Pietro Tradonico

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Influence of the Byzantine Empire and Venice around 840
Venice, Adriatic and Aegean around 850

Pietro Tradonico (* perhaps in the 780s in Pola ; † September 13, 864 in Venice ), in the contemporary sources Petrus Tradonicus , later also Trandominico , Trundomenico or Petrus Trandenicus , was the 13th Doge of the Republic of Venice according to the historiographical tradition . He ruled from 836 to 864, whereby towards the end of his rule there were strong internal tensions between the leading families, as they appeared again and again in the lagoon of Venice, and which ultimately led to his murder. As fellow doge, an institution that was common at the time, his son John ruled almost from the beginning and until a year before Peter's violent end .

While the internal tensions repeatedly led to the overthrow of the Doges, the previously strong influence of the Carolingians and the Byzantine emperors diminished so much that with Petrus Tradonicus the emancipation of Venice from Byzantium began. Also the establishment of an independent ducat, contractually secured with the Carolingians from 840/41, and the emergence of Venice's supremacy as a sea power in the eastern Mediterranean , where Byzantium lost power against Islamic states and the First Bulgarian Empire , but also a strong one with the Paulicians , fought as a heretic group, is linked to his tenure.

His successor was Ursus , a member of the Particiaco family , which ruled as a short-lived dynasty from 809 to 836 . They now had another opportunity to enforce this form of rule until 932. They were preceded by the Galbaii with appropriate attempts, the Candiani followed them.


In the sources closest in time, the doge appears as "Petrus" or "Petrus dux", while "Tradonico" or one of the aforementioned variants does not appear until the first half of the 13th century. Martino da Canale calls the Doge in his Les estoires de Venise , created between 1267 and 1275, "Trundomenche". When Andrea Dandolo († 1354) states that to his nickname: "... cognominatusque est Apolo Trandominico immersive Trandonico" (ed Monticolo, p.150.).


Petrus Tradonicus came from a family that originally came from the Istrian town of Pula and settled in Equilio, today's Jesolo , and later on the island of Rialto , which had been the seat of the Doge since around 811. Possibly he was considered as a candidate mainly because his family was not one of those who had excelled in the dispute over the establishment of a dynasty by the Particiaco family and could therefore be considered neutral. Marco Pozza, however, assumes that his tribunician family had a part in the overthrow of the Particiaco doge. In the struggle for the establishment of a dynasty that shaped Venice's history for centuries and repeatedly turned the influential families against each other, and which made them look for external allies and advocates, the Tradonico played, even if a Carolingian emperor of the Doge's grandson (or his granddaughter) and his son was a fellow dog, no matter. The grandfather Peter was murdered, the son John died shortly before Peter, the sources say nothing about the whereabouts of the grandchild. The name Tradonico was later identified many times with that of the noble family Gradenigo .

Life and domination

Coin from the time of Louis the Pious (814–840)

Piero or Petrus Tradonico interrupted the series of Particiaco doges who had held office since 809. He shared with other rulers of his time that the new Doge was illiterate and signed documents with a signum manus (Latin: "hand sign"). Immediately after the election, his son John was made a co-doge, because Johannes Diaconus writes with reference to the successor of the Particiaco-Doge: "Cui successit quidam nobilissimus, Petrus nomine, qui Iohannem suum filium consortem in honore habere voluit", which is meant to him Giovanni I. Particiaco ) was followed in office by a very noble man named Peter who wanted his son to be a partner in his honor, that is, as co-ruler.

Around 838 or 839 - Andrea Dandolo calls the 3rd year of his rule - he undertook several campaigns against the Narentans living in Dalmatia , who disrupted maritime trade in the Adriatic with their repeated attacks on Venetian ships . The Doge concluded peace treaties with their leaders Mislav and Drosaico , so that the fleet was withdrawn without a fight. Another campaign, probably in 839, against the pirates was unsuccessful. On the contrary, their power increased further with the advance of the Saracens , as the Islamized Berbers and Arabs were called, into the northern Adriatic in the 840s. As reported by the Istoria Veneticorum of Johannes Diaconus from around 1000 , the Venetians built two large warships on the order of the Doge based on Greek models that were not in use until then, as reported in the 14th century by Andrea Dandolo, around the lagoon from the dreaded intrusion of Saracens or Protecting Slavs (Ist. Ven. II, 54). Thietmar von Merseburg writes that such ships , which he called Salandrie , carried a crew of 150 men (Chronicon III, 23).

Emperor Theophilos and his court, illuminated manuscript of the Skylitz , originally made in the 1070s; illustrated copy from around 1150 to 1175, made in the vicinity of the Norman royal court in Palermo, Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid, fol. 42v
Massacre of Paulikians in the year 843/44 on the orders of the Empress Theodora II , the wife of Theophilos, shown in this manuscript, fol. 69. The Paulicians were persecuted as heretics by the emperors of the Amorian dynasty; they finally recognized the caliph of Baghdad as a protecting power.

At the same time, in the east of the Byzantine Empire, Arab armies conquered the cities of Ankyra and Amorion deep in the empire's core area. The Paulikians founded their own state and conquered parts of Asia Minor in league with Arab powers in reaction to the state repression measures . Therefore Venice was left without Byzantine protection. Emperor Theophilos (829-842) in turn sought help at the court of Louis the Pious (814-840), even at the Umayyad court of Cordoba , to take action against the Saracens, who had also begun to conquer Sicily since 827. When the Saracens began to conquer Apulia from around 839 , the emperor asked for help in Venice. Patricius Theophilos stayed in Venice for a year to negotiate. In 840 the Doge had his son John lead a fleet train against the Saracens in southern Italy, who tried to establish themselves permanently in Bari and Taranto in the course of their expansion . For this he was awarded the high title of spatharios by the emperor . But the joint Byzantine-Venetian fleet suffered a loss-making defeat and pirates now also robbed the upper Adriatic. In 842 the Venetian fleet suffered another defeat there off the island of Sansego . Trade in the Adriatic threatened to break down and the lagoon itself was threatened. It is possible that Slavic pirates again took the opportunity of the unsafe conditions to plunder Caorle around 846. Pozza assumes that this prevented participation in the struggle of the Carolingians against the Saracens of southern Italy.

Marco Pozza, the signing of the Pactum Lotharii of February 23, 840, in which Emperor Lothar I declared the independence of Venice and its rule over the lagoon to the sea , is said to have had a similarly decisive, but at the same time more lasting effect on the history of Venice ( lat. ad aquas salas , German "up to the salt water") recognized. In a further pactum in September 841 the emperor recognized the borders of Venice to the extent that Charlemagne had negotiated with Byzantium. This was related to how Pozza believes that the sons of Louis the Pious, who died in 840, were fighting for their share of the empire. On March 23, 856, Lothar's successor in Italy, Ludwig II , confirmed the contract, which made the agreements permanent. Venice's territory no longer corresponded to a province of the Roman Empire , but from then on it was called Ducat . In the will of Bishop Ursus von Olivolo , however, the doge bears the title of 'imperial consul', which still corresponded to the Byzantine title of Hypathus or Ipato, as had been worn by some of his predecessors.

The increasing independence between the empires was also noticeable in other places, as was a growing self-confidence. In Venice, between 855 and 880, the first coins with the inscription “Criste salva Venecias” on the lapel were minted. According to tradition, the obverse still bears the inscription “Deus conserva Romanorum Imperium”. In documents, the Doge was no longer master of the Provincia Veneta , like his predecessors, but of the Ducatus ; he no longer recognized the Byzantine emperor as a dominus noster , but only as a dominus . The dating was no longer done according to Byzantine customs, but according to the western annus domini . He himself was doge by the grace or help of God ( dei gratia or deo auxiliante dux ). Among the tribunes, many of which have signed documents, the doge appears as “excellentissimo imperiali consoli”, his son John as “gloriosus dux Veneciarum”, as in the will of Bishop Ursus.

Around 860 - the information in the historiography deviates by a few years - Ludwig II and his wife Angilberga were received by the two Doges in the monastery of S. Michele in Brondolo . The couple stayed at the Doge's house for three days and became the godfather of a child of the younger Doge, as Andrea Dandolo and other chroniclers from the late Middle Ages report. Formally, the meeting corresponded to an encounter between sovereigns of equal rank. Ludwig recognized Venice as an independent territory. For the purpose of the meeting, it says in somewhat clauses: “ad dilectionis seu pacis vinculum corroborandum” ('to strengthen friendship and peace'). Overall, a rise of Rialto compared to the rival cities of the lagoon can be seen, which manifested itself in elaborate buildings. The cathedral of San Pietro di Castello was consecrated around 850 .

The Bishop of Olivolo was able to maintain his independence from the Patriarchate of Aquileia, although the Synod of Mantua had subordinated the Venetian bishoprics to him. Popes Leo IV (852) and Benedict III. (858) subsequently granted the pallium to the competing Patriarch of Grado, more precisely, to the Patriarchs Victor and Vitale. By contrast, Nicholas I invited Vitale to the Lateran Council in October 863.

Peter's son John died around 863. In the riots and factional battles that followed, the old Doge was accused of injustice and presumption, and the fact that he kept a bodyguard may have increased suspicions. On September 13, 864 he was murdered by a group of conspirators while leaving the church of San Zaccaria .

The aforementioned bodyguard of the Doge - a previously non-existent institution - which probably consisted of Croatian slaves or servants, established itself in the Doge's Palace , which at that time was still strongly fortified and equipped with towers. She called for the murderers to be punished. Perhaps, because of the street fighting that had already started, there was fear of intervention by the great powers of the time, by Franks or Byzantines, so that a three-person court was appointed in a hurry. Five conspirators were hanged, four banished to Constantinople, while others managed to leave Venice unmolested. The bodyguard was settled on the island of Poveglia . Her descendants stayed there until the Chioggia War at the end of the 14th century when they were resettled in the municipality of Sant'Agnese in Dorsoduro .

After this agreement, the popular assembly again elected a particiacus, namely Ursus I , as the new doge. Petrus Tradonicus was buried in the atrium of San Zaccaria.


Coat of arms of the Doge "Pietro Tradomenegi". The coats of arms of the early medieval doges are mere rear projections of younger family coats of arms. The Heraldry began only in the third quarter of one of the 12th century. Later coats of arms were also given to the early Doges who never had a coat of arms (“fanta-araldica”); this served to relate the families of this epoch to the earliest possible doges, which was to give them prestige as well as political and social influence. So the coats of arms of the much later descendants of these Doges were projected back onto the alleged or actual members of the families that had ruled Venice (allegedly) since 697.

In the Chronicon Altinate or Chronicon Venetum , one of the oldest Venetian sources dating back to around 1000, the doge appears with the name and term of office “Petrus dux Trundominico ducavit ann. 23 ““ et interfectus est intra çenobium sancte Çacharie in the vigilia exaltacione sancte crucis, ora vespertina ”, so he was murdered in the monastery of San Zaccaria. When Martino da Canale , who wrote from 1267 to 1275, he is called "Piere Trundomenche" (XIII).

For Venice at the time of Doge Andrea Dandolo , the interpretation given to the rule of Petrus Tradonicus, who did not belong to one of the dynasty-forming families such as the Particiachi or Galbaii, was of symbolic importance in several respects. The attention of the political leadership bodies, long established in the middle of the 14th century, which have steered the writing of history especially since Andrea Dandolo, focused on the development of the constitution (in this case the question of the disturbed, extremely conflictual formation of dynasties, but also the role of the people's assembly, the Question of the fellow doge), the internal disputes between the possessores (represented in the family names), i.e. the increasingly closed group of the haves who at the same time occupied political power, but also the shifts in power within the lagoon (the increasing importance of Rialto, the dwindling by Malamocco and Eraclea), the Adriatic and the eastern Mediterranean, as well as in Italy. The questions of sovereignty between the overpowering empires, of law from their own roots, and therefore of the derivation and legitimation of their territorial claims, were always the focus, even if the pressure of the great powers was less noticeable at this time.

The oldest vernacular chronicle, the Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, depicts the events on a very personal level that has long been customary at this time, which once again gave the Doges greater individual power. The doge, who, according to the author, ruled for “XXVIIII” years, ie 29 years, is called “Pietro Trandominico”, also “Piero”. Accordingly, he and his son John were elected doges by the people's assembly, provided that this can be inferred from the words "[con] consentimento del povolo", for example: with the consent of the people. Because of his successes against "Sclavi" and "Narantani", the Doge's son was given great honors by the Byzantine Patrizius Theodosios, who was present in Venice from 840 to 841. John drove with 60 ships against the Saracens of Taranto , but the fleet was defeated, so that the pirates could plunder as far as Dalmatia and Romagna in return . On the other hand, the Venetian fleet intervened successfully in disputes between the lords of Lake Garda and Verona . A new fleet built there fell in the rear of the Bergamasque cores who had hurried up. The Doge in Venice forced the prisoners to take an oath of allegiance. From then on, some men who were particularly tall rowed the magnificent ships , above all the Bucintoro , the Doge's ship. After the death of his son John, who was buried in San Zaccaria, the doge made himself hated by everyone, as he and his personal guard had committed a great deal of injustice against many. When "meser Domenego" was raised to the new bishop of Venice, the Doge refused his election (which, as Roberto Cessi showed, was not done by him, but by the later Doge Pietro Tribuno ). But the people prevailed against his will and got the candidate out of the Doge's palace. So he got into office. Finally, the doge in San Zaccaria, although he was surrounded by his “servi”, was tied to a portal by a “Stephano da lo Sablon et uno Dimiccio Chalebraxin cum uno Piero Cenerro” until he was dead. Now the servants demanded vengeance, and a battle would almost have come about if the bishop had not intervened. The clergy suggested that the servants should remain unmolested and be able to move to Malamocco in order to obtain land, canals and fishing rights there. The agreement was confirmed by a juridical verdict of a iudex , in order to be valid forever. The place where their descendants lived until the time of the author of the chronicle, according to the author himself, was now called “Poveia”, today's island of Poveglia .

Pietro Marcello reports something similar . In 1502 he led the doge in the section "Pietro Tradonico Doge XIII" in his work, which was later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia . Marcello describes the defeat against the Saracens of Taranto in the lower Adriatic, which in return in the Upper Adriatic, Venetian ships returning from Syria captured much more detail. He also thinks that the defeat encouraged the Narentans to rob themselves. This led them to Caorle . He also describes how Pope Benedict , who visited Venice, brought a large number of relics with him. Six large families from two factions fought for supremacy in the lagoon. On one side stood the Giustiniani, Bolani and Basegi, on the other the Barbolani, Seli and Sevoli. After militant clashes, the Barbolani were banished from the city. Emperor Ludwig, to whom they fled, stood up for their benefit so that they were allowed to return. The doge was 'cruelly torn to pieces' by conspirators in the course of these disputes during the Mass in San Zaccaria. “Per fare vendetta” three men were chosen who banished some of the conspirators to the Franconian Empire (“in Francia”) and to Byzantium (“in Grecia”).

The chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , completed in 1532, reports significantly different and unusually detailed. Caroldo thinks "Pietro Tradonigo" was made a Doge by the people in 836 for his services - as one text variant knows ("fù creato dal popolo"). He was the son of "nobil parenti vennuti da Puola et longamente a Iesolo dimoranti", so his noble parents came from Pola and had lived in Iesolo for a long time. Then they moved to Rialto. In the third year of his ducat - a text variant already inserts that he was able to appoint his son Johannes as “consorte del ducato” - he drove with a strong fleet to Dalmatia against the “Schiavoni” to prevent them from entering the Venetian ships attacks (“offender li navili di Venetiani”). At a place called “San Martino di Corte” he fought against one of their princes (“un loro Prencipe”), then he drove to the islands of the Narentans. With their Iudex "Drosacco" a peace agreement was reached, which was hardly respected ("benche poco fosse osservata"). In Dalmatia the Doge also fought against "Diudiro Schiavo", where he lost 100 men (p. 58). During these days “Theodosio Patricio” came to Venice to raise the Doge to “Spatario dell'Imperio” in the name of the emperor while he was looking for help against the Saracens. The Venetians, 'moved by the holy faith', sent 60 ships (“navi”) against Taranto , where they encountered strong forces from the “Sabba Prencipe di Saraceni”, who “tore almost all of them to pieces” (“quasi tutti furono tagliati a pezzi "). The Saracens, encouraged by the victory ("elevati"), attacked Dalmatia and burned Ossero on Easter Monday . Then they drove to Ancona , where they did the same. When they wanted to return, they met a merchant fleet from the Levant, which they captured, killing 'all traders and sailors' ("con la morte di tutti li mercanti et marinari"). The next year they drove back to the upper Adriatic, but this time they were defeated at "Sanseno" and they had to turn back. According to Caroldo, these Saracens went from Africa to Spain, took Rome with great power and, coming via “Civita Vecchia”, they plundered St. Peter's Church . They were then expelled with heavy losses, but they continued to plunder Apulia and Calabria , the Terra di Lavoro , the area around Naples . In the end, however, they were defeated and driven back to Africa (p. 59). The doge achieved that his son could be used as a “consorte”, as a fellow doge. The two then built the St. Mark's Church ("edificorono"). During these days the Slavs plundered Caorle (p. 59). In some old chronicles, so Caroldo explicitly, discord is reported between the “Polani, Giustiniani et Basegi” on the one hand and the “Barbolani, Silvij et Stuoli” on the other. Since the Doge failed to bring about peace between the warring parties, many of the barbolani were killed on a Sunday. The others fled to Emperor “Lodovico”, who made sure that they returned (p. 59 f.). The Doge concluded “capitulatione et patto” with the “vicini popoli soggetti all'Imperio”, i.e. with the “peoples who were subordinate to the empire”. As was the case with its predecessors, regulations on equalization rights and payment of customs duties were concluded for five years. The contract (“la conventione”) was also explicitly confirmed, which had already been concluded “a tempo di Paolucio Duce et Marcello Maestro di Cavallieri con Luitprando et Astolfo Re de Longobardi”. Here the author follows the interpretation that has been firmly established since Andrea Dandolo and is now considered refuted. At least Caroldo made a distinction between a "Paolucio Duce", that is, a Doge, and a "Marcello Maestro di Cavallieri", a distinction that was leveled more and more over the next few centuries, until Marcellus also became (2nd) Doge. The “Nobil huomo Patricio” sent by the Doge achieved an “amplissimo privilegio” - the Pactum Lotharii - with Emperor Lothar , “come havevano posseduto al tempo di Carlo Magno avo suo et [del] l'Imperatore de Greci, come nel privilegio difusamente si legge ". Caroldo traces the Pactum back to Charlemagne and the (unnamed) emperor of the Greeks , now traditionally interpreted as a border drawing . Possibly it was before him personally, because he is attached to 'how one reads widely in privilege'. When Emperor Ludwig, Lothar's son, was staying in Mantua , the doge sent him “Deodato Orator suo”, who received a privilege for the properties in the empire, as had already been agreed with the Greeks (“per patto con li Greci fermato "). The emperor came to Venice with the empress, “sua consorte”, and was received by the Doge and his son (“Duci padre et figliuolo”) in large company at the church of San Michiel di Brondolo, from there to the city with great honors Rialto to be directed ("Città di Rialto"). As a token of his benevolence, he gave birth to a son of the Doge. - Pope Benedict III. fled from Rome to Venice, as it was the safest city ("fuggì da Roma et venne a Venetia, come a città più dell'altre sicura"), and was honored there by the Doges and the whole city. There he visited San Zaccaria, where, at the request of the abbess Agnese Morosina, he agreed to send these relics "di San Pancratio et di Santa Sabina" to the monastery. Orso, the bishop of Olivolo, complained of age ("gravato da gl'anni"), decreed that a nunnery should be built in the church of San Lorenzo, which his ancestors had founded. There Romana, his sister, was supposed to become abbess (a Romana appears in the will of Doge Giustiniano Particiaco from 829 as his daughter-in-law). Then he further decreed that many alms should be given. - Finally Giovanni Tradonico died, the ducat stayed with his father, who was again in the 29th year of his reign, on September 13th, after Vespers in San Zaccaria, when leaving the church "da alcuni iniquissimi huomini fù crudelmente morto". After the 'cruel' murder, he was buried in San Zaccaria. The murderers were, according to Caroldo: "Gioanni Gradenigo con un suo nepote, Steffano dal Sabbiòn, Pietro Candiano overo Sanudo, Dominico Falier, Orso Grugnario, due fratelli Salviani et Gioanni Labresca", all of whom "dopò riceverono la condegna pena del commesso errore" . The perpetrators Giovanni Gradenigo and his nephew, Pietro Candiano, Domenico Falier, then Orso Grugnaro, the brothers Salviani and Giovanni Labresca received their deserved punishment. However, the “scudieri et servitori” refused to hand over the body until the perpetrators were punished. After many “contentioni”, the Doge's people left the palace to the “giudici” Pietro, Bishop of Iesolo, “Gioanni Archidiano” [sic!] Of Grado and “Dominico Masono”, and “due parti di loro andorono ad habitar a Povegia et gl'altri alli confini ". So they were divided up and two thirds of them lived on Poveglia and one third on the borders. Later it was the case that “per dimostratione della rimessa colpa”, the Doges as a sign of the forgiven guilt “sogliono ogn'anno il Lunedi di Pasqua lasciar il gastaldo, et 7 delli più vecchi di Povegia”. Giovanni Gradenigo with two of his sons, Stefano di Sabbion and Giovanni Labresca, were 'cut to pieces'. Pietro Candiano, Pietro Cletensio, Pietro Flabanico and Domenico Faliero were “relegati” to Constantinople through the judices, which was probably tantamount to a milder exile. Orso Grugnario, however, “dal demonio oppresso, morse miseramente”. So he died miserably, oppressed by the demon.

For the Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who made the Venetian chronicle known in the German-speaking area, where he largely followed Marcello, in his Chronica published in 1574 this is Warhaffte actual and short description, all of them live in Venice , "Petrus Tradonicus the Twelfth Hertzog" . After the expulsion of his predecessor, "Petrus Tradonicus (or, as some write him, Gradenigus) Hertzog was elected / in jar 836." He was "born from Pola" "and named his son Johann as a journeyman or assistant." Slides something incoherently he says: “One has also sent the one from Verona / or Bern in Welschland / hülff against the one at Lake Garder / with which help they overcame them.” Then follows the defeat against “Saracen and Moren”: Venice sent “stimulate Keyser Michels of Constantinople ... sixty armored galleys / against the Saracens / which afflicted Apuliam. ”The Saracens gave up the siege of Taranto and Sicily, but defeated the Byzantine fleet at“ Cotron ”. Even the Venetians could not withstand the numerically superior enemy. “The Venetians were captured a lot / but most of them were sacked and slain.” This “victory or Victori” had “made the Barbaros so proud and high-spirited / that they moved to Dalmatia ... and a number of large Venetian ships or naves flew near Trieste (as it is called) who came from Syria / loaded with truth / and the Veniceers strangled all ”. Then they moved to Caorle. Immediately thereafter, Kellner continues: "Around the time Bapst Benedictus came to Venice ... And when he asks the monastery of S. Zacharias / prepared for him Frauw Agnese Moresina / Ebtissin there", for the relics of the saints "Pangratzen" and "Sabinen" . After the Pope's return to Rome, he sent the relics to the monastery, which ended up in the sacristy there . Here, too, immediately afterwards, he describes the conflict between the six families, in the course of which the Barbolani were "chased out of their place with their followers". After both factions "were tolerated", the displaced were allowed to return. After the Mass in San Zaccaria "in the eleventh year of his Hertzogthumbs", the doge was "attacked by a number of people who had connected / attacked / and was cruelly cut to pieces." Three men were elected, some of whom came from "France ", Partly banished to" Greece "for life (" relegated "). The author leaves open whether there was a connection between the factional struggles and the doge murder.

In the translation of the Historia Veneta by Alessandro Maria Vianoli , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, and Die Die / Von dem Ersten Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the doge was called “ Petrus Tradonicus, the three-toe Hertzog ”. The enmity with the "Mastolitiis", the noblest and most powerful family in the city, had led to the overthrow of his predecessor, including loss of regalia and hair, monk's robe and imprisonment in Grado. In 836 "Petrus Tradonicus" was "pulled" in his place (p. 98), who, after "having been placed on the ducal throne", "immediately" joined his son Johannem as an assistant ". With him he had, as Vianoli pointed out, “power and violence”. In their time the “Church of Salvation. Pauli at great expense ”. Venice helped the Veronese, who were self-employed at that time, against those from Lake Garder. After the victory, many Veronese went to Venice, and prisoners were also to be “passed over” “so that they might rebuild the devastated land of Roveggia / and set up their apartments there / were soon sent there by the Venetians” (p. 99 ). At this time "the Republic also suffered a very great defeat from the Saracens and Moors". This was due to the fact that Venice “at the request of the then Oriental Kayser Michaels (who waged a heavy war with these unbelievers) sent sixty equipped galleys / against them / (because they harassed Apuliam very hard) to aid." They were currently besieging “Taranto and the whole of Sicily”, but they heard that the Greek and Venetian fleets had united. So they sailed to Crotone, where the "Moors" fought back the Greeks in the first attack, and then turned against the Venetians with "Help of the wind / so they were very favorable". The Venetians were defeated and captured by the outnumbered fleet. Now the Saracens “subordinated themselves” to “grazing Dalmatia”. They pillaged and captured a Venetian merchant fleet near Trieste that was returning from Syria. The "people on it" was "cut down / and very large booty carried away." What was worse, according to the author, was that two parties, each of three families, fell out. These were the "Justiniani, Pisani and Basegi" as well as the "Barbolani, Seli and Sevoli", who fought several times "in the middle of the city". Finally, the supporters of the Barbolani party were expelled from the city, but at the “insistent request of the Kayser Ludwig / under whose protection they go” “they were again taken up and accepted into their fatherland”. As always, the “chief” was made responsible for the course of this “sad tragœdi”. After the doge "wanted to go out of Vespers the day before the Creutz elevation / from St. Zachariæ / / he was attacked by a number of people / miserably murdered on the way back / and on the third day afterwards was also buried in this church". According to Vianoli, the term of rule was 28 years, his successor was “appointed in the year eight hundred and sixty-four”.

In 1687 Jacob von Sandrart wrote in his work Kurtze and an increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice also, albeit very laconic: “In the year 836 it was elected to (XII.) Put others to XIII. ) Hertzoge Petrus Tradonicus “. “This came to the aid of the Constantinopolitan Kayser Michaël against the Saracens / who had invaded Apulia / with a fleet of 60 galleys / and was therefore given by the Kayser with the dignity of an upper court marshal / who at the same time was called Protospatharius / and the next after the Kayser was. ”Immediately afterwards he switched to the murder of the Doge, an event“ which some meant the 900th, others the 864th year to have happened ”(p. 19 f.). His followers holed up in the Doge's Palace after the murder of Petrus Tradonicus, but they had to surrender after thirty days of siege. At this time, according to the author, "three fiscals (Avogadori di Comun)" were used for the first time. They brought charges against the rebels, but also against the Doge murderers.

According to Johann Friedrich LeBret , who published his four-volume State History of the Republic of Venice from 1769 , “Peter Tradonico” was a “fiery and warlike gentleman who gave his nation something to do abroad so that it would not have much time in the state itself to commemorate disruptions. ”In the third year of his reign, the new doge started a war with the Narentans,“ which lasted probably a hundred and seventy years ”. A "Tirpinus" had spread his power on the coasts and as far as the Danube. After his death, the land of the "Croats" was divided, namely under "Vetussclavus and Diodurus". According to the author, they plundered Caorle. When the Venetian navy appeared, the local princes agreed to make peace. Something similar was achieved with the Narentans. In spite of the following defeat, according to LeBret, the Doge deserved the credit of “cleaning” the sea from the pirates “on the Adriatic Sea, where the Greeks did almost nothing” (p. 165).

In the encyclopedias, a brief article was generally devoted to each of the 120 traditional doges, for example in Dizionario Enciclopedico delle Scienze, Lettere ed Arti by Antonio Bazzarini , published in 1835 . But these were often flawed, the authors were not always familiar with the background. In this work it is claimed that Pietro Tradonico ran against his predecessor “Giovanni Partecipazio” in an election. A little later his son was added to him as a "collega" ("gli fu dato per collega"). In 864 he was murdered by some conspiratorial nobles, and therefore - since his son had died earlier - Orso Partecipazio was elected as his successor.

Bust of Samuele Romanin in the Panteon Veneto of the Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti , marble, a work by Augusto Benvenuti , created in 1896

Samuele Romanin granted “Pietro Tradonico” in 1853 a full 17 pages in the first volume of his ten-volume opus' Storia documentata di Venezia . According to Romanin, after the dismissal of "Giovanni Partecipazio", the people's assembly was convened on the Lido di San Nicolò . The new Doge should be the first to fight piracy, which he initially succeeded. The rulers of the Croatians and Narentans, Miroslao and Drosaico, pledged to keep peace. But Turpimiro, the successor of the Narentan who had been murdered, forced the Doge to start a new expedition. However, this was unsuccessful. 'At the same time' (this time) Emperor “Teofilo” sought the support (“assistenza”) of the Venetians against the Saracens, who represented an even greater danger. The Venetians had to face this double threat in the interests of Christianity - after all, the Slavs were considered pagans. Venice provided 60 ships for this. Romanin suspects that they were dromons with a crew of 200 each, which would have corresponded to a total crew of 12,000 men. After the victory of the Saracens over the combined fleets of the Venetians and the emperor, they not only set fire to “Ossaro”, but also Ancona , and they even appeared in front of the Adriatic and hijacked returning Venetian ships. In this context of the fighting and the decline in trade, Romanin took the initiative to improve Northern Italian relations, in particular the Pactum Lotharii with Emperor Lothar I. This oldest document of Venetian diplomacy forbade any entry into Venetian territory based on previous agreements, namely treaties of the (alleged) first doge and the " Marcello maestro dei militi " was circumscribed. Venetians were no longer allowed to buy and sell, all fugitive slaves should be exchanged. Envoys and messengers ('ambasciatori') should be protected, the respective enemies not supported, the common enemies, the Slavs, should be fought. The Venetian trade was only to be restricted to horses, provided the duty, the quadragesimum , was paid, which corresponded to one fortieth of the goods. The Venetians were allowed to cut wood in the Franconian forests, provided they did not cut entire trees. Franconian traders should also be allowed to trade by sea. Since there had been other interpretations of the Pactum earlier , Romanin edited the source (on pp. 356–361). The author also came to different conclusions with regard to the border treaty, which Romanin dates to 844/45, which Venice concluded with the newly crowned Ludwig (p. 177). After the defeat of his fleet against the Tarentine Saracens off Sansego, Slavic ships also plundered as far as Caorle. Allegedly, to protect their lagoon, the Venetians built two ships as large as they would have never been seen before. The new Emperor Ludwig II wanted to visit Venice with his wife Engilberga . The couple were received by the Doge and his son in Brondolo and accompanied to their accommodation in the monastery of San Michele. He stayed in the city for three days and the emperor even became the godfather of one of John's sons - after all, Romanin notes in a footnote that Johannes Diaconus only reports on the reception in Brondolo, while Andrea Dandolo knows about the splendid stay of several days. Finally, Romanin turns to the third anti-Christian group to speak of the Vikings , who also appeared in the Mediterranean and who allegedly hated everything Christian - the author devoted more than one page to their actions without showing any reference to Venice. Finally, he turns to the internal disputes, the rift between the two factions and the three leading families. Three families were banished to Romanin, namely the "Istolii", Selvi and Barbolani, but they returned through Imperial mediation. The doge's murder took place "barely a year" after the death of his son John. According to Romanin, two further events belong to the reign of Tradonico, namely the flight of Benedict III. from Rome to Venice, more precisely to San Zaccaria, to whom he is said to have given the relics of Saints Pankratius and Sabina . But in Romanin's eyes it is a pious legend (p. 184). Romanin also considers the tradition that Abbess Morosini presented the Doge with the Doge's first cape to be an invention . On the contrary, this headgear was created much later. It appears for the first time under the name zoja in a promission from the year 1339 (p. 185).

August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) believed in his history of Venice from its founding to 1084 , which only appeared eleven years after his death , that the Doge's parents had moved from Pola to Iesolo , and he also relies on Dandolo's chronicle. not to those of Johannes Diaconus. Gfrörer sees the driving force behind the election of the Doge, the intention to prevent the “Participazzo” from making the Doge's office their “inheritance”. The Mastalici, who had initiated the overthrow against the Particiaco, could not profit from it: “nevertheless the fruit of this deed did not benefit them, but a newcomer from Istria, who consequently did not belong to the old Venetian nobility, rose up (p . 177). ”This happened, like almost everything with Gfrörer, under pressure from Constantinople. According to him, this is supported by the fact that in the 3rd year of Tradonicos reign an imperial emissary brought with him a Byzantine title ... "and asked the Venetians to put up a fleet to fight the Saracens". The almost immediate acceptance of the son of a dog as a co-ruler also speaks in favor of recognition by the emperor. At first Pietro Tradonico was militarily successful, but against the Dalmatian Slav “Diuclit” he lost “over 100 men”. From the two special ships that the Venetians built, Gfrörer concludes that the Venetians had not owned a war fleet until then, but converted merchant ships into warships if necessary. For him, the two large ships were the hour of birth of an independent navy . Gfrörer interprets the elevation of Vitalis Particiaco to Bishop of Grado as an indication of the superior power of his family, against which the Doge ultimately failed, because his successor belonged to the Particiaco again. In return, however, he himself also brought relatives to the highest clerical positions. So - "at the instigation of the Doge", as Gfrörer Dandolo quotes - Dominicus became Bishop of Olivolo. When Ludwig the Pious died, Lothar, who was in conflict with his two brothers, agreed to conclude the said Pactum Lotharii , but only for five years (p. 181 f.). As a precaution, he had assigned the Istrian bishoprics, probably 845, not to Venice, but to Aquileia , because in the meantime he no longer had to keep his back against his brothers, with whom he had agreed in the Treaty of Verdun . In 846 the Pope tried to settle the resulting dispute between the clergy by summoning the two opponents to Rome , but the Pope died in the meantime. For Gfrörer, the visit of the imperial couple in 855 shows the weakness of the Carolingian Empire, which “had to be flattered” to win the support of Venice against the countless pirates, be they Slavs or Saracens. “The Byzantines no longer had to fear that Veneto would be surrendered to them by the Franks.” In 863, “the younger doge” Johannes died, the older doge Peter was murdered in 864. After the murder, his servi holed up in the Doge's Palace and demanded that the murderers be punished. To this end, three judges were appointed, namely Peter, the Bishop of Jesolo, John, Archdeacon of Grado, and the layman Dominicus Masono. After the judgment of the judge, two thirds of the servants were settled on the island of Poveglia, one third on the border of the Venetian area. According to Gfrörer, this led back to the custom that the doge "kissed the bailiff of Poveglia and the seven elders of the local community there on Easter Tuesday" (p. 186).

Pietro Pinton translated and annotated Gfrörer's work in the Archivio Veneto in annual volumes XII to XVI. Pinton's own account, which did not appear until 1883 - also in the Archivio Veneto - came to completely different, less speculative results than Gfrörer. So he opposes the assumption of Gfrörer that the doge was of simple origin (with which Gfrörer in turn tries to prove his assumption of uninterrupted Byzantine influence), the statement of Johannes deacon, that he was "nobilissimus". In contrast to Gfrörer, who accepted recognition from Constantinople, an award by a high Byzantine title was only given three years later during the visit of Theophilos, who had inquired about a naval support against the Saracens. The author also exaggerates the hostility towards the Particiachi, of which not a single one is among the assassins of 864, although the ringleaders have been passed down by name (p. 291). Gfrörer does not see the main reason why the Doge was met with so much suspicion, namely the fact that he was the first to maintain a bodyguard - possibly from Heiden - who eventually occupied the Doge's Palace and ultimately enforced the punishment of the Doge murderers.

As early as 1861, in his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , in which he granted the popular assembly considerably more influence , Francesco Zanotto had speculated that the fleet had sailed as far as Ragusa in the fight against Croats and Narentans. The second expedition, which he dates to the year 839, was not very successful, and in 840 the fleet, equipped with the “consentimento della nazione” against the Saracens, was also defeated. In order to preserve the “love of the people” ('amore del popolo'), the Doge turned to another political field and concluded the Pactum Lotharii . But the next year the fleet was again subject to the Saracens. After all, they withdrew from the Adriatic, probably also because of the losses they had suffered, but soon stole as far as Rome. The external wars were followed by internal discord, as Zanotto thinks. After all, “ Lodovico II il Germanico ” confirmed the privileges of its predecessor, although this was probably confused with the Italian Carolingian of the same name. Zanotto also describes the visit of the ruling couple in relatively detail according to the Dandolo chronicle, while Johannes Diaconus only mentions the visit to Brondolo laconically. The author leaves open whether the conspirators decided to commit murder because Pietro Tradonico had committed a crime or because he was too proud. He dramatically depicts how the Doge's body remained lying on the floor until some nuns dared the following night to find a grave for the deceased in the atrium of the church. The unhappy doge had only lost his son a year earlier.

Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, 1846

In 1867, Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, in the first volume of his Storia dei Dogi di Venezia, expressed the view that the Doge, elected in 837, came from an illustrious family from Pola who had come to Rialto via Equilio ( Jesolo ). Following the example of his predecessors, he acted to raise a son to be a co-doge ("imitando lo esempio"). As has been customary for some time, Cicogna first outlined the battles against Slavs and Saracens, whereby Byzantium only invited ("invitò") to take part in the battle for Taranto. But the combined fleets were defeated against a numerically superior enemy. In return, the winners moved 'almost to our lagoon'. With the Pactum Lotharii treaties were renewed, which reached back to the Lombards, who let rest on this front and which helped the trade. But again the fleet was defeated by the Saracens, this time in the Quarnero , and only huge ships of unprecedented dimensions could secure the lagoon. Then Cicogna made a tremendous leap in time until the year 863, when the 'son and colleague Giovanni' died, 'some of whom assume he was in command of the fleet off Taranto'. On September 13, 864, the Doge was murdered and his body was buried in San Zaccaria.

Heinrich Kretschmayr considered "Petrus Trandenicus" to be "a man tougher, with no energy broken by any adversity", who came from the "old nobility". But he was less educated and could not write. The author states that the Chronicon Venetum was hostile to him (“hatred and ill will”), while Johannes Diaconus was friendly. He brought relatives to the highest positions just as much as his opponents, "surrounded himself with a Croatian bodyguard who was absolutely devoted to him". "He did not try to balance the differences between the noble families so much as to keep them lively in order to take advantage of them." In 839 he forced the pirates, whose raids were not forgotten of 835/36, to peace, but in 840 he was defeated a second war, in 842 Caorle was sacked. For Kretschmayr, Theophilos brought the “order” from Byzantium to take part in the march against the Saracens who had attacked “the Greek Ossero” and Ancona in 841. In 842 there was a second defeat against them "near Sansego, west of Lussin". Despite the defeats, it would show Venice's “thoughtful attempts” to “move into the half-vacated maritime position of Byzantium” in the Adriatic (p. 93). The aforementioned defeats prompted Venice to build pure warships: "One may say: the first beginnings of the great Venetian naval power can be traced back to this time and this man" (p. 94). The author assumes that it was the Carolingian Emperor who tried to win Venice as an ally against the Slavic pirates, not the other way around. In addition, Kretschmayr states that expressions like "humilis dux provinciae Venetorum", as under his predecessor, no longer occur. The emperor is no longer “Dominus noster” in the documents, but only “Dominus”; the dating is no longer based on the years of the emperor, but on the years of incarnation. Tradonicus waged war in the Adriatic "on his own" and concluded "unauthorized" treaties with foreign powers. The aforementioned Carolingian imperial couple visited "the two doges Peter and Johannes", with "a grandchild of the former being born" (p. 95). In a footnote, Kretschmayr explains the news of a victory over the Veronese and the support of the inhabitants of Lake Garda against their attacks (see above), which was inserted by earlier historians, from a "confusion of this Doge with the Doge Pietro Gradenigo 1289-1311 and the news of the Chron. Ven. 24 about the settlement of the bodyguards of the murdered Trandenico on Poveglia ”(p. 430).

Ever since Roberto Cessi denied the historicity of the first two Doges, Pietro Tradonico counts more and more often as 11th, not more than 13th Doge. At the same time, a number of them follow less the chronical tradition, which only begins relatively late, but rather give priority to the few contemporary sources.

In his History of Venice , John Julius Norwich particularly emphasizes the importance of the Pactum Lotharii . It proves that - in addition to the repetition of earlier privileges - it is not only the oldest, original diplomatic document from Venice, which was recognized early on, but that the lagoon city was first assigned the task of the Adriatic Sea by both empires, if not to defend the Mediterranean. Most of all, this means keeping it open to trade. The Carolingian Empire was just as unable to do this in the Adriatic as Byzantium. At the same time, the struggles of the empires for rule in the lagoon ended. Venice gradually began to shed the appearance of dependence. After Norwich, Tradonico, who was responsible for construction before his post as Doge, faced enormous challenges, because two, if not three large groups of pirates appeared in the Adriatic, namely the Slavs in the north, Saracens in the south, and those in the wider Mediterranean Vikings posed a serious threat to trade and even to the lagoon itself. At the same time, the city's commercial success continued to attract new robbers. Apparently the Doge succeeded in spite of losing defeats on the one hand to maintain the balance between the factions, on the other hand to keep the numerous pirates under control so that the city could continue to flourish. After all, Norwich emphasizes, the Doge had the longest reign since the office was founded - he believes that after more than 50 years in the civil service, he was certainly around 80 years old. The fall took place only after the death of his son. Norwich believes that the rebels who occupied the Doge's Palace after the Doge's murder were likely to be Croatian slaves. It was only when they learned that five of the six doge killers had been killed in street fighting 'by the mob' that they gave up their resistance.

Nicola Bergamo classifies the Pactum Lotharii completely differently in 2018 . He wonders why Venice should have deployed practically its entire fleet just because a "semplice patrizio" asked it to. If, as with the Slavs of the Eastern Adriatic, it had put the economic damage of the Muslims in the foreground, Venice would have acted of its own accord, not only at the Byzantine request. The mission finally happened with the greatest losses. However, the Venetians began to develop a self-confidence that actually pointed the way to independence from Byzantium.


Narrative sources

  • La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni , in: Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Cronache veneziane antichissime (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia [Medio Evo], IX), Rome 1890, pp. 59–171, here: p. 112 –118/119 ( digitized version ).
  • Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999, pp. 122-125, 238 f. (on Berto-based text editing in the Archivio della Latinita Italiana del Medioevo (ALIM) of the University of Siena).
  • Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo civitatum Italiae seu Venetiarum (Chron. Altinate et Chron. Gradense) , Rome 1933, pp. 29, 117, 129.
  • Roberto Cessi, Fanny Bennato (eds.): Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, p. 39, 42 f.
  • Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 150–155, 357 (p. 154, lines 17–20 meeting between the imperial couple and the two doges in Brondolo). ( Digital copy, p. 150 f. )
  • Alberto Limentani (ed.): Martin da Canal , Les estoires de Venise , Olschki, Florenz 1972, p. 16 f. ("Et aprés la mort de lui fu dus mesire Trundomenche, qui fu ocis par son orguel devant l'iglise de monseignor saint Zacarie.", [XIII]) ( text , ed. By Francesca Gambino in the Repertorio Informatizzato Antica Letteratura Franco- Italiana ).
  • Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 58–61 ( online )
  • Giovanni Monticolo (ed.): Marino Sanudo, Le vite dei dogi ( Rerum Italicarum Scriptores , XXII, 4), Città di Castello 1900–1911, p. 116, line 26 (“La chiexia di San Paulo fu fata edifichar per Piero Tradonico fo doxe. ").

Legislative sources, letters

  • Roberto Cessi (Ed.): Documenti relativi alla storia di Venezia anteriori al Mille , Padua 1942, vol. I, pp. 101-108 ("840, 23 febbraio. Pactum Lotharii") ( digitalisat ), 118, vol. II, P. 197.
  • Luigi Lanfranchi , Bianca Strina (Ed.): Ss. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , Venice 1965, pp. 8, 10, 21 f.
  • Franco Gaeta (Ed.): S. Lorenzo , Venice 1960, p. XV, 11 (“Signu (m) man (u) s dom (no) excellentissimo Petro imperiali cosolis propria m (anu) m sua cu (m) c (on) sensu (m) p (o) p (u) li Venecie pro prorio signu (m) fec (it) ").
  • Theodor Schieffer : The documents of Lothar I and Lothar II , MGH, Diplomata, The documents of the Carolingians , III, Berlin / Zurich 1966, p. 171.
  • Alfred Boretius , Viktor Krause (ed.): Capitularia regum Francorum , MGH, Legum sectio II, II, Hannover 1897, pp. 130, 136 f.


Web links

Commons : Pietro Tradonico  - collection of images, videos and audio files


  1. ^ Donald M. Nicol : Byzantium and Venice. A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations , Cambridge University Press, 1988, paperback 1992, p. 26.
  2. Johannes Diaconus, ed.Monticolo, p. 112 f.
  3. Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Giovanni Diacono, Istoria Veneticorum (= Fonti per la Storia dell'Italia medievale. Storici italiani dal Cinquecento al Millecinquecento ad uso delle scuole, 2), Zanichelli, Bologna 1999, p. 239. Pietro Pinton , the translator of August Friedrich Gfrörer's history of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084 , incorrectly mentions 250 “marinai” ( Storia di Venezia dalla sua fondazione all'anno 1084 di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto 8 (1883) 79–349 , here: p. 342), where Gfrörer (p. 180) mentions 150. The quote from Thietmar reads: “Sed ut in omnibus, lector carissime, certus efficiaris, salandria quid sit vel cur ad has pervenerit horas, breviter intimabo. Haec est, ut prefatus sum, navis mirae longitudinis et alacritatis et utroque latere duos tenens [habet] remorum ordines ac centum quinquaginta nautas. "(Quoted from John H. Pryor: The Age of the Dromōn. The Byzantine Navy ca 500-1204 , Brill, 2006, p. 190).
  4. Lat .; dt. "Christ protect the Venetians". Quoted from: Patricia Fortini Brown: Venice and Antiquitiy: The Venetian Sense of the Past , Section 2; 1996.
  5. Simon Coupland: Carolingian Coinage and the Vikings. Studies on Power and Trade in the 9th Century , Ashgate, 2007, p. 54.
  6. F. Gaeta (Ed.): S. Lorenzo , 1960, p. 11 (see sources).
  7. RI I, 3.1 n. 208, in: Regesta Imperii Online, URI: http://www.regesta-imperii.de/id/0860-00-00_1_0_1_3_1_4424_208 (accessed on February 12, 2020).
  8. ^ Giorgio Crovato, Maurizio Crovato: Isole abbandonate della laguna. Com'erano e come sono , San Marco Press, Venice 2008, p. 108. The editors quote from Luigi Carrer: Isole della laguna e Chioggia , in: Venezia e le sue lagune , Venice 1847, vol. 2, p. 487 f .
  9. "Il presupposto di continuità genealogica su cui si basava la trasmissione del potere in area veneziana ha portato come conseguenza la già accennata attribuzione ai dogi più antichi di stemmi coerenti con quelli realmente usati dai loro stemmi." (Maurizio Carlo Alberto stemmra di alcune famiglie di Dogi prearaldici , in: Notiario dell'associazione nobiliare regional veneta. Rivista di studi storici, ns 8 (2016) 35–68, here: p. 41).
  10. ^ MGH, Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, p. 60, Chronicon Venetum (vulgo Altinate) .
  11. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali “Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna”, Venice 2010, pp. 35–38.
  12. According to the editor, this "con" was added by another hand above the line (p. 35, note c).
  13. Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp 22-24 ( digitized ).
  14. Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 58-61 ( online ).
  15. Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 8v – 9r ( digitized, p. 8v ).
  16. Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Hertsehen Leben / Government, und die Nachben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 98-103, translation ( digitized ).
  17. Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 19 ( digitized, p. 19 ).
  18. Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to the next , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 162 / 164–171 ( digitized version ).
  19. Art. Tradònico (Pietro) , in: Antonio Bazzarini: Dizionario Enciclopedico delle Scienze, Lettere ed Arti , 8 vol., Vol. 8, Venice 1835, p. 549 ( digitized version ).
  20. ^ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 173–189 ( digitized version ).
  21. August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, p. 176 f. ( Digitized version ).
  22. ^ Pietro Pinton: La storia di Venezia di AF Gfrörer , in: Archivio Veneto 25.2 (1883) 288-313, here: p. 289 (part 2) ( digitized version ).
  23. Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 30–34 ( digitized version ).
  24. ^ Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna : Storia dei Dogi di Venezia , Vol. 1, Venice 1867, o. P.
  25. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, pp. 92–96.
  26. The census was only stabilized towards the end of the republic. Pietro Giustiniani still counts in his Opus Dell'historie venetiane di Pietro Giustiniano nobile veneto. Di nuouo riuedute, & ampliate, nelle quali si contengono tutte le cose notabili, occorse dal principio della fondatione della città, sino all'anno 1575 , Lodouico Auanzo, 1576, p. 9 ( digital copy ); also in the edition Gio. Battista Brigna, 1671, p. 12, Tradonico as 12th Doge.
  27. ^ John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.
  28. Nicola Bergamo: Venezia bizantina , Helvetia editrice, Spinea 2018, p. 122 f.
predecessor Office successor
Giovanni I. Particiaco Doge of Venice
Orso I. Particiaco