Chronicon Altinate

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The Chronicon Altinate , sometimes called Chronicon Venetum , is one of the oldest historical sources in Venice . For more than two centuries, however, it has also been one of the most controversial in terms of the name, the time of origin, the author, the connection to contemporary manuscripts and between the inconsistent manuscripts on which the three critical editions are based. The compilation of the text collection cannot be traced back to a single author .

It is less a chronicle , as the name suggests, than a compilation of legends about the origins of Venice and myths such as the descent of the first Venetians from the Trojans or the attack by Pippin , the second son of Charlemagne , on the lagoon from Venice . There are also lists of bishops, popes, doges and emperors, as well as church and gender registers and chronical notes.

The most important manuscripts are in the Vatican , Venice and Dresden , but it is unclear how the three manuscripts relate to one another and to a number of other manuscripts. Even the question of whether the “barbaric” Latin of the chronicle is to be interpreted as an expression of the early medieval decline in knowledge of Latin, or whether this sometimes confused expression could possibly have served to pretend old age and thus to increase credibility, remains unclear.

The reason why the Chronicon Altinate was so powerful was that the historiography, which was strictly controlled by the state until 1797, took over a lot from it, a process that began at the latest with the Chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo (1343-1354), which covers the period up to 1280 because this became the main source for the later chroniclers. When in the middle of the 14th century history was no longer written in Latin , but in the vernacular, the Volgare , further details from the Chronicon Altinate entered the historiography of Venice from the traditional but also from a lost manuscript .

Surname

Map section of the Tabula Peutingeriana from the 12th century, with the eponymous "Altino" on the edge of the Adriatic in the center

The name “Chronicon Altinate” was named by Marco Foscarini in 1732 , because he said that some people would like to call the anonymous author that because he deals so extensively with Altinum , a rich and famous city. The publisher of 1845, Antonio Rossi, even said it was called that from the beginning for this reason. This assumption arouses astonishment because the author of the Chronicle deals with the city in just a few lines, and then only with its destruction and the subsequent exodus. While Apostolo Zeno († 1750) and Bernard de Montfaucon († 1741) avoided this name, Henry Simonsfeld , who edited an edition for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica , only admitted it because it had long been known in the 19th century. Nicolae Iorga found the name illogical, the head archivist of the Venice State Archives Roberto Cessi tried to replace it with his "Origo civitatum Italiae". But Cessi could not assert himself and so Altinate and Gradense live on as separate chronicles. For Cessi, “Chronicon Altinate” was “una ridicola mistificazione” (“a ridiculous mystification”).

Contents of the chronicle

After the first 15 patriarchs from "Beatus Heliodorus episcopus sedit primus" to "Paulus" were cited, the chronicle begins with the legendary emigration of the inhabitants of Altinum , the founding of Torcello and the establishment of the Patriarchate of Grado . According to the older opinion, this passage found its way into the Chronicon Gradense . The following list of patriarchs was successively continued into the 13th century, the earlier entries served Johannes Diaconus as a template for his own chronicle. Then follow the bishops of Torcello and Olivolo (today in the east of the historic center of Venice), followed by a list of churches and monasteries founded by Venetian families. The following is a list of those families who settled on the islands of Rialto and Malamocco at the beginning of the 9th century , a section of considerable importance in the oldest history of Venice. A second history of the Grado Patriarchate provides further information on the private and public life of the residents. This is followed by a contradicting, sometimes confused story about the Prefect Longinus, who accordingly lived in the 6th century. Since one passage refers to Henry IV , Pippin's attack on the lagoon locations can only have been inserted at this time. This in turn is followed by a list of the popes up to Damasus II († 1048), a list of the doges, then one of the Roman emperors up to Theodosius I , the Eastern Roman emperors from Arcadius - here the Western Roman emperors who went back to the time of Charlemagne ruled, absent. The following, fabulous depiction of the Trojan War was placed at the beginning in the Dresden manuscript. With this derivation of origin, the chronicle in the European Middle Ages is something completely and utterly ordinary, because, as Horst Brunner stated, Troy appeared to contemporaries as the “cradle of the European peoples” or, as Maria Klippel stated, “Troy became the cradle of almost all European states viewed ".

Language and style

Overall, the language is characterized by the fact that the simplest grammar rules seem to be unknown. The case endings are used completely arbitrarily, and even the gender has disappeared, the verbs are inflected incorrectly, relative pronouns are used incomprehensibly. Simonsfeld calls the style in his edition “valde barbarum”. In view of this “very barbaric” language, Gina Fasoli asked herself whether it could have had a function itself. She assumed that such “barbarism” might have arisen from a conscious act that should give the text the appearance of antiquity and thus credibility, because otherwise such a use of the language would not appear in any document in the entire Venetian history.

Dating and manuscripts

For a long time it was assumed that the chronicle had already been started in the 9th century, but at the latest in the 10th century. The four manuscripts are as different as Max Manutius believed that it was almost impossible to provide a closed edition in the form of an original form. There are larger insets in all manuscripts.

These four manuscripts, one of which is in Rome , one in Dresden and two in Venice, are the Codex Vaticanus 5273 from the 13th century, the Codex Dresdensis F. 168 , also from the 13th century, then the Codex Venetus from the Library of the Patriarchal Seminary in Venice HV 44 (today in the Museo Civico Correr , again 13th century), next to it the Codex Venetus bibliothecae S. Marci classis Italianae XI, no. 124 from the beginning of the 16th century. The question of whether and how the four manuscripts are related has intensified the confusion, especially in the context of editing projects. To make matters worse, the signatures and sometimes even the names of the libraries changed.

The oldest and most important manuscripts for the development of the chronicle are the Vat. Lat. 5273 , then the F 168 and the HV 44 , exclusively due to their older age. As part of his edition for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica , Henry Simonsfeld assumed that the Vaticana was the oldest, because the list of Byzantine emperors ended with John II Komnenos , who ruled from 1118 to 1143, a time limit that the lists who seemed to harmonize patriarchs and bishops. Roberto Cessi, on the other hand, believed that the handwriting belonged to a line of tradition that lacked the additions from the Dresdense and the manuscript from the patriarchal seminar. Accordingly, it is the youngest of the three manuscripts.

The Dresden manuscript was in the possession of Bernardo Trevisan , where it was consulted by Bernard de Montfaucon and Apostolo Zeno . The 1847 edition that Filippo Luigi Polidori obtained is based on this manuscript. It extends until Heinrich I of Hennegau ascended the throne , i.e. until 1206, on the other hand the genealogy of the Franconian kings is missing.

The Patriarchal Codex, i.e. the one from the library of the seminary, initially had the signature B III 10, then HV 44, but currently 951. It belonged to Marino Sanudo di Leonardo, in whose library it had the number 2784, as can be seen from an entry in his own hand is. In the 17th and 18th centuries it was probably in the Trevisan's library, but it was considered lost in the middle of the 18th century. Francesco Calbo Crotta came into his possession, who in turn loaned it to Abbot Sante della Valentina in 1815 . In 1827 Calbo Crotta transferred the codex to the seminary of the patriarch. Susy Marcon was able to prove that the manuscript dates from the 13th century, but according to her, three phases can be distinguished, namely in the first and second decade of the 13th century, then in the fourth and fifth decades, and finally in the second half of the century. Various proposals had been made earlier, such as in 1210 (Bernard de Montfaucon, Apostolo Zeno, Antonio Rossi), shortly after 1205 ( Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna ) or between 1237 and 1249 ( Giovanni Monticolo ).

In contrast to other manuscripts, the Dresdense contains the genealogy of the Frankish kings and other scattered information, including the Chronicon Gradense and excerpts from the Pseudo-Altinate. Rossi's edition was based on this codex. In the Cicogna collection - it goes back to Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna - there are two copies from the 19th century. It is Ci 274 a copy by Abbot Sante Della Valentina († 1826), while August Prost suspected (a copy to the Cicogna makes no further information), C 617 is of Michele Angelo Doria been copied. Marc stands for these chronicles . Lat. X 305 and Barb. 247 as well as two manuscripts from the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris and one from the Foscarini collection in Vienna in relation. According to Giovanni Monticolo , the patriarchal seminary and Dresdense are closer to Johannes Diaconus than the Vaticana . Enrico Besta even seemed that if the two were preferred, the text to be edited would no longer appear so absurd.

Bruno Rosada was able to prove that the Iliad appeared in the Vaticana and only there, while the Frankish legends appear only in the Vaticana and in the patriarchal manuscript, the legend of Narses and Longinus in all three, the story from Aeneas to Caesar only in the Dresdense and the patriarch's manuscript.

Marco Foscarini first placed the Chronicon Altinate around 1200, because the line of doges and patriarchs ended with Pietro Ziani and Angelo Barozzi , who were elected in 1205 and 1201. Other authors, such as Cicogna, also agreed with this approximate chronological classification. Roberto Galli, however, continued to date the chronicle very early. For him, the sources from which the excerpts went back to the 6th century - such as the episode about Narses and Longinus. For him, parts I to III came from the period between 568 and 572, whereas part IV was created between 827 and 829. Other authors, including Simonsfeld and Cessi, rejected this naive approach of turning myths into pure history. However, it was still accepted that some parts of the chronicle predated Johannes Diaconus. Apart from Samuele Romanin , who contradicted himself several times, even Henry Simonsfeld concluded from “barbaric” Latin to the middle of the 10th century, later to the end of the 10th century. He believed in later additions, such as the episode about Charlemagne, which had been inserted after him between 1056 and 1065, to the lists of patriarchs and bishops that were added during the 11th century. Byzantine and Latin emperors were added even later in the 13th century. The assumption that further additions had been made around a core of the 10th century was accepted by various historians such as Giovanni Monticolo , Bernhard Schmeidler and initially also by Carlo Cipolla . Simonsfeld's assessment was based on his strict assumption that the Chronicon Gradense , which was ascribed to Johannes Diaconus at that time, had been copied by Johannes from an excerpt from the Chronicon Altinate.

The first to doubt this chronological classification was Enrico Besta , whose thesis was partially supported by Carlo Cipolla. Besta looked at the core representation and assigned it to an era in which Venice already ruled the eastern Mediterranean. According to Besta, it was not possible to write about Venice in this way if it was not a prosperous, dominant city, a state that was only achieved under Pietro Orseolo (976–978). The situation that one sees when looking at the Chronica reminded him of the threat posed by both the Western and Eastern emperors, which fitted well into the time of Friedrich Barbarossa and Manuel I. Komnenus, i.e. the 12th century . Augusto Gaudenzi adopted this classification and specified it for the first half of the 12th century by suggesting Giacomo Veneto , a little-known figure from Constantinople, as the author. But Lorenzo Minio-Paluello's precise study of this putative author led to his rejection, if only because of his high level of education, which stood in stark contrast to the crude Latin of the Chronicle. Also based on a source discovered in Great Britain, the Cronica Venetum, saec. XI , Carlo Castellani could not decide whether it was an altinate or a Johannes Diaconus, so that he only assumed the 11th to the 12th century.

Roberto Cessi suggested the period between 1092 and 1118 for the first period, again starting with the imperial lists. For the second, he assumed a timeframe from 1145 to 1180. He could not determine a point in time for the third period, but in any case it was before Pietro Ziani , i.e. before 1205. As previously with Bartolomeo Cecchetti , a broader framework was now assumed. Gina Fasoli accepted Cessi's view as plausible from a critical perspective, as acceptable from a historical perspective. Gherardo Ortalli followed Cessi's arguments only to a limited extent, because he did not want to rule out that some parts of the Chronica were written before Johannes Deacon. Robert Lee Wolff believes that “the garbled and difficult Chronicon Venetum called 'Altinate'”, the 'mutilated and difficult' chronicle, comes from the middle of the 11th century. Marino Zorzi assumes that the oldest parts date from before 11th century, Jacques Poucet prefers the 11th to 12th centuries.

Influence on the state chronology of Venice

In the chronicle of Doge Andrea Dandolo , which, as if through a bottleneck, not only bundled the legends and myths from the early days of Venice, but also permanently added them to the basis of the development of Venetian myths, a historiography, controlled and guided by the government, developed for the first time at the end of the Republic of Venice, i.e. until 1797, was continued. From then on, it not only dominated historiography, but also supplanted all other approaches, so that most of the works of the time before Dandolo disappeared, as Marco Foscarini already noted, or slumbered in the archives for centuries. On the other hand, the chronicle, which was written between 1342 and at least 1352, gave historiography a strong impetus. She herself cited at least 280 documents in full or in regesta form, a work that could only be done with direct access to the archives in the Doge's Palace. At the center of these efforts were the Chancellors Benintendi de 'Ravignani (Grand Chancellor from 1352) and Raffaino de' Caresini, the former a friend of the Doge, the latter the continuation of the Chronica Brevis for the years 1343 to 1388, which was also ascribed to the Doge. In it, the Doges finally appear almost as the only masters in history, while the early institutions of the popular assembly (arengo) or the tribunes have been reinterpreted or almost forgotten; Until 1797 the history of Venice became a mere succession of exactly 120 doges, not only handed down, but also accepted as such by state chronicles.

In the apologetic historiography of the said Doge, parts of the Chronicon Altinate flowed indirectly , which were mainly conveyed by three authors. These were Frater Paulinus, Jacopo da Varazze (or da Varagine) and Pietro Calò or Petrus de Clugia. The Historia Satyrica of Fra Paolino recognized Henry Simonsfeld as the “main source” of the dogal work. This applies, for example, to relations with the Roman-German kings, and in many cases Paulinus even seems to be the only source on which Andrea Dandolo relied. Jacopo da Varagine's work, known as Legenda Aurea vulgo Historia Lombardica dicta , contributed to Dandolo's opus, as did the Legendae de tempore et de sanctis by Pietro Calò from Chioggia .

The Chronicon Altinate , on the other hand, has no influence on the Historia Ducum Veneticorum , a historical work that, according to popular belief, was written after the death of Pietro Ziani , i.e. after 1229. This has to do with the fact that this work only started in 1102, so it is not at all interested in the early history of Venice. His focus, as the editor Henry Simonsfeld assumed, was on the Fourth Crusade . The author of the Chronica di Marco , an unedited chronicle that, if one follows the prologue , was written in 1292, received a much stronger response . The author used Les Estoires de Venise , the Chronicle of Martino da Canale , but also copied from the Chronicon Altinate . However, he left out entire passages and periods. He corrected and varied the shape.

In the middle of the 14th century there was another change of direction in the writing of history, because now Latin was replaced by Volgare, the vernacular. Some of the authors apparently used the Chronicon Altinate again. The Codex Marc. cl. X, Lat. 36 a , whose high value Simonsfeld already recognized in connection with his edition project, has some indications. He stated that the author must have had a more complete version of the Altinate than the manuscripts known today. Since he must have had a manuscript that also contained the Historia Ducum Veneticorum , he used it for his edition plans for the said Historia .

Editions

The first edition obtained by Antonio Rossi in 1845 was made in the Archivio Storico Italiano . It was based on the codex from the patriarchal seminary. The 1847 edition by Filippo Polidori appeared in the same journal and was based on the Dresden manuscript, while Henry Simonsfeld preferred the older of the two Vatican manuscripts for his edition in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica . Giovanni Monticolo, who announced a second volume of his Cronache veneziane antichissime, never got around to analyzing the Chronicon Altinate. In 1933, Roberto Cessi proposed a completely new edition of the chronicle.

  • Henry Simonsfeld (ed.): Chronicon Venetum quod vulgo dicunt Altinate , Monumenta Germaniae Historica , Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, pp. 1-69. ( Digitized version )
  • Filippo Luigi Polidori: Cronichon Venetum vulgo Altinate quod prius editum an. MDCCCXLV iuxta codicem Patriarch. Veneti Seminarii denuo prodit ex ms. codice Reg. Bibliothecae Dresdensis , in: Archivio Storico Italiano 5 (1847) appendice , pp. 9–128.
  • Antonio Rossi: La Cronaca Veneta detto Altinate , in: Archivio Storico Italiano , Florence 1845, Introduzione (p. 3–10), Liber primus (p. 20–22), Liber secundus (p. 41–61), Liber tertius ( P. 81–103), Liber quartus (p. 116–129), Liber quintus (p. 152–184), Liber sextus (p. 192–198), Liber septimus (p. 204–216), Liber Octavus ( Pp. 220-228); each with a preceding commentario , then pp. 769–793 (correzioni e supplementi) . ( Digitized version )

literature

  • Șerban V. Marin: Considerations regarding the Place of Chronicon Altinate in the Venetian Historical Writing , in: Revue des Études Sud-est Européennes 51 (2013) 83-103. ( Digitized on academia.edu)
  • Bruno Rosada: Storia di una cronaca. Un secolo di studi sul "Chronicon Altinate" , in: Quaderni Veneti 7 (1988) 155-180.
  • Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo civitatum Italie seu Venetiarum (Chronicon Altinate et Chronicon Gradense) , Tipografia del Senato, Rome 1933 (= Fonti per la storia d'Italia, 73). ( Digitized version )
  • Max Manitius (Ed.): History of Latin Literature in the Middle Ages , Part II, Beck, Munich 1923, pp. 249-251.
  • Enrico Besta : Nuove ricerche sul Chronicon Altinate , in: Nuovo Archivio Veneto XV (1908) 5-71. ( Digitized version )
  • Enrico Besta: I trucchi della cosidetta cronaca altinate , in: Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto discienze, lettere ed arti 74 (1914–15) 1275–1330.
  • Giovanni Monticolo : Cronache veneziane antichissime , Rome 1890, pp. XIII – XVII. ( Digitized version )
  • Henry Simonsfeld : Venetian Studies I (Das Chronicon Altinate) , Munich 1878.

Remarks

  1. ↑ Marco Foscarini : Della letteratura veneziana, con aggiunte inedite dedicata al principe Andrea Giovanelli , reprint of the edition from 1732, Venice 1854, p. 124 ( digitized version ).
  2. ↑ His work on the oldest manuscripts is highlighted as early as 1765: Chronicon Venetum omnium quae circum feruntur vetustissimum, et Johanni Sagornino vulgo tributum e mss. codice Apostoli Zeno v. cl. , Venice 1765, SX
  3. ↑ Roberto Cessi (ed.): Origo Civitatem Italie seu Veneticorum (Chronicon Altinate et Chronicon Gradense) , Rome 1933, p. Vii.
  4. ↑ Horst Brunner (Ed.): The German Trojaliteratur of the Middle Ages and the early modern times. Materials and studies , Reichert, Wiesbaden 1990.
  5. ^ Maria Klippel: The representation of the Franconian Trojan legend in historiography and poetry from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance in France , Beyer & Hausknecht, Bielefeld 1936, p. 2 f.
  6. ^ Henry Simonsfeld (ed.): Chronicon Venetum quod vulgo dicunt Altinate , Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, pp. 1-69, here: p. 4 ( digitized version ).
  7. ↑ Gina Fasoli: I fondamenti della storiografia veneziana , in: Agostino Pertusi (ed.): La Storiografia Veneziana fino al secolo XVI. Aspetti e problemi , Florence 1970, p. 34.
  8. ↑ Max Manitius (Ed.): History of Latin Literature in the Middle Ages , Part II, Beck, Munich 1923, p. 249.
  9. ^ Șerban V. Marin: Considerations regarding the Place of Chronicon Altinate in the Venetian Historical Writing , in: Revue des Études Sud-est Européennes 51 (2013) 83-103, here: p. 86 and there, note 1. I follow here largely his representation of modern attempts at interpretation.
  10. ^ Șerban V. Marin: Considerations regarding the Place of Chronicon Altinate in the Venetian Historical Writing , in: Revue des Études Sud-est Européennes 51 (2013) 83-103, here: p. 87.
  11. ↑ This follows from the title: Cronica dell'anonimo Altinate scoperta ed illustrata dal sig. d. Sante della Valentina veneziano, cappellano dell'arciconfraternita di s. Rocco .
  12. ↑ Șerban V. Marin: Considerations regarding the Place of Chronicon Altinate in the Venetian Historical Writing , in: Revue des Études Sud-est Européennes 51 (2013) 83-103, here: p. 88.
  13. ↑ Enrico Besta: I trucchi della cosidetta cronaca altinate , in: Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto discienze, lettere ed arti 74 (1914–15) 1275–1330, here: p. 1278.
  14. ↑ Bruno Rosada: Storia di una cronaca. Un secolo di studi sul Chronicon Altinate , in: Quaderni veneti 7-9 (1988) 155-180, here: p. 176.
  15. ↑ Roberto Cessi: Venezia ducale , vol. 1: Duca e popolo , Venice 1963, p. 30 f., Note 5.
  16. ^ Carlo Cipolla: Ricerche sulle tradizioni intorno alle antiche immigrazioni nella laguna. Il Chronicon Altinate in confronto col Chronicon Gradense , in: Archivio Veneto 27 (1884) 338–373 ( digitized version ); 28 (1884) 104-131 and 297-334 ( digitized version ); 29 (1885) 331-353; 31 (1886) 129-146 and 423-442 ( digitized ).
  17. ↑ Augusto Gaudenzi: II Costituto di Constantino , in: Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano 39 (1919), pp. 53–57, 61 f.
  18. ↑ Lorenzo Minio-Paluello: Il "Chronicon Altinate" e Giacomo Veneto , in: Miscellanea in onore di Roberto Cessi , Vol. 1, Rome 1958, pp. 153-169.
  19. ^ Carlo Castellani: I manoscritti Veneti contenuti nella collezione Phillipps in Cheltenham (contea di Glocester) , in: Archivio Veneto 37 (1889) 199–248 ( digitized version ).
  20. ^ Robert Lee Wolff: Romania: The Latin Empire of Constantinople , in: Speculum 23 (1948) 1–34, reprinted in: Ders .: Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople , London 1976, pp. II: 1–34, here : P. 8.
  21. ↑ Marino Zorzi: I Gradenigo ei libri , in: Marino Zorzi, Susy Marcon (ed.): Grado, Venezia, i Gradenigo , Venice 2001, pp. 227–242, here: p. 228.
  22. ↑ Jacques Poucet: Le mythe de l'origine troyenne au Moyen âge et à la Renaissance: un exemple d'idéologie politique (Antenor, fondateur de Venise, II) , in: Folia Electronica Classica 5 (2003) ( online ).
  23. ↑ Ester Pastorello (ed.): Andreae Danduli Ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938.
  24. ↑ Marco Foscarini: Della letteratura veneziana, con aggiunte inedite dedicata al principe Andrea Giovanelli , reprint of the edition from 1732, Venice 1854, p. 105.
  25. ↑ The Venetian tradition is extremely complex. In addition, there is no general overview of the numerous manuscripts. Such overviews only exist for individual collections, such as Tommaso Gar: I codici storici della collezione Foscarini conservata nella Imperiale Biblioteca di Vienna , in: Archivio Storico Italiano 5 (1843) 281–505 or Antonio Ceruti: Inventario Ceruti dei manoscritti della Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milano-Trezzano sul Naviglio (1973-1979) , Vol. I-V; or for individual countries: Cesare Foligno: Codici di materia veneta nelle biblioteche inglesi , in: Nuovo Archivio Veneto , ns IX (1906), parte I, pp. 89–128, then Giuseppe Mazzatinti: Inventari dei manoscritti italiani delle biblioteche di Francia, pubblicato dal Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione , Indici e Cataloghi V, 3 vols., Rome 1886-1888. Naturally, the situation in Italy is even more complicated: Joseph Alentinelli: Biblioteca Manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum. Codices manuscripti latini , Venice 1868-1873, Vol. I – VI ( Vol. IV, digitized version ); Pietro Zorzanello: Catalogo dei codici latini della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia non compresi nel catalogo di G. Valentinelli , Milano-Trezzano sul Naviglio 1980–1985, Vol. 1 – III; Carlo Frati, Arnaldo Segarizzi: Catalogo dei codici marciani italiani , Modena 1909-1911, Vol. I-II ( Vol. 2, digitized ); Carlo Campana: Cronache di Venezia in volgare della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana , Padua / Venice 2011.
  26. ^ Henry Simonsfeld: Andrea Dandolo e le sue opere storiche , p. 46 and in general: Ders .: Remarks on the world chronicle of Frater Paulinus of Venice, Bishop of Pozzuoli , in: Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswwissenschaft 9 (1893) 120-127.
  27. ^ Henry Simonsfeld: Andreas Dandolo und seine Geschichtswerke , Theodor Ackermann, Munich 1876, p. 117.
  28. ↑ Bruno Rosada: Storia della letteratura veneziana dalle origini al quattrocento , vol. 1, London 2011, p. 408 (on the person of Paulinus and his work cf. there, pp. 353-359).
  29. ↑ Ester Pastorello (ed.): Andreae Danduli Ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, p. LXIII.
  30. ↑ Cf. Enrico Maria Di Palma: Il Legendarium di Pietro Calò (Sezione 649-667): Fonti, strategie, tradizione , tesi di laurea, Milan 2012.
  31. ^ Henry Simonsfeld (ed.): Historia Ducum Veneticorum , Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores XIV, Hannover 1883, pp. 72–97 (from p. 94 supplementum from Cod. Marc. Cl. X, Lat. 36 a (= 3326 ), Chronica Iustiniani).
  32. ↑ Elisa Paladin: Osservazioni sulla inedita cronaca veneziana di Marco (sec. XIIIex. – XIVin.) , In: Atti dell'Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti - Classe di Scienze morali, lettere e arti CXXVII (1969-1970) 429 -461. Cf. also Agostino Pertusi : Le profezie sulla presa di Costantinopoli (1204) nel cronista veneziano Marco e le loro fonti bizantine (Pseudo-Costantino Magno, Pseudo-Daniele, Pseudo-Leone il Saggio) , in: Studi Veneziani , ns 3 ( 1979) 13-46.
  33. ↑ La Cronaca Veneta detta Altinate di autore anonimo in latino , Florence 1845, pp. 11–228.