Divis Flats

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Divis Tower in Belfast (2004)

The Divis Flats were a housing estate in the west of the Northern Irish capital Belfast . The settlement was built in 1966 as part of the renovation of the district The Pound (also Pound Loney ) at the inner-city end of Falls Road . The Divis Flats were almost exclusively inhabited by Irish nationalists , the majority of whom were temporarily unemployed and dependent on welfare . During the Northern Ireland conflict, the Divis Flats developed into a stronghold of the underground organizations IRA and INLA and were the scene of numerous street battles , bombings and shootings . Between 1980 and 1995, the settlement was largely demolished; only preserved building is the high-rise Divis Tower .

prehistory

The Pound (green) and Sandy Row (orange). City map from 1861

The area of ​​the later Divis Flats, located just under a kilometer west of Belfast city center, was first built between the 1810s and 1850s. Often financed by Catholic investors, terraced houses were built , some of which had no backyard and no running water. Often several houses shared an outside toilet. Parts of the area were at risk of flooding; Cholera and fever epidemics were common. Often more than one family lived in a row house. After 1845, the living conditions improved somewhat, as a law stipulated a minimum size for rooms and prohibited thatched roofs . The name of the district, The Pound , is traced back to an animal sanctuary located here.

The first residents of The Pound were mostly unskilled laborers, mill workers, weavers and artisans. In the vicinity of the city quarter there were textile industries , mostly processing linen . In 1835, The Pound was first mentioned as a predominantly Catholic area. The neighborhood was near the only two Catholic churches in Belfast at the time; in addition, the areas to the east around Castle Street, Mill Street and Smithfield were already predominantly inhabited by Catholics.

The Pound and the adjoining, predominantly Protestant district of Sandy Row to the south were the most violent districts in Belfast in the 19th century. On July 12, 1835, in the context of events of the Orange Order to commemorate the Battle of the Boyne , street battles with mutual attacks on the two residential areas broke out. Similar unrest in 1843 lasted for two weeks. As a result of the unrest, segregation increased ; the number of Protestants in The Pound , which was initially "not insignificant" according to church registers , presumably decreased in the late 1840s. Although numerous examples of brutal attacks are known, comparatively few people were injured in the riots in the first half of the 19th century, which is probably due to the existence of an unwritten code of conduct and a partial ritualization of the excesses.

In 1842 a local branch of the Repeal Association was founded in Belfast , which, under the leadership of Daniel O'Connell, sought to abolish the union between Great Britain and Ireland . The Repeal campaign had a significant impact on The Pound's political development ; their nationalism legitimized the district's sectarianism . From 1850 the presence of the Catholic Church in The Pound increased . In 1866 the later Cathedral of St. Peter was inaugurated, which offered space for 3,000 people. Numerous associations were set up in the parish that dedicated themselves to religious goals or offered joint leisure activities. The schools at The Pound were mostly run by Catholic organizations. The commitment of the Catholic Church improved the situation of the residents and at the same time deepened the difference to the Protestant quarters. The Fenians , an underground movement that wanted to end British rule over Ireland by force, had one of their Belfast strongholds in The Pound . In January 1867, police arrested Fenier who was manufacturing ammunition at The Pound . These and other arrests meant that the Belfast Fenians did not take part in the uprising of March 1867. The Home Rule Association , founded in 1872 , which campaigned for self-government in Ireland , had strong support in the neighborhood; 14 out of 49 identifiable Belfast activists were from The Pound .

There were also numerous riots in The Pound and Sandy Row in the second half of the 19th century ; There were particularly serious riots lasting several days in 1857, 1864, 1872 and 1886. Houses were destroyed and members of the respective minority in the district were intimidated and driven out. In part, the disputes spread to surrounding industrial companies. The number of dead and injured rose dramatically due to the increased use of firearms; so it came in 1857 to shootings lasting several days on the border between The Pound and Sandy Row . Presumably some of the armed men belonged to the Orange Order and, in the unrest of 1864, to the Fenians. Beginning in 1864, the unrest to other parts of the city spilled over, and in particular the north of The Pound located Shankill Road . The riots of 1886 were sparked by the failure of the first Home Rule law . In contrast to the earlier riots, there were mainly clashes between Protestants and the Royal Irish Constabulary, which Protestants regarded as partisan . The Belfast Municipal Police, which was dissolved at that time, was considered partisan among Catholics. In earlier riots this had led to solidarity between Catholics and convicts. For example, money collections for convicts had been carried out at The Pound .

According to the 1901 census , The Pound had a population of around 8,600, of which 93.2% were Catholics and 6.5% were Protestants. 40.1% of the population were born in Belfast, 31.7% in the surrounding counties of Antrim and Down ; 20.2% came from the other counties of Ulster . Men were mostly employed as unskilled workers (49.1%), semi-skilled workers (12.9%) or skilled workers (15.7%). The most common female occupations were mill worker (37.4%), housekeeper (36.5%) and seamstress (13.7%). The illiteracy rate was 12.7% for women and 6.6% for men. The occupational structure in The Pound , which can be seen from the census results , does not differ significantly from Sandy Row , where 1.2% of the residents were Catholics. However, the percentage of working women was higher in The Pound (30.9%) than in Sandy Row (21.5%). It is believed that Catholic husbands had poorly paid or less secure jobs.

construction

Between 1966 and 1974, The Pound was demolished and replaced by the high-rise development of Divis Flats . As early as the early 1950s, the houses could no longer make a profit, so that many necessary repairs were not made. The renovation was justified with the improvement of the living conditions and the clearing of traffic areas.

The Pound is described as a "village within the city", a place of intense social relationships with a strong sense of community . The residents often married among themselves; many spent their entire lives in the neighborhood. It was the wish of the residents to live together after the renovation. They were supported by the pastor of St. Peter's Cathedral. The pastor is considered a key figure in the decision of the residents to approve the construction of a high-rise estate. There was no direct contact between planners and residents. A small group of Republicans and Socialists, including Gerry Adams , opposed the construction project . Adams became president of the IRA-affiliated party Sinn Féin in 1983 ; in the same year he was first elected to the British House of Commons for the constituency of West Belfast . According to Adams, the group called the construction project a "block of flats disguised as a parking garage" and held demonstrations and protest meetings for the construction of a terraced housing estate .

The construction of high-rise buildings in Northern Irish cities, which are largely characterized by row house settlements, concentrated on areas inhabited by Irish nationalists. This is seen in part as an attempt by unionists to concentrate opposition potential voters in a few city districts in order to secure a majority at the local level by using the majority vote. A study of Northern Ireland's housing policy assigns only minor importance to these interests at Divis Flats.

Divis Flats apartment blocks

The design of the Divis Flats came from the architect Frank Robertson and, according to him, was influenced by high-rise buildings in Great Britain and the USA as well as by the ideas of Le Corbusier . The settlement consisted of twelve irregularly arranged, seven- or eight-story apartment blocks with a length of up to 150 meters. The blocks were built in the "Sectra Deck System", which came from France and was also used in residential construction in Great Britain. It was a prefabricated construction that was expected to be quick and inexpensive. The apartment blocks were accessed via stairwells and elevators , which were arranged in the corners of the blocks. The apartment blocks had apartments on three levels, which were accessed via a three-meter-wide arcade . The arcades of the individual blocks were connected to each other, so that it was possible to cross the entire settlement without using the street level. In the northeast of the settlement stood the Divis Tower , a high-rise building with 19 storeys. By 1974 two more medium-height blocks ( St. Peter's Court and Albert Court ) had been completed.

The Divis Tower has 95 apartments; the twelve blocks should offer living space for 2,634 people in 700 apartments. A total of 850 apartments were built; At the beginning of the 1980s, around 2400 people lived in 775 apartments. The apartments consisted of a living room , a kitchen , a bathroom and up to six bedrooms . The settlement was equipped with rubbish chutes and partly connected to district heating . The six- hectare settlement also housed St. Peter's Cathedral, a primary school ( St. Comgall's Primary School ) and a neighborhood center ( Divis Community Center ).

The first apartment blocks were completed in 1969. In the same year, plans were made that provided for a similar high-rise building in the area adjacent to the west up to the Royal Victoria Hospital . The implementation of these plans was not carried out as a result of the Northern Ireland conflict.

Northern Ireland Conflict

During the riots in August 1969, which were ended by the deployment of the British Army , a loyalist mob from the Shankill Road area burned down houses in the vicinity of Divis Flats. The Northern Irish police, Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which consisted predominantly of Protestants and were mostly viewed as partisan by Catholics , fired Browning machine guns at the Divis Flats . Two people were killed, including a nine-year-old boy. The Scarman Report , an investigation into the riot commissioned by the Northern Irish government, called the use of the machine guns "wholly unjustified". The Scarman Report blamed the IRA for shots fired at the crowd from the roof of the elementary school in Divis Flats. One person was killed and others injured.

Memorial plaque for the two residents of Divis Flats who were shot by the Northern Irish police in 1969

As a result of the unrest, Catholics in particular fled the areas of Belfast that had previously been inhabited jointly with Protestants. The preferred escape destination was the relatively safe residential areas around Falls Road. In the Divis Flats occurred apartment occupation by refugees. The refugees often remained socially isolated in the settlement ; a "social division" developed that was still evident in the early 1980s: the former residents of Pound Loney often blamed the refugees for problems in the settlement. In 1971 the Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) was established as the central body responsible for housing policy to end discrimination in housing by local authorities. The NIHE took over the Divis Flats and legalized the occupations.

At the end of 1969 the IRA split into a larger, more violent and nationalist-oriented wing, the Provisional IRA , and a Marxist-oriented wing, the Official IRA . Both IRA wings were active in the Divis Flats. After the Official IRA had announced a permanent ceasefire, a radical wing split off as the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) in late 1974 . A feud broke out in the course of which two people were shot in the Divis Flats. The officials in the Divis Flats joined the INLA, whose political wing was the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP).

Relations between the Catholic nationalists and the British Army, which were initially good after the unrest in August 1969, worsened when the Army raided the IRA with house searches . A key event is the Curfew case in July 1970, in which the army imposed a three-day curfew on a residential area adjacent to Divis Flats. Residents of the Divis Flats were also injured in shootings during the curfew.

Between April 15 and April 22, 1972, four people died in the Divis Flats: Among the dead was a British soldier who was shot by the Official IRA, an 86-year-old man who was shot by soldiers at the window of his apartment, and an 11-year-old boy who was killed by the army with a rubber bullet . According to local residents, it was not uncommon to see masked and armed IRA members in the arcades of Divis Flats in the early 1970s. Army patrols, military posts and helicopters were often shot at, particularly at night. In some cases, the IRA members warned residents of shootings in advance. In December 1972, an IRA detachment kidnapped and murdered Jean McConville, a widowed resident of the Divis Flats and mother of ten. According to the IRA, McConville had worked as an informant for the British Army despite a warning and reported by radio about IRA activities in the Divis Flats. McConville's disappearance was widely discussed during the peace process in the mid-1990s; her grave was found in 2003. An investigation by the Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman in 2006 found no evidence that McConville had worked as an informant.

According to residents, the number of IRA and INLA attacks decreased significantly from the end of 1976. The reason is said to have been security considerations of both organizations: The army observation post on the roof of the Divis Tower, which was set up in 1973 at the latest, enabled constant surveillance of the settlement. The settlement had simply been cordoned off; the number of army patrols in the arcades had increased and after shootings it took only a few minutes until a large number of British soldiers were on site.

The 1981 hunger strike by IRA and INLA prisoners sparked a resurgence of political violence and unrest in Divis Flats. On May 12, INLA member Emmanual McLarmon was shot dead in the settlement by the army. After McLarmon's death, young people barricaded the settlement with wrecked cars. For the next six weeks, the Divis Flats were not accessible to the army as a no-go area . In September 1982 INLA bombed a British patrol in an arcade of the Divis Flats. Two children and a soldier died. Residents, especially women, protested the attack outside the IRSP office on Falls Road.

During the Northern Ireland conflict, street battles regularly broke out in the Divis Flats. According to the observations of Jeffrey A. Sluka , an American political anthropologist who carried out a field study in the settlement in 1981 and 1982 , it was mostly children and young people who triggered the riots by throwing stones or incendiary devices at army vehicles. If the army reacted with the use of plastic bullets or with arrests, it would escalate. The production and use of incendiary devices were organized and barricades were built. Sluka saw the reasons for the street battles in the boredom of the young people, who lacked recreational opportunities, and in the young people's view that attacks on the security forces were a valuable contribution to the cause of Irish nationalism. Sluka found no evidence to support the Army's claim that the IRA was organizing all the rioting in Divis Flats.

Many residents of Divis Flats disapproved of the Northern Irish Police RUC as being completely biased; at the same time, the RUC shied away from taking action against crime and vandalism in the settlement because of feared ambushes . There was a "de facto non-existence of state power , which was welcomed by most of the residents". In particular, problems arose in the settlement with Joy-Riders , children and young people who stole cars and drove them to junk in the courtyards of the apartment blocks. Residents called “hoods” responsible for crime and vandalism. The term was used in a narrow sense for hooligans ; In a broader sense, it referred to a group of 14 to 25 year olds , sometimes seen as a subculture . The younger "Hoods" often refused to go to school ; the elderly lived mostly on welfare and were blamed for breaking into their homes , robberies and receiving stolen goods .

The power vacuum existing in the Divis Flats was partly filled by the IRA. The IRA saw itself as defending Catholic areas against the security forces and Protestant paramilitaries and wanted to limit anti-social and criminal behavior in these areas. The underground organization issued warnings, flogging , kneeshots and executions against people who, in the opinion of the IRA, were guilty of such behavior . The "social control" exercised by the IRA was controversial among residents of the Divis Flats; the IRA's actions have been criticized as being too extensive, insufficiently extensive, or ineffective. Often friends and relatives of the convicted denied their guilt.

In the early 1980s, the Divis Flats had a reputation for being the worst ghetto in Northern Ireland, if not Western Europe. Sluka called the settlement one of the most deprived areas in a province suffering from an acute economic crisis. The settlement was known as an “IRA fortress” and - in reference to the strong presence of INLA and IRSP and the film Planet of the Apes - was referred to as the Planet of the IRPS . The residents of the Divis Flats as a whole were made to either be members of the IRA or INLA or to support the organizations.

When questioned in Sluka, the residents saw themselves as part of a politically ineffective minority in an unjust social, economic and political system. Sluka notes a disappointment with the political parties and an alienation from the city administration and the British government. A majority of respondents said the IRA and INLA are less active in Divis Flats than in other areas of Northern Ireland, although there is a particularly high level of unrest in the settlement. 69% of respondents are in favor of reunification of Ireland; 55% believed that armed struggle was the only effective means of achieving this. 84% of respondents believed the IRA and INLA were used to defend the settlement against attacks by the army or by loyalist paramilitaries. 77% were in favor of the IRA and INLA taking action against crime and vandalism in the Divis Flats. 47% of those questioned described themselves as supporters of the IRA and INLA; 47% also declined to support the two organizations. Many residents considered the army's actions harassing and repressive and referred, among other things, to constant surveillance, numerous house searches, controls on the street, the use of plastic bullets and verbal harassment by soldiers.

demolition

The Lower Falls Residents Association (LFRA), a resident organization founded in 1972, first called for the Divis Flats to be demolished in 1973, justifying this with construction defects such as damp apartments , an inadequate heating system and the anonymous living environment that promotes crime and vandalism. The LFRA, which was initially supported by the Official IRA and later by the IRSP, underscored its demands with direct actions : For example, rats were collected and given to NIHE offices.

From 1979 the Divis Demolition Committee (DDC) tried to prevent them from being re-let by destroying vacant apartments. The aim was to achieve the highest possible vacancy rate and unprofitability of the settlement. DDC activists have been arrested and fined.

In 1981 the Divis Resident Association (DRA) was founded. They demanded the complete demolition of the settlement and its replacement by a row house settlement. Problems identified by the DRA included leaking sewers, a plague of rats, pollution from a nearby city ​​highway , and the use of asbestos in homes. The DRA worked closely with Sinn Fein. The party affiliated with the Provisional IRA took part in elections from the early 1980s and took up local social problems. In its campaign, the DRA focused on structural deficiencies and thereby undermined the NIHE's strategy of attributing the problems in the settlement solely to the consequences of the Northern Ireland conflict. The initiative established contacts with trade unions, tenants' groups in Great Britain and experts such as architects and microbiologists.

This resulted in a study by the University of Ulster , completed in 1987 , which came to the conclusion that the living conditions in the Divis Flats had a significant impact on the health of the residents. For the study, residents of Divis Flats and a row of houses on the outskirts were interviewed; both areas were characterized by high unemployment and were classified as socially disadvantaged. The health of the residents of the Divis Flats was significantly worse for children and adults than that of the residents of the terraced housing estate. Women were more frequently affected by health problems; also residents of apartments that were difficult to heat or damp. According to the study, 51% of adults were unemployed; 91% lived below the poverty line. 66% of the apartments were classified as damp; 23% of households did not use the heating system because it was defective, inadequate or too expensive. The authors of the study described the Divis Flats as a " slum " and supported the demands for the evacuation of the settlement and the resettlement of the residents.

Divis Tower during a marathon (May 2011)

In 1980 and 1984 a total of four apartment blocks ( Farset, Whitehall, Pound, St. Brendan ) were demolished; the NIHE wanted to keep the rest of the Divis Flats and proposed improvements to the living environment. On October 13, 1986, the British government decided to completely demolish the residential blocks of the settlement. The decision to keep the Divis Tower met with criticism from the DRA : Fra McCann , Sinn Fein member and secretary of the DRA, saw this as justified by the British Army's interest in maintaining the observation post on the roof of the high-rise. This was denied by the NIHE, according to which the high-rise was less affected by vandalism than the apartment blocks. An influence of the British Army on public housing during the Northern Ireland conflict is officially denied, but often assumed. In the case of Divis Flats, it is believed that the army was pushing for the settlement to be demolished in favor of small residential units. From the point of view of the military, the Divis Flats were an uncontrollable complex of houses whose confusion and anonymity created excellent conditions for the IRA and INLA.

Between 1989 and 1995, the remaining apartment blocks of the Divis Flats were demolished. In their place, 257 terraced houses for around 970 residents were built. The layout of the apartments and the design of the houses were based on traditional construction methods in Ireland and Great Britain; the street network partly takes up the course of the streets in the former district The Pound . The residents were included in the planning to an extent that was not previously customary in Northern Ireland; for example, they were involved in defining the road network and choosing brick colors. In a survey carried out around 1995, 94 percent of those questioned said the renovation was "successful" or "very successful". The majority of respondents saw problems such as vandalism, joy-riding, break-ins and vermin as better solved. Alcoholism and other drug problems were identified as persistent problems . In addition, declining neighborly contacts were complained about. This is partly explained by the relocation of previous neighbors, as the number of households was reduced from 700 to 257 as a result of the renovation.

Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 on the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the IRA's July 2005 declaration of the end of its armed campaign, the British Army began dismantling the observation post on Divis Tower in August 2005 . The rooms last used by the army, which at times could only be reached by helicopter, will be used as apartments after renovation.

According to anthropologist Jennifer Curtis, residents saw the redevelopment of the neighborhood as a violent assault by the state. The wish of the residents to live in row houses instead of a high-rise estate was a plea for the preservation and expansion of social life. Against the background of the Northern Ireland conflict, the threat and use of force contributed to the partial success of the campaign to demolish the Divis Flats. However, this partial success had far-reaching consequences, since today's public housing in Northern Ireland follows the ideas of the activists of the 1970s, according to Curtis.

literature

  • Carsten Brieger: A completely new living environment: The Divis Flats in Belfast. In: Documentation booklets for housing. 1/2000, pp. 18-33.
  • Tim Blackman, Eileen Evason, Martin Melaugh, Roberta Woods: Housing and Health: A Case Study of Two Areas in West Belfast. In: Journal of Social Policy. (1989), 18, pp. 1-26.
  • Jeffrey A. Sluka: Hearts and Minds, Water and Fish. Support for the IRA and INLA in a Northern Irish Ghetto. Jai Press, Greenwich, Connecticut, USA 1989, ISBN 0-89232-961-0 .

Web links

Commons : Divis Tower, Belfast  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Catherine Hirst: Religion, politics and violence in nineteenth-century Belfast. The Pound and Sandy Row. Four Courts, Dublin 2002, ISBN 1-85182-651-3 , pp. 14-16.
  2. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 14 f.
  3. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 14.
  4. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 67–70.
  5. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 15, 45–47.
  6. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 80 f.
  7. ↑ This assessment in Hirst, Religion , p. 51.
  8. ↑ This assessment in Hirst, Religion , p. 93.
  9. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 94.
  10. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 107.
  11. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 157–160.
  12. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 161, 164–170.
  13. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 174–179.
  14. ↑ Hirst, Religion , p. 163.
  15. ↑ Hirst, Religion , pp. 139–151.
  16. ^ Carsten Brieger: Northern Irish Housing Policy. A balancing act between care and integration. IfdW-Verlag, Hamburg 1999, ISBN 3-934476-00-7 , p 31
    Brieger, Living Environment , p. 19
  17. ^ Sluka, Hearts , p. 46.
  18. ^ Sluka, Hearts , p. 247.
  19. ↑ a b c The High Life. Documentary by BBC One Northern Ireland , broadcast on October 11, 2010. See also program information  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as broken. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF, 1.6 MB)@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.bbc.co.uk  
  20. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 246f.
  21. ↑ Gerry Adams: Before day comes. Autobiography. Volk und Welt, Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-353-01059-9 , pp. 77f.
  22. ↑ citing the Divis Flats: Peter Wuhrer: They call it Trouble. Northern Ireland. Reports and stories from a war. Rotpunktverlag, Zurich 1989, ISBN 3-85869-055-4 , p. 141.
  23. ^ Brieger, Housing Policy , pp. 26, 31.
  24. ↑ Aerial photo of the Divis Flats ( memento of the original dated August 29, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. at National Museums Northern Ireland (accessed August 22, 2011). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.nmni.com
  25. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , p. 44; Brieger, Wohnumwelt , p. 22.
  26. ↑ On the unrest see Sluka, Hearts , p. 48ff. Scarman Report: Government of Northern Ireland (Ed.): Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969. Report of Tribunal of Inquiry. Her Majesty's Stationery Office, Belfast 1972, ISBN 0-337-10566-9 . Excerpts online from CAIN - Conflict Archive on the Internet (accessed on August 24, 2011).
  27. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 46f.
  28. ↑ Brieger, Housing Policy , p. 23.
  29. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 99ff.
  30. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 51f.
  31. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , p. 53. See also Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths at CAIN - Conflict Archive on the Internet (accessed August 25, 2011).
  32. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , p. 108.
  33. ^ Ed Moloney: A secret history of the IRA. Lane, London 2002, ISBN 0-71399-665-X , pp. 122ff.
  34. ↑ Disappeared victim 'not informer' on BBC News , July 7, 2006 (accessed August 25, 2011).
  35. ↑ First mentioned in Sluka, Hearts , p. 54.
  36. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 56, 109.
  37. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 56f.
  38. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 60, 62.
  39. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 266f.
  40. ^ Quote from Brieger, Wohnungspolitik , p. 33. See also Sluka, Hearts , p. 89f.
  41. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 129ff; Brieger, Wohnumwelt , p. 26.
  42. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 131f.
  43. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 90f.
  44. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 4f.
  45. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , p. 105.
  46. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 77f.
  47. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 265, 289.
  48. ↑ a b Sluka, Hearts , p. 290.
  49. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , p. 291.
  50. ↑ Sluka, Hearts , pp. 191, 193, 232.
  51. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumwelt , p. 19f.
  52. ↑ a b Jennifer Curtis: 'Community' and the Re-Making of 1970s Belfast. doi : 10.1080 / 00141840802324094 In: Ethnos. ISSN  1469-588X (2008) 73: 3, pp. 399-426, here p. 419.
  53. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumfeld , p. 20.
  54. ^ Blackman, Housing and Health , p. 6.
  55. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumfeld , pp. 20f.
  56. ^ Blackman, Housing and Health , p. 15.
  57. ↑ Blackman, Housing and Health , pp. 18-20.
  58. ^ Blackman, Housing and Health , pp. 1, 23.
  59. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumfeld , pp. 20, 23.
  60. ^ Robert Bell: Chronology of events 1970-90. In: Robert Johnstone (Ed.): Troubled Times. Fortnight Magazine and the Troubles in Northern Ireland 1970-91. Blackstaff, Belfast 1991, ISBN 0-85640-462-4 , pp. 147-221, here p. 207.
  61. ↑ Belfast apartments see blood. In: The Union Democrat , December 17, 1986 (accessed August 25, 2011).
  62. ↑ This assessment in Brieger, Wohnungspolitik , pp. 28–33.
  63. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumwelt , p. 22f.
  64. ↑ Jonathan Bardon: A History of Ulster. Blackstaff, Belfast 1992, ISBN 0-85640-466-7 , p. 792.
  65. ↑ Brieger, Wohnumwelt , pp. 25, 28, 31f.
  66. ↑ Army begins removing Divis post. BBC News, Aug. 2, 2005 (accessed Aug. 26, 2011).
  67. ↑ Former Army post at Divis Tower gets £ 1m transformation. Belfast Telegraph , January 20, 2009 (accessed August 26, 2011).
  68. ^ Curtis, 'Community' , p. 420.


Coordinates: 54 ° 36 ′ 0 ″  N , 5 ° 56 ′ 32 ″  W.