on his instructions, the relics of the saint were placed there and venerated. In addition, he had both turned off the “Capellani” (“deputati”) to celebrate the corresponding services (“celebrar”) and appointed a “Primicerio” who had expressly stood above them and who administered the church (“governar "). In addition, the "Capella delli Duci" was set up. An envoy ("Nuncio") of the Narentans was able to negotiate a peace with him. But the Narentans did not keep this for long. 'Peoples who used to be called Schiavi, today popularly Schiavoni' ("populi chiamati Schiavi, hora volgarmente Schiavoni") lived as idol worshipers and went back to the Goths ("Idolatri, havendo origine da Gothi"). They lived as pirates so that peace with them could not be permanent. The said "Nuncio" became in "essortazione" of the Doge Christ and was baptized. - During this time Obelerio, from whom the Dogat and the fatherland had been taken ("fu privato del Ducato et della Patria"), returned to Venice and lived in a country called "Vigilia" near "Carido". The Doge gave orders to attack the area, but the Malamocco people, from whom Obelerio was descended, as Caroldo points out, supported him. But they could not resist the dogal power, Obelerio fell into captivity (p. 57), he was "decapitato et il corpo suo sospeso alla ripa di San Giorgio". So he was beheaded and his body hung on the Riva di San Giorgio. -

The cathedra of St. Peter in San Pietro di Castello

The Emperor wanted to show his inclination to the Doge, who had supported him against the Saracens of Sicily, and sent him the “Cadrega di San Pietro”, which was housed in San Pietro di Castello . According to Caroldo, in “Anthiochia” Peter and his successors sat on it (“San Pietro Apostolo et successori”). At that time, the doge was driven out by "Caroso Tribuno", a "huomo scelestissimo" by a conspiracy. This went "in Francia" to get support from Lothar's son Karl. Meanwhile, Caroso became a doge. This displeased "Basilio Transmondo, Ioanni Mauritio, Dominico Orcianico" and others, a total of thirty men. They left Venice and went to “San Martin di Strà”, where many men joined them. Under "Dominico Orcianico, venuti a Rialto, assalirono il Palazzo et fecero prigione Caroso", they went to Rialto, attacked the Doge's Palace and captured Caroso. His eyesight was taken from him and he was expelled from Venice ("al quale cavorno gl'occhi, cacciandolo di Venetia") after having been a doge for six months (p. 57). His “complici”, namely “Diodato Gruro, Marino Patricio, Dominico Monetario et Tribuno Gradense” were hewn to pieces. Until the Doge's return, the Venetians wanted “Orso Vescovo Olivense” to rule the Ducat, together with “Basilio Transmondo et Ioanni Marcurio”. To everyone's satisfaction, the doge was reinstated. Ioannes Marcurio had the church "San Iuliano Martire" built not far from the Doge's Palace ("fece edificar"). - The Narentans hijacked a merchant fleet that was on its way back from Benevento and killed the men in a cruel way. - In his 10th year of reign there was a (renewed) conspiracy among the "Mastalici". When the Doge left the church of San Pietro di Castello, he was captured, his beard shaved, and his tonsure cut (“con li capelli come cherico”, “with the hair like a cleric”), then he was sent to Grado where he "finalmente" passed away. In his place the people put “Pietro Tradonigo” because of his merits.

For the Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who made the Venetian chronicle known in the German-speaking area, where he largely followed Marcello, in his Chronica published in 1574, that is, the actual and brief description of everyone living in Venice is "Joannes Partitiatius the Eilffte Hertzog" . His brother Justinianus from “Greece asked for this against himself / and took it as an assistant”, as Kellner described the fellow Doges. According to the chronicler, this happened in the year 828. Around this time, peace was made with the "Narentines" who "made the sea there restless". But this peace was broken by the Narentans, who "caught" and killed Venetian merchants who were on their way back from Apulia. Shortly afterwards "several nobles / which head was one / called Carosius / swore against the heart." The Doge fled, and said Carosius took his place. But against his "tyranny" "several of the nobles and princes opposed themselves in / including the most prestigious / Basilius Trasimundus / Joann Mauritius / and Dominicus Ortianus / and with thirty of the princes still in place". They imprisoned Carosius, "stabbed his eyes" and chased him away. In addition, the author states that there were many “if they kept it up with him / were killed.” After “Orsus / Bischoff zu Castello / Basilius Trasimundus / and Johann Mauritius ruled the community”, John returned from “France”. But now the Doge got into hostility with the "Mastalitiis (which were a very noble family in Venice)". They attacked him in San Pietro, "named the ducal trinkets and jewelry / cut off his hair and beard" and banished him to Grado in the eighth year of his reign, and "there he put on a Münchskap / and the rest of his time ends Life there. "

In the translation of the Historia Veneta by Alessandro Maria Vianoli , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, and Die Die / Von dem Ersten Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the doge was called “ Johannes Participatius, the Twelfth Hertzog ”. Vianoli added after a long admission to the arrogance of the people named Narentaner, who robbed the said Apulian fleet, but according to Vianoli they were severely punished. John also finished his brother's work on St. Mark's Basilica. But "uproar and rioting of a number of distinguished noblemen / who confessed to him after their life / whose head and originator was named Carosius", shook the "whole state". The “prince” saw himself “compelled” to “flee after France / and to leave the duchy to Carosio”. Among the three “noblest and noblemen” already listed by Marcello, there was again an uprising against Carosio, so that these three men and thirty others who “cannot endure his tyranny / have accidentally attacked / caught / gouged out their eyes / and finally / with many other his ringleaders / even driven into misery ”(p. 97). John was "called to come back to Venice again", but he brought "from a foreign country also foreign customs and traditions" with him, "which were not right for him" and which the Venetians were "completely repugnant to". A point of view that has not yet appeared in historiography. Eventually enmity with the "Mastolitiis", the noblest and most powerful family in the city, led to his overthrow, including loss of regalia and hair, monk's robe and imprisonment in Grado. 836 "Petrus Tradonicus" was "pulled" in its place (p. 98).

In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart wrote in his work Kurtze and an increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice also, albeit very laconically, about “Johannes”, who “made against him by one of the most distinguished from Venice Verratsherey ”was overthrown under Caroso. Even if Caroso was overthrown and Johannes was called back, "he was called by the noblest family in Venice / the Mastalici / attacked in a church and pushed into a monastery / in which he also shortly afterwards died with Todt." According to von Sandrart only Johannes "laid the first ground for the beautiful church of S. Marci". According to others, according to the author, the Doge was only assigned seven years of reign.

According to Johann Friedrich LeBret , in the State History of the Republic of Venice, which appeared in four volumes from 1769, John “took over the government alone”, and, LeBret continues, “at the beginning of it he was lucky to have an envoy from the Narentan Slavs to him came who professed the Christian religion in Venice and was baptized ”(p. 142). According to him, the Greek naval power was "in extreme decline". The Franconian Empire was also in the fight against Normans and Saracens, just as the latter fought Byzantium. The Obelerius, expelled by John's father, also tried to regain power. But the Venetians under John completely destroyed Malamocco. "The Venetian people have at all times allowed themselves to be rushed by cruel and ill-considered conclusions," comments LeBret, after the head of Obelerius was impaled in front of Malamocco, not on the border with the Frankish Empire. In contrast to Obelerius' attempt to regain power, LeBret regards the aristocratic revolt against Johannes under Caroso as an attempt to wrest the "Badoer" - the Particiaco - the inheritance of the Doge's office. After him, "Carosus" was a tribune, a son of Bonicus. If one follows LeBret, however, Carosus soon trod "the rights of the entire nation of the nobility and the people under their feet". “As little as the noble houses could bear that the dignity of the duke should become hereditary, just as little could they admit that they and the people were deprived of the right to vote, whereby they believed that they were still receiving a prince with a certain respect for them can. ”(p. 163). Carosus was overthrown. Johannes did return, but: "His wounded disposition made him sullen, and the insults inflicted had embittered him." Ultimately, he failed because of the nobility. "Since the Doge wanted to enforce the matter by force, the opposing party got the upper hand." So the doge was banished to Grado, where he soon died of "frustration". “John had reigned seven years” (p. 164).

Bust of Samuele Romanin in the Panteon Veneto of the Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti , marble, a work by Augusto Benvenuti , created in 1896

Samuele Romanin granted "Giovanni" two pages in the first volume of his ten-volume opus' Storia documentata di Venezia in 1853 , adhering to the now firmly established number of 120 Doges - ignoring a number of fellow Doges and not including those today accepted first doge. "Giustiniano", who returned from Constantinople after negotiations, refused to see his father when he saw his younger brother as a fellow doge. "Giovanni", banished after their father's withdrawal, fled from Zara to "Ischiavonia" and from there to Bergamo to see Emperor Ludwig. Romanin suggests that Patriarch Fortunatus 'had a hand in the rebellion against the Doge under the leadership of Giovanni Tornarico and Bono Bradanesso'. He had to flee and died in the Franconian Empire. When the Saracens attacked Sicily in 827, the new emperor sought the naval help of the Venetians ("rinforzandola ancora di navi veneziane da lui domandate in questa occasione" (p. 166)). Romanin notes that the Byzantine sources are silent only out of arrogance ("orgoglio") about the two subsequent naval operations of Venice, which were unsuccessful. When Obelerio tried to regain power, Romanin also believes, John wanted to make a "terrible example" of Malamocco. He had the head of Obelerio impaled in Campalto near Mestre , on the territory of Emperor Lothar. According to Romanin, the inhabitants of the burned cities, especially Malamocco, were looking for revenge, and therefore Caroso was able to prevail. John now had to flee to the Franconian Ludwig, who welcomed him benevolently. Against Caroso, after barely six months, his enemies gathered in Campalto, with the author adding Domenico Orcianico as the fourth to the known three leaders (in a footnote he only cites the chronicle of Andrea Dandolo as evidence). Caroso's main allies, namely "Domenico Monetario, Tritolo di Grado, Marino Patrizio e Diodato Gruro", were put down ("trucidato"). The Doge John returned solemnly at San Demetrio. But after a contract with the Narentans, with the support of the old Caroso friends, he was overthrown for good. Exiled to Grado, he died there a little later.

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) believed in his history of Venice from its founding until 1084 , which appeared eleven years after his death, that Agnellus' older son Justinianus was not only "in anger" after his arrival in Venice over the preference of his younger brother John advised, but this override of his rights of the elder caused him to return from Constantinople to Venice. Agnellus banished his younger son to Zara and now raised Justinianus and his son "Angelo II" to be fellow doges. Gfrörer interprets the fact that Doge sons have been staying in Constantinople again and again since 810 as evidence of an otherwise unknown contract according to which these sons acted as hostages . Accordingly, the honors, such as the titles that the emperors awarded these hostages, only kept appearances. The emperors had used the time "to get them used to Greek court air or to instill in them the Byzantine official spirit." Accordingly, in Gfrörer's eyes, the raising of the younger son to be a fellow doge was a breach of that "secret treaty of 809". According to Gfrörer, the father only gave in because "Justinian had the entire power of the Eastern Empire to hold back" (p. 144). John had to "wander to the port city of Zara, which has been subject to Greek sovereignty since 810". In doing so, Gfrörer believes that Johannes, as Johannes Diaconus writes, first fled to the Slavs - according to Gfrörer, he was able to negotiate with the Frankish emperor from there, because the Slavs formally recognized the Frankish sovereignty - and only then to the Frankish court while Andrea Dandolo lets him flee straight to the Franconian court. However, Gfrörer doubts that the escaped man met with Emperor Ludwig the Pious , because he was only in Italy in 817. After being handed over to Agnellus and Justinianus, John was again sent to Constantinople as a hostage. Gfrörer argues that the father was ousted from power by his older son Justinianus. His evidence is the founding document of S. Zaccaria, in which only Justinianus appears as doge, but not Agnellus. As he can see from the document, the foundation was also initiated by the Byzantine emperor. The ban on trading with the Muslims of Syria and Egypt also came from the emperor and was only taken over by the doges. In Gfrörer's picture it fits that Angelo II had to pay homage to the new emperor after the assassination of Emperor Leo and that he went to Constantinople - where he later died. According to Gfrörer: "Dandolo shares such facts which, in a way that does not grossly offend the sense of honor, show Veneto's dependence on Byzantium, and only clumsily keeps silent" (p. 149). For Gfrörer, not only was the dispute between the patriarchs a constant means of the Franks to rule into the lagoon, but also the uprising of the tribunes and of Monetarius, the “mint master”, was initiated by the Franks. This is indicated by the refuge of the mint master who also went to the Frankenhof. The same applies to the fact that the Istrian bishoprics were withdrawn from the Patriarch of Grado and Aquileia was added, and also the Synod of Mantua, which the pro-Frankish Pope Eugene II convened in July 827. There Grado was again demoted to the suffragan bishopric of Aquileias, which could potentially have offered the Franks far-reaching opportunities to intervene. The successor to the Gradens bishopric, Venerius , lodged a complaint in vain with Eugen's successor, who had died in 827. Finally, according to Gfrörer, the younger brother returned from the Byzantine capital on the orders of the emperor, who at the same time demanded naval aid against the Saracens. The apparently independent policy of Justinianus was therefore met with distrust in Constantinople, so that Justinianus had to accept the return of his brother, whom he did not even consider in his will, under pressure from the emperor. Andrea Dandolo suggests this, according to Gfrörer, only as far as possible, but "Anyone who has a real job in running Clio's pen does not write for fools, but for those who know how to read necessary cases between the lines." P. 171). Regarding the Narentans, Gfrörer quotes Andrea Dandolo's chronicle: “The Narenta slaves sent a messenger to Dogen Johannes, asked for peace, and received it, but they did not keep it for long. However, the messenger ... was baptized at the Doge's request. Those Slavs, namely, who were descended from the Goths, clung to pagan gods and were pirating ”(p. 173). When Emperor Michael died in 829, Obelerius settled on Veglia; when John pulled against him, Malamocco rose at his back, from where Obelerio had come. John had the rebellious city destroyed and then stormed Veglia. He had the captured Obelerio executed and his head planted in Malamocco. Since Obelerius did not strike until after the death of the emperor, Gfrörer assumes that he did not act on imperial orders. Had he succeeded in the blow, he would have “renewed the old relations with the Franks”. The author speculates that the subsequent rapprochement between the Doge and the Franks in turn caused the Byzantine party under Caroso to revolt. He deduces this from the positive reception the refugee found among the Franks. Other refugees gathered in Mestre “(ie on Franconian territory)” to overthrow Caroso, which they also succeeded in doing. Three years later, in 836, John was overthrown and banished in the familiar manner.

Pietro Pinton translated and annotated Gfrörer's work in the Archivio Veneto in annual volumes XII to XVI. Pinton's own account, which did not appear until 1883, came to completely different, less speculative results than Gfrörer. He doubts that Justinianus or John were sent as hostages to Constantinople, which the sources do not speak of, but that the older son of the Dog was sent there for negotiations, the younger as an exile. Gfrörer's assertion that the Emperor Michael had provided the younger brother as a replacement for Justinianus is refuted by Pinton by stating that Justinianus was terminally ill and that no other connection could be established between the events (pp. 58-63). In connection with Obelerio's attempt to regain power, Caroso's overthrow and in turn his overthrow, Pinton believes more in internal conflicts, while Gfrörer at least suggests the usual external influences (p. 62 f.).

In 1861 Francesco Zanotto speculated in his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , in which he granted the popular assembly considerably more influence, that it was only when Agnellus' younger son was raised to a fellow doge that there had been a "bitter" dispute in the Doge family. As a result, Justinianus had withdrawn, but had now in turn been raised to a co-doge "through renewed weakness" of the old Doge at the expense of John. 'As some say' the fleet against the Saracens was led by John, who had already been released from exile in Constantinople. Some claimed, according to Zanotto, that Justinianus only felt guilty on his deathbed and that he called his brother back. But the author doubts this, because given the length of the journey from Constantinople to Venice, John had no prospect of arriving in time for his brother's death. After Zanotto, John first turned to the Narentans, whose envoy "Mislo or Miroslavo" was baptized. 'Perhaps with the support of his brother Valentino', Obelerio attempted to overthrow. However, he succumbed and was executed. According to the author, his head was displayed first in Malamocco, then in Mestre - with which he equally accepted the contradicting statements of the sources and simply stored them one after the other. After him, Johannes had marble polish from Altinum built into St. Mark's Basilica (p. 29). Zanotto also carefully differentiates between the asylum that John found after Caroso's expulsion from the information given by Dandolo, where he went to the court of Emperor Ludwig, and the information provided by the " Sagornina ", where he fled to the 'young King Karl'. The meeting place for the more than 30 men who rose up against Caroso and gathered in Mestre, according to Zanotto, was the church of S. Martino di Stra or Strata. But even after the Doge's joyful reception in the city, which had in the meantime formed its own government, the Narentans caused new tumults by capturing a fleet from Benevento. The people's assembly, called “assemblea nazionale” by Zanotto, decided to strip him of his hair and beard and to ban him as a monk to Grado, even though he had saved this people eight years earlier.

Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, 1846

In 1867, Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, in the first volume of his Storia dei Dogi di Venezia, expressed the view that the disappointed Justinianus, ousted by his younger brother, had prevailed against the 'too indulgent and erratic' father. He was also convinced that Justinianus brought his younger brother back out of a guilty conscience shortly before his death, and even made him a doge while he was still alive, before he died in 829. From Vigilia he assumed that the city that Obelerio used as a shelter had been abandoned; like Zanotto, he also assumed that the head of the former doge was first impaled on an antenna in Malamocco and then in Mestre. Caroso in turn overthrew John, but also Lothar, Massenzio, the Malamocchini and the Vigilesi. He leaves open whether Johannes fled to Ludwig or Karl. At Cicogna, the rebels only voted for Caroso, who was again overthrown after six months. The Narentans with their raids, plus the repeated internal unrest and revolts, finally caused the people to banish John.

Heinrich Kretschmayr believed that the attempt by John, "Agnellus' second son, to secure co-dogat during the absence of his older brother Justinian in 814/15, was frustrated by Byzantine influence." He therefore believes that the overthrow of John, the son of a Dog, who later fled and was ultimately exiled to Constantinople, makes it clear that this overthrow of Byzantium had its origin. On the other hand, in the opposite direction, the older brother Justinianus was not only endowed with the honorary title Hypathos , but his son was even made a co-doge. In addition, Justinianus referred to himself as "Imperialis hypatus et humilis dux Venetiae" (as the imperial consul and simple doge of Venice). Contrary to a Byzantine ban, Venetian traders sought out Egyptian waters in 828. Kretschmayr sees the naval operations in southern Italy and Sicily as an “army duty” for Venice, but this is expressly not verifiable for the eastern Mediterranean. Kretschmayr even claims that "the fleet was defeated". The head of Obelerius was only impaled on the Franconian border near San Martino, no longer in Malamocco. According to the author, the suppression of Caroso was controlled from Constantinople: “The party of order, which was undoubtedly supported by Byzantium, was the stronger; the usurper was attacked, blinded and banished in his palace a few months later. ”“ Integraliter ”, John returned on the initiative of Bishop Orso of Olivolo. “The intact maintenance of Greek rule is clearly expressed in this report.” Finally, the Doge had to give way to the third uprising when the Mastalici overthrew him in 836. In Kretschmayr's eyes, the recurring uprising arose not only from personal but also from “political, anti-Greek tendencies” (p. 62).

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Narrative sources

• La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 59–171, here: p. 106 , 109 ( digitized version ).
• Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999 ( text edition based on Berto in the Archivio della Latinità Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) from the University of Siena).
• Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo civitatum Italiae seu Venetiarum (Chron. Altinate et Chron. Gradense) , Rome 1933, pp. 29, 117, 129.
• Roberto Cessi, Fanny Bennato (eds.): Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, pp. 1, 32-37.
• Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, p. 142–146 (rule of his father), p. 146–148 (rule of his brother), p. 148-150 (sole rule ). ( Digital copy, p. 148 f. )
• Alberto Limentani (ed.): Martin da Canal , Les estoires de Venise , Olschki, Florenz 1972, p. 16 f. ( Text , edited by Francesca Gambino in the Repertorio Informatizzato Antica Letteratura Franco-Italiana ).
• Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 54–56 (cf. Historie venete dal principio della città fino all'anno 1382 ).

Legislative sources

• Roberto Cessi (ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille , Padua 1942, vol. I, n. 44 (“819. Donazione di Agnello e Giustiniano Particiaco all'abbate di S. Servolo, tramutato a S. Ilario "), Pp. 71–75 ( digitized version ), here: pp. 71, 72, 74, as well as n. 53 (“ 829. Testamento di Giustiniano Particiaco ”), p. 93–99 ( digitized version ), here: p. 96 f., Vol. II, p. 197.
• Luigi Lanfranchi , Bianca Strina (Ed.): Ss. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , Venice 1965, pp. 8, 10, 21 f.

literature

• Marco Pozza:  Particiaco, Agnello. In: Raffaele Romanelli (ed.): Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (DBI). Volume 81:  Pansini – Pazienza. Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Rome 2014, (forms the basis of the presentation part).

Remarks

1. ↑ Volker Herzner : The building history of San Marco and the rise of Venice to a great power , in: Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 38 (1985) 1–58, here: p. 2.
2. ^ MGH, Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, p. 60, Chronicon Venetum (vulgo Altinate) .
3. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 33.
4. ↑ Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation by Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp. 20 f., Cf. in addition the passages that refer to his time before his Dogat, as listed in the article about his brother and predecessor Giustiniano ( digitized version ).
5. ↑ Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 56-58 ( online ).
6. ↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 8r – 8v ( digitized, p. 8r ).
7. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Hertsehen Leben / Government, and Die Die / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 94-98, translation ( digitized ).
8. ↑ Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 19 ( digitized, p. 19 ).
9. ↑ Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769 ( digitized version ).
10. ^ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vol., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 158–166 in connection with his father , sole governing body on pp. 170–172 ( digitized version ).
11. ↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 143 ( digitized version ).
12. ^ According to the footnote, Gfrörer cites "Muratori XII., 172." Gfrörer feels obliged to correct the assumption of Gothic descent.
13. ^ Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto (1883) 23–63, here: p. 58 ( digitized version ).
14. ↑ Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 28-30 ( digitized version ).
15. ^ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Vol. 1, Venice 1867, o. P.
16. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, p. 61.

predecessor	Office	successor
Giustiniano Particiaco	Doge of Venice 829-836	Pietro Tradonico