Pale sheath

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Pale sheath
City of Olpe
Coordinates: 51 ° 3 ′ 28 "  N , 7 ° 56 ′ 45"  E
Height : approx. 530 m
Residents : 14  (Dec. 31, 2019)
Postal code : 57462
Area code : 02764

Fahlenscheid is a district of the district town of Olpe with 14 inhabitants. The only two ski lifts and the only snow-making system in the area of ​​the city of Olpe are located in Fahlenscheid.

geography

Fahlenscheid is located northeast in the urban area of ​​Olpe on a hill and can be reached via a side street from the B 55 .

history

The history of the Fahlenscheid settlement can be safely traced back to 1502. Since the municipal reorganization, which came into force on July 1, 1969, Fahlenscheid has been part of the administrative district of Olpe. Before it belonged to the municipality of Rahrbach in the Bilstein district .

Historical outline of Fahlenscheid

The highest cultivated place in the district of Olpe, located at almost 600 m, has appeared rather marginally in historical terms. The “Heimatstimmen” record few isolated mentions, the old chronicle of the Olpe district does not mention the place at all and in the first volume of the new, large-scale chronicle of the city of Olpe, the Fahlenscheid puts it on four lines. For the surrounding towns, such as Rahrbach, Kruberg, Rehringhausen, extensive representations are now available, but there is no systematic historical representation for the hamlet, which has consisted of three courtyards for centuries. In terms of content, the overall view of the hamlet of Fahlenscheid opens up the possibility of presenting different historical developments on the basis of a single closed place.

prehistory

There are several options for interpreting the place name in the word components “pale” and “Scheid”. Two versions of the defining word “pale” are discussed in the available literature. One is aimed at the Fahlerze, the other at the name Falen for Saxony. Although there is evidence of smaller ore excavation sites in the immediate vicinity of Fahlenscheid, the main weakness of this version lies in the use of the term "Falen" for types of metallic compounds. The use of the word is clearly not used in mining until the late 16th century. The equally questionable “Falen” = “Saxony” conception takes its legitimation from the time of the conflict between the Franks and Saxons, whose very loose dividing lines can indeed be found in the area of ​​the northern Sauerland up to the Eder. However, the deserted high plateau of the Fahlenscheid was too far from the main combat area and was strategically without any delimitation value. With regard to the determinant Falen / Fahlen, both perspectives share the disadvantage of an associative and isolated approach, which ostensibly aims at conceptual links and refrains from including the surrounding field names in an overall linguistic historical perspective. These deficiencies are corrected in a detailed linguistic history expertise of the Germanic seminar at the Justus Liebig University in Giessen. It refers to the Middle High German “val”, which can be traced back to Old Saxon, = pale, gray, pale and derives the concept of the ridge from its gray, pale appearance. This fits very well into the phenomenologically oriented language formation pattern of the adjacent field names, such as: Steinbrink, Am rothen Stein, Am Höchst, Winterschlade etc., all of which take the visible and inhospitable phenomena of the altitude as the starting point for their names.

There are also different explanations for the basic word “Scheid”. One version of interpretation seeks the “schede” or “scheid”, which can also be traced back to Old Saxon, and would be understood as a separation, i.e. a separation from the Markenwald as a piece of Rode land that is suitable for settlement. Another explanation option refers to the mnd “schide” or “scheid”, which is widespread in field and place names in the Bergisches Land and means border, separating mountain ridge, watershed. According to this, the ridge would separate the neighboring valleys and would act as the Lenne-Bigge watershed. In this version, the Fahlenscheid is etymologically characterized as the pale mountain saddle that divides the landscape and the watercourses. The lack of field names ending in “rod” or “hagen” suggests that the Fahlenscheider terrain names existed before the cultivation and settlement epoch and that these were retained.

With regard to the pre-history of the settlement, local publications date the first settlement of the Fahlenscheid to a period from around the turn of the millennium to 13/14. Century, but without providing any understandable reasons for it. According to Becker, the settlement of the higher Red Hair Valleys was almost complete by the 11th century. This applies to the lower-lying places surrounding the Fahlenscheid, such as Rahrbach, Kruberg, Veischede and Rehringhausen. After the occupation of these lowlands, new land could only be gained on the ridge without rivers. The type of place name with the prepositional addition of up dem, uff deme, auf dem Fahlenscheid, which can be traced back to the early 16th century, indicates, in terms of linguistic and settlement history, that it was founded later in the Middle Ages or in the late Middle Ages. The etymology of the field names such as Steinbrink or Winterschlade confirms this definition of time. After evaluating the semantic analyzes of the place name and the district names, the origin of the place name Fahlenscheid is narrowed down to the turn of the millennium and the first settlement in the bilstein area, the so-called forest Wildbann, is assumed to have occurred in the 14th century. Becker / Mieles assume the 15th century. A foundation by a monastery can be ruled out. For the placement of the Fahlenscheider settlement at these times, half the distance between the already existing villages of Kruytberth and Rairbecke on the one hand and Overn Feyscheid on the other hand may have been important. The decisive factor may have been the small valley with groundwater.

The existing source material from the years 1666, 1695 and finally 1736 initially shows a row-like arrangement of the farms in the valley of the Fahlmicke, a typical early settlement form according to Hömberg for the Sauerland, in which the terrain requirements are reflected. The current, higher-lying semicircular ground plan was probably not created until the 18th century. The assumption that a shepherd's or charcoal burner's hut used in summer could have existed in the protected location before permanent settlement cannot be completely dismissed.

First mention

An entry in the inventory of the Graf von Spee archive in Ahausen from the year 1502 can be considered a secure document of the first mention of the Fahlenscheid.

In the documented case, the Bilstein bailiff Westvelingh confirms that at Johann, the bailiff of Elspe, an Else, who is referred to as Hans Teilgen's daughter from Fahlenscheid, has changed affiliation with another Else, who is Kurt Kalve's daughter. This means that Elsper Else herself and everything that is born of her will be free, and the free Fahlenscheider Else will, in an exchange process, be under the authority of the Vogt von Elspe. Johann Westvellingh certifies this with his attached seal: datura anno domini milesimo quingentesimo secundo, ipse die vinculo sante petri, given in 1502, the same day as St. Peter in Ketten, on August 1st.

This source is not only significant as the secured form of the Fahlenscheider first mention. At the same time, the content of this document provides information about different agricultural legal relationships in the local area. As already mentioned above, Fahlenscheid was founded by the Bilstein family in the 14th and 15th centuries. Century. With this, the premises were fixed with regard to the legal status, which in principle will not show any change for the next three centuries. The farmers living in the area of ​​validity of the noble lords of Bilstein had the status of the free, they were free-Bilstein farmers, sometimes also called chair-free. They could leave their property or in principle alienate or bequeath it. However, the abovementioned Fahlenscheider was limited in his ability to sell and inherit. The use of the term belonging to the farmers of the neighboring Vogt von Elspe proves to be no less revealing in the document from 1502. In this agrarian legal form typical of the late Middle Ages of the 15th and 16th centuries, the serfs could not leave the court of a Junk landlord. Children of self-relatives became self-relatives again. A revocation of affiliation is only possible within the framework of a ransom or an officially approved exchange process: a suitor changes through marriage to the status of a self-reliant, like the above-mentioned Fahlenscheider Else, whose descendants are again dependent on the Vogts von Elspe. When self-relatives were married, a marriage tax, the Bedemund, was due, and - cynically enough - in the event of death it had to be paid a so-called mortuarium: a horse for the man, a cow for the woman. Half a century later, in 1555, Fahlenscheid was talking about "leases from the Bilstein family that have to be acquired every 8 years". Under this heading, 20 other names are listed: the two shoulders on the Farenscheit. With the terminology of the leased property, the legal status of the Fahlenscheider is more precisely defined. They are Freiilstein tenants who leave their property but cannot sell or bequeath it. The bond to the property takes place within the framework of an eight-year time limit with the possibility of further extensions, but after completing a formal recovery process.

There is no information about the number of farms in 1502. The appraisal registers from 1543 show those liable for the treasure on two farms: Heinrich, the Becker man and Thonis Schulte his Nachpar. Both are estimated at the stately sum of a whole guilder. 23 years later, in 1565, the treasury registers show the presence of three taxable names: Mertin uff dem Valenschiedt, Thonniß ibidem and Veltin uff dem Valenschied. Veltin continues to be valued at 1 guilder, while the tax amount for Thonniß Schulte doubles to 2 guilders. Since only a few in the Rahrbach parish bring this amount, Tonis Schulte can be considered well-off. In contrast to this, Mertin's earning power is falling rapidly, it only performs 1 place, the smallest sub-unit of the guilder at the time. An unknown event must have brought Mertin to the brink of economic ruin.

At the same time the registered number of inhabitants of Kruberg changes:

  • 1536 = 10 people
  • 1543 = 15 people
  • 1565 = 17 people

The three people mentioned in 1565: Both the Beckersche and her husband Heinrich, including the later Mertin, all come from Kruberg, the person referred to as Veltin (Valentin) is most likely from Welschen Ennest, whose population is also increasing according to the old appraisal registers . The development of the numbers gives rise to the well-founded assumption that the Fahlenscheid owes its existence to the population growth that became noticeable in the parish of Rahrbach in the 16th century.

The growing number of settlers on the Fahlenscheid must have led to an increase in the need for agricultural land and thus to a need to redistribute land. This may be borne out by the following quote. In a diary entry dated September 2, 1579, the land and hereditary dear Caspar von Fürstenberg recorded in his diary: “Uf the stallion pool was in the middle of Friedrich. ... The judge took a look at the Falenscheidt between the pastor zu Rarbeck and the reverendissimo and set stones. ”Accordingly, the Bilstein administration chief has set new boundary stones in his territory. The discovery of a boundary stone in Fahlenscheid in 1978 fits very well in this context. A cross in the style of a Swiss cross and the letter B can be seen on this approximately 1 m high and 0.35 cm wide stone. The cross stands for the church and the B should stand for Bilstein. This means that the stone found is likely to be a boundary marking between ecclesiastical and bilstein property.

Lease documents

The first detailed lease document, which provides differentiated information about the then customary and different tax obligations, dates from 1596. In the inventory book of the Westphalian pensions, it says for the entire place “Fallenscheidt”: “Total estimate: 1 ¾ gold gulden. to Bede 14 ß (Schilling). to service money 4 Rhtl. 4 chickens ”. The following is stated in Scheele's rendering: “Now the three small half-farms belonging to the Bilstein House and the Elector give the following lease: Joest Winter 2 bushels of rye, 2 bushels of oats, 20 eggs, 1 lean pig. Peter there the same. Widtwe Mertens the same. Every 8 years if you win 1 lean pig. ”For various reasons, this lease report sheds an interesting light on the sales conditions at the time. The in-depth consideration of individual passages helps to gain a few basic insights.

Five different types of tax are mentioned:

  • Appraisal : It describes a kind of special tax that was initially not levied continuously, but only when there were special occasions; it had to be approved in each case by the estates. In the second half of the 16th century, the appraisal became a regularly recurring tax that had to pay the main part of the state's burdens. The amount of the appraisal was dependent on property or income, it was also raised by the servants and village clappers.
  • Bede : It also represents a kind of appraisal, which, however, had to be paid regularly as spring and autumn bede. The numerical relationship between the two types of taxes shows the minor importance of the importance compared to the estimate.
  • Service fee : This refers to a monetary redemption of manual and clamping services to the landlord, in this case 2 guilders per team. Replacing the manual and tensioning services of the Fahlenscheider with money was almost imperative in view of the nonsense of traveling 8 km to the landlord in Bilstein in order to harvest or to plow. They did that for him anyway on the Fahlenscheid. The amount of the redemption illustrates the general value of manual and clamping services.
  • Lease : The annual lease fee is paid in kind. It goes to the landlord, in this case the Bilstein house.
  • Prize money : This is due as a fee when the lease is renewed, first every eight years, then every twelve years.

The different currency indications of gold guilders and Reichstaler allow two different main currencies to be identified, which can also be found later in parallel again and again. For the Fahlenscheider, however, the later currency information is always in Rtl. The phrase "small half-courtyards" assigns the Fahlenscheider farmsteads to a location in the system of farm sizes of that time. According to Becker, there were full-horse, half-horse, quarter-horse and kötter. The latter were too poor to be able to afford a tension horse. The small half-farms are still counted as part of the half-horse category with two horses, which of course led to a higher service fee. After all, with this rating, the three courtyards ranked in the upper third of the size pyramid.

The passages from the Elector and the House of Bilstein characterize the basic legal relationships. The supreme landlords for the Fahlenscheider are the electors and archbishops of the Duchy of Westphalia. The offices represent the lower administrative level of the duchy. This is what the office of Bilstein appears for the Fahlenscheider.

When looking at the following different sources, it is noticeable that the number of farms on the Fahlenscheid remains constant. There is always talk of three farms, for example in the list of the rye, barley and oat levies delivered to the House of Bilstein from 1612, as in the description of the place by Rahrbacher Pastor Everhardis from 1628 in the Lippe contribution treasury of 1636/37, the head treasure register of the Arnsberg state archive from 1685 and others mentioned here.

The literature on medieval village development describes places like Fahlenscheid as a settlement type as a clearing hamlet. This characterizes a collection of a small number of neighboring courtyards, mostly three to five, in an irregular arrangement, in contrast to a row settlement or a street village, for example. In relation to the height profile of the district of Olpe, the Fahlenscheid represents the rare form of a hillside settlement. According to Lucas' studies, the designation of the location type "on free heights" in 1812 only applies to 3% of the localities in the district of Olpe. It is astonishing that the high-altitude clearing hamlet of Fahlenscheid has retained its original shape and has neither turned into a desert nor developed into a larger type of settlement over the centuries. Thus, all children born on the Fahlenscheid, with the exception of the respective main heir and perhaps a few possible supplements, only had one change of location, with little possibility of marriage for the male descendants. It doesn't take a lot of imagination to imagine that the huge forest areas would also have provided space for a fourth, fifth, etc. courtyard, which would also have been an advantage for the Bilstein family and the archbishop. What actually prevented the Drei-Höfe-Weiler from growing into larger collections of houses, such as B. Rehringhausen or the similarly hilly Rhode, would be worth a separate treatment.

The document from 1666 may prove that the progressive liberalization of the lease could also be in the interests of the landlord.

The so-called middle estate on the Fahlenscheid is bare and deserted. Hanß Cordes, who is interested in Rahrbach, receives the following privileges for re-management as part of a 12-year lease agreement: Since there is no house or shed on the property, he is allowed to take dried wood from his old lease in Rahrbach with him to Fahlenscheid to make windows and doors. He also receives 5 Rhtl. Entry fee, should not pay any lease for 5 years and only then pay the full lease. Until this has happened, the two other Fahlenscheid tenants will pay half the rent for the joint management of the land without tenants for 3 years.

As can be seen from the 1666 log, the previous recovery cycle has been changed from eight to twelve years. This twelve-year cycle form will remain decisive for the three Fahlenscheid leasehold farms for the next 150 years.

In the lease record of 1695, the use of the Fahlenscheider names continues to this day. Peter Fehrenholt auffm Valenscheid built the lowest estate, Hanses built the middle estate there and Joannes Hopmann the uppermost estate. The name Hopmann is still in use today to describe the Stinn family, who have owned the farm for over 150 years. The principle of naming names according to the farm names proves its over 300 years of power. But why the name Hanses only remained alive for about 150 years until around 1820 as "Gut Hanses" and did not find its continuation with the following farm owners with the name Limper or Quast, and why the third farm only 60 years until the transition from Ferenholt / Fernholt to the new farm owner Greiten shows a surprising irregularity in the duration of the farm names. At the beginning of the 18th century, another change in the lease law can be determined. For the first time, all three owners of the leased property present in the profit log of 1713 profit letters. With the award of a profit letter, the mutual rights and obligations of landlords and tenants are determined for the first time within a codified framework. The most important thing is the new legal right to be able to bequeath the leased property to the children and, as Sommer emphasizes, to be able to sue. This means planning security for the people of Fahlenscheid and they begin with the erection of permanent structures that characterize the townscape today.

The 1766 profit log deserves a closer look for two reasons. This shows signs of a new way of thinking in the use of the terms. Here the Fahlenscheider tenants are referred to as Coloni for the first time. Previously there was obviously no need for a functional designation of the persons mentioned in the minutes; at most they were referred to as these three. The administrative language of the 18th century increases in abstraction and depersonalization; Individuals become functionaries. From now on they are called the electoral / electoral Coloni, these are the Fahlenscheider. The others are called Pastoratscoloni; their taxes serve to support the local clergy. In contrast to the electoral Cologne colonies with a 12-year lease period, the pastoral coloni who were required to do manual labor and tension service had to purchase the leased property every 6 years.

On the other hand, the amount of the prize money of - as it has been for over a hundred years 3 thalers - throws an illuminating light on the monetary conditions at that time. A parallel source reports serious price increases in the wake of the Seven Years' War, where Mütt rye (= 4 bushels) costs 32 thalers in 1762. This is where the long-lasting distortions and injustices of the late medieval agricultural tax system become particularly apparent.

The Hessian time and allodification

The 19th century once again brought about significant changes in the feudal system. The extensive paralysis of the Electoral Cologne system is drawing to a close and the pale divorce is also being achieved by the tremendous changes on the European stage. In the context of the Napoleonic conquests, Hessen-Darmstadt stands on Napoleon's side and the ecclesiastical, Electoral Cologne Duchy of Westphalia, after 350 years of independence, falls to Hessen-Darmstadt in 1802, personified in Landgrave Ludwig IX. As the last Fahlenscheid lease record from 1805 shows, everything remains the same with regard to the taxes to be paid, only the recipient changes. Napoleon promoted the Landgrave to Grand Duke at the beginning of 1805, but word didn't get around that quickly and in November 1805 the Fahlenscheider still paid the Landgrave Rentei Bilstein. On November 5, 1809, the Grand Ducal Hessian government in Darmstadt passed a law with far-reaching consequences. On the one hand it is the abolition of colonial relations , on the other hand there is the possibility of dividing farm goods in the case of inheritance.

The leased property did not become private property overnight, but the interested parties had to buy themselves out ( allodification ). As far as the level of the detachment value is concerned, the different information in the relevant literature, such as Schöne, Hömberg and Becker, tends to cause confusion. The grand-ducal ordinance on the abolition of the colonial relationship of 1809 itself determines in § 13 for the annual basic rent to be determined the average lease amount of the last 30 years, for the redemption of the profit money in § 14 the average value of the last 2 to 3 profit funds, and in § 17 the Amount of the redemption of livestock and levies in kind in the form of the average cash price over the last 25 years. The amount of the annual basic pension was calculated by adding up the various replacement positions. The basic pension could be redeemed in one fell swoop, as stipulated in Sections 20 and 21; it could be bought for 25 times the amount of the calculated annual basic pension. First, the wealthy Henrich Quiter at the Hanses Hof, now Quast, seizes the opportunity. Allodification correspondence with the grand ducal Oberforst-Kolleg in Darmstadt 1810/1811 has been preserved. In his request for redemption, he calculates the value of 550 florins (Florentine guilders) to redeem the basic burdens  . The authority, however, calculates the value of 628 florins and asks whether Quiter is willing to pay this sum, otherwise the request will not take place. The practice of allodification, as the example demonstrates, is likely to be related to individual cases and thus even more varied than reported in the available literature.

The allodification of the leases Greiten and Hunold / Stinn, however, shows a completely different course. In the basic files of 1838 from the Prussian period it is said that the owners of the house and all land were "allegedly inherited intestato", in Greiten from his father who died in 1807, in Hunold from his father who died in 1817. On closer inspection, one encounters some inconsistencies that lead to the suspicion that Greiten and Hoppmann took advantage of the administrative turmoil of the time to pass off non-possession as possession. In 1816 Prussia took over from Hessen-Darmstadt as sovereign and it seems as if the new Prussian administration did not want to deal with unresolved contaminated sites for long. She instructs all three farm owners in their new property using the same wording in the land register: "The quiet and undisturbed possession of the owner since December 1st, 1825 is proven".

Wilhelm Hunold von Hoppmann was the tenant of a farm in Fahlenscheid from 1836 to 1860, as can be seen from a lease that can be viewed in the State Archives. There under “Fahlenscheid” you can read that in 1691 the Fahlenscheid had to visit the Bannmühle in Bielstein.

The possibility of dividing the inheritance from the Hessian period remained in effect for a long time during the Prussian period and left its mark on the Fahlenscheid. First of all, a plot of land for a descendant named Eustachius was split off from the entire property of the Greiten-Hof around 1820. The minikotten known as "Stacheses" has no chance of survival. The three sons emigrate to America in 1854 and 1856, the areas fall to Hopmann and Greiten and the cottage disappears again. In 1846 the Greiten-Hof was divided among the six siblings, but was reintegrated in 1860. In 1871 the farmer Heinrich Quast bought the Limper farm for 3750 Thaler. After his death in 1885 the farm was divided between the widow Quast and the seven children. This farm will also be merged again later. In 1848, the farmer Josef Stinn, who came from Rehringhausen, bought the bankrupt previous farm, Hopmann / Hunold, for 1000 Thaler; the courtyard remains undivided across the male line. The Inheritance Act of 1898, the Reichserbhofgesetz of 1933 and the Höferolle of 1949 protect all three farms from being redistributed.

The Fahlenscheider Jahnschaft

The origin of the Fahlenscheider Jahnschaften itself can be found in the important Grand Ducal Hessian Forest Ordinance of 1810 and the Prussian system of common division of 1821, after the above-mentioned Hessian ordinance on the abolition of colonies on the same terms had also stipulated the abolition of manorial forest ownership. The individual forest and Hauberg areas that the Fahlenscheider initially had at their disposal were then - also against the possible resistance of the individual owners - amalgamated in 1810 and 1821 to form large areas for common use, today's Jahnschaft. This was ultimately done in order to be able to counter the progressive devastation caused by the ruthless exploitation of the forest areas. The Hauberg areas released for use after a joint decision and their share of use were referred to as Jähne. As one of the few Jahnschafts, the ownership shares of the Fahlenscheider are registered in the land register in 1838. For Greiten and Hunold / Hopmann, the same inconsistencies emerge with regard to the acquisition of ownership of the Jahnschaftsplots, as already indicated above: allegedly inherited from the deceased fathers intestato. It remains unclear according to which criteria the individual plots were cut out of the formerly electoral, manorial overall area.

The original cadastre and the Hauberg

Due to the equality of the rental fees in the past, it was always assumed that the three farms were the same size. This assumption can only be verified with the original cadastre from 1831: At that time, each farm had around 60 acres of cultivated land and around 20 acres of private forest. This size, albeit without a private forest, helped to create a viable existence for centuries, even in times of critical agricultural conditions. After the allodifications, there are around 180 acres of communally used woodland, the Jahnschaft, in which everyone is entered in the land register with a third of the ownership and thus of the vote. This was able to amply compensate for the high altitude, which is disadvantageous for agricultural use. The Jahnschafts areas bear the designation "Hauberg" in the original cadastre. This describes a completely different type of forest use than z. B. the high forest. As a coppice, consisting of low-stemmed hardwood, a Hauberg has a significantly shorter rotation time; for Fahlenscheid a rotation time of 16 years was valid. In the event of a downforce, the specified Hauberg area is completely cleared and set on fire after clearing. This results in a diverse and lucrative benefit for the Jähner: from firewood, construction and piling wood to oak bark for the extraction of tan . Grain is sown in the ashes over several years, which leads to a temporary doubling of the agricultural area.

According to Klutmann, two serious conditions led to the decline of the Hauberg economy. On the one hand, it was the Ruhr-Sieg railway line, which ran through the Rahrbach parish and opened in 1870, which was able to transport large quantities of hard coal to the Siegerland at low prices. The Siegerland blast furnaces switched from charcoal to coke firing and the prices for the kiln wood slid into the cellar. On the other hand, it was the quebrachewood imported from South America from 1875 on, with whose tannic acid the hides could be tanned much faster; the local oak tree experienced a drop in prices. The far-sighted Olper Oberförster Möllendiek urged the introduction of a high forest culture as a replacement for the declining coppice culture. The spruce monocultures that characterize the image of Fahlenscheider today only emerged about 130 years ago.

The chapel

The building of a chapel sheds significant light on the traditionally religiously rooted attitude of the Fahlenscheider. After the hereditary lease was granted, the former owners of the farm, Hanses, Hopmann and Greiten, worked together to build the small church on the prince's land. The splendid event of the consecration in 1730 was recorded by the unfortunate Rahrbach priest Spiekermann in the Fahlenscheider chapel book. The residents are responsible for securing the structure. An acceptable translation of the baroque Latin consecration text can be found in Pawelke / Runte and is known so far. However, it was previously unknown, and this can be seen from the second part of the chapel book, that the chapel lends money from 1775 onwards against the deposit of securities. When a debtor from Rahrbach had to file for bankruptcy around 1800, the forest property deposited as a pledge fell to the chapel. It is the foundation of the chapel property, which is around three hectares today.

Anyone who believed that with secularization and allodification all ecclesiastical rights had expired will be taught better on the following pages of the basic acts. At all three Fahlenscheider Höfe there is an entry in the land registers from 1838 that the Rahrbacher pastor should annually deliver three quarters of Bilsteiner Maß oats on Margaretentag and five eggs on Easter; the cost to the sexton is a quarter of Bilsteiner's oats and five pounds of bread. For the Stinn farm there is also the additional payment of a basic pension to the Domanialstift in Siegen, consisting of an annual delivery of rye, oats and 2 talers, payable to Martini. The obligation to give in kind for the benefit of the Rahrbacher Church can be found at a number of Rahrbacher and Kruberger Höfe. These types of entries could have been entrusted to the disposal through history if the following precarious case had not occurred in 1979. As Pawelke / Runte report, a Kirchhundem financial institute was confronted with the problem of unencumbered surrender of a farm burdened with this oat and sexton bread in the context of a foreclosure auction ; the new buyer insisted. Financial experts from the Archbishop's Chair in Paderborn knew what to do and calculated the corresponding transfer fees. Here, too, there is still a need for research on how the church tax obligations from 1838 came about and how they ended for the courtyards of the Fahlenscheid.

In the following hundred years, the Fahlenscheider seemed to have largely settled their affairs among themselves, without any major changes, calmly and economically sound. Fahlenscheider are neither elected representatives in the Rahrbach municipal parliament, nor is the municipal parliament concerned with the Fahlenscheid.

Fahlenscheid in World War II

The last war does not interrupt the calm at first, but then there are essentially three events that make the Fahlenscheidern aware of the importance of war in their own way. On the one hand, it is a black slaughter committed together in 1941, which poses a dramatic threat to the small town. After the matter is exposed, all three farm owners must expect a sentence of imprisonment of unknown extent, to be served in incalculable institutions. This would have had the further consequence that the Polish and Russian prisoners of war employed on the farms would have been the only male workers to manage the agriculture of the remote hamlet. However, only one of the accused assumes responsibility for the jointly committed crime and puts himself at the disposal of the Nazi judiciary as the sole culprit. He withheld the names of those involved in relation to the Dortmund special court, which met in Siegen, and was sentenced to two years in prison in Bochum in 1942 for war economic crimes. Since submissions from local Nazi authorities and private individuals in 1943 and 1944 repeatedly resulted in the Fahlenscheider being suspended for cultivating fields and harvesting, the Dortmund Public Prosecutor found after the collapse of the Third Reich that 2 months and 18 days were still to be served absence. In 1947 the remaining time was suspended by paying a fine of 450 RM and a three-year probationary period. In February 1950, the verdict was overturned on pardon on the basis of an order from the senior public prosecutor's office in Dortmund.

Second, there is the situation as the war is coming to an end, when large numbers of refugees and soldiers from Siegerland flooded the small hamlet. They temporarily get stuck in the houses, besieging the attics and the telecommunication units are radioing from the living rooms: Rhode, Rhode, Rhode. The main train is shot at by low-flying planes. Dozens of horse carcasses, destroyed military vehicles and Red Cross cars line the path up from Kruberg. The houses are spared destruction or fire, nobody gets upset about the broken window panes. Around April 10, 1945, American troops occupied the Fahlenscheid with their tanks and now they are radioing in the living rooms of Rhode, Rhode, Rhode. When they withdraw after a few days, they let around 60 kg of meat and sausage products go with them without compensation. Nevertheless, the Fahlenscheider remembered the Americans as friendly and fond of children. Thirdly, there is the dangerous situation after the war, when the now free prisoners of war begin to terrorize the farms. The Stinn-Hof is attacked by its own former slave laborer after he blackmailed the other two into helping. The owner force the three at gunpoint to hand over jewelry and watches. The military police are alerted from the neighboring courtyards. In view of the approaching military police, the looters hide their weapons in the Greiten-Hof and then inform the military police that weapons are hidden in the Greiten-Hof. The owner of the Greiten-Hof was arrested and spent a few weeks in prison. However, the English military judge in Olpe succeeds in presenting the true facts. The farm owner is released and the three perpetrators are briefly detained. In July 1945, the three courtyards delivered items of furniture to the British occupation army: each of them had bed frames, mattresses, wedge pillows and each one a nightgown.

The present time

Today there are again serious changes on the pale sheath. The dissolution of the closed old townscape began in January 1954 with a devastating fire that struck the Greiten farm. As the extinguishing water froze in the hoses because of the grim cold, the entire agricultural property burned down to the foundation walls. The owners moved the farm from Fahlenscheid to Rothenborn / Wenden, and the former stately homestead is now only an unattractive ruin. As a result, the ownership structures of the three courtyards and the Jahnschaft, which have been in an equally strong and balanced relationship to one another for over 400 years, will slowly but steadily shift. A second change to the old townscape occurred 15 years later with the relocation of the Stinn farm in 1969. The new farm was built a little above the old farm on the newly built K 18 district road. The old courtyard building will be preserved, but the days when the three courtyards were in visual relation to each other via their respective house entrances are over. Also over are the times of the annual May devotions and the tradition of the daily angelus ringing, which lasted for over 225 years. Only the chapel, newly built in 1957, and the Limper / Quast courtyard have been preserved from the centuries-old, closed townscape with three courtyards in their old places. The new county road and the ski lift built in the 1960s release the idyllic hamlet from its old, secluded location and rightly make it accessible to other forms of economy than the traditional agricultural ones, e.g. B. for tourism and winter sports, which will be of increasing importance. As already mentioned, the presence of the Stinn family can be traced back to the year 1848 for the current owners. The Quast family has been managing the farm since 1871. The Greiten family can be traced back to 1702 in a continuous male line. The number of residents peaked at 30 during the war because of the evacuations; there are currently 15 people, the same number as 1543.

literature

  • Graf Spee archive, s. State Archives Office
  • Paul Derks: The settlement names of the city of Lüdenscheid: linguistic and historical investigations . History and local history association, Lüdenscheid 2004, ISBN 3-9804512-3-2 .
  • Carl Peter Fröhling: Fruit measurements in the Duchy of Westphalia. HSO 93 (1973), pp. 191-197.
  • Kirchhundem municipal archive, Kirchhundemer mortgage books. Finding aids of the office and court of Bilstein. Kirchhundem o. J. Since 2009 as CD-Rom: Mortgage book of the Bilstein Office 1724–1810. Inventory of the protocols in the Landesarchiv Münster.
  • Kirchundem municipal archive, sign.no.R 650, R 793, R 850
  • Inventory of the Graf von Spee archive, volume. 2. edited by Hans-Oskar Swientek. Münster 1968.
  • Kirchhundemer mortgage books, s. Kirchhundem parish archive
  • Landesarchivamt Münster: Archive Graf von Spee Ahs Ahs, VUI 14
  • Hans Lüschen: The names of the stones. 2nd Edition. Thun, Switzerland 1979,
  • Josef Pawelke, Paul Nikolajczyk: Chronicle of the parish St. Dionysius, Rahrbach. (= Rahrbach church chronicle). 2005.
  • Norbert Scheele: Lease of the electoral goods in the southern Sauerland 1666. In: HSO. 70 (1968) pp. 2-7.
  • Suibert Seibertz: Document book on the state and legal history of the Duchy of Westphalia. 3 volumes, Arnsberg 1854.
  • Manfred Sönnecken: Research on medieval racing fire smelting in the Olpe district. (= Series of publications of the district of Olpe, No. 6). OJ
  • State Archives Münster: Finding aid B 63: Grand Duchy of Hesse VE No. 3 / No. 5 / No. 43; Finding aid B 64: Grand Duchy of Hesse IX No. 70
  • State Archives Münster: Land registers Q 500. Rahrbach 20 478 Volume 1. Rahrbach 20 488, Volume 10.
  • Horst-Oskar Swientek (arrangement): Inventory of Count v. Spee's archive in Ahausen. Münster 1968.
  • Martin Vormberg: Leases of electoral Cologne property and mills in the office of Bilstein in the years 1666–1670. In: South Westphalia Archive: State history in the former Electoral Cologne Duchy of Westphalia and the County of Arnsberg. 4th year 2004, pp. 137–152.
  • Flames cremated the farm. In: Westfalenpost. January 28, 1954.
  • Parish archive Rahrbach: The village of Fahlenscheid is 400 years old. In: Westfalenpost. March 13, 1993.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ City of Olpe: residents by district , accessed on May 21, 2020.
  2. Martin Bünermann: The communities of the first reorganization program in North Rhine-Westphalia . Deutscher Gemeindeverlag, Cologne 1970, DNB  456219528 , p. 90 .
  3. Authors: Dr. Bernd Greiten u. Dr. Dieter Greiten - A detailed, 200-page version, with duplicates of the original documents and contemporary witness reports, is in the holdings of the Olpe City Archives as a Greiten Chronicle / Fahlenscheid
  4. The courtyards in the village of Stöppel, northeast of Langenei, are also about 25 m lower.
  5. ^ Anton Hömberg and Theo Hundt: home chronicle of the district of Olpe . 2nd Edition. Cologne 1967.
  6. ^ Günther Becker: Origin and development of the rural settlements in the Olper urban area up to the 19th century . In: Josef Wermert (Ed.): Olpe - history of town and country . tape 1 . Olpe 2002, p. 90 .
  7. ^ Josef Pawelke and Anton Runte: Heimatbuch and Chronik von Rahrbach (Rahrbacher Heimatchronik) . Rahrbach 1969.
  8. Hartmut Engel u. a .: Our village Kruberg 1340–1990, contributions to the 650th anniversary . Kirchhundem-Kruberg 1990.
  9. Beate Schnüttgen: Chronicle of the village of Rehringhausen . Rehringhausen 2003.
  10. Nikolajszyk: Church Chronicle. 2005, p. 25.
  11. ^ Josef Pawelke and Anton Runte: Heimatbuch and Chronik von Rahrbach (Rahrbacher Heimatchronik) . Rahrbach 1969, p. 237/244 .
  12. ^ Manfred Sönnecken: racing fire in the Oberveischede area . In: HSO . tape 43 , 1961, pp. 186 ff .
  13. Manfred Sönnecken: New iron smelting furnace finds from the medieval forest smithy near Oberveischede . In: HSO . tape 50 , 1963, pp. 5 ff .
  14. Derks: Lüdenscheid. 2004, p. 125 f. Derks is referring to Robert Jahn here. In: Duisburger Forschungen, 2, (1959) pp. 277–282.
  15. ^ Heinrich Dittmaier: settlement names and settlement history of the Bergisches Land . Neustadt ad Aisch 1956, p. 74 .
  16. ^ Heinrich Dittmaier and Adolf Bach: Rheinische Flurnamen . Bonn 1963, p. 259 f .
  17. Dittmaier also prefers this interpretation, since it takes into account the separating character of the wooded ridge that applies here.
  18. Günther Becker: On topography and settlement history of the district of Olpe . In: HSO . tape 32 , 1958, pp. 1705 .
  19. ^ Rahrbach: Construction of the Dionysius parish church from 1250, Castrum Cutpracht 1340, Rehringhausen, which belongs to the -inghausen group, probably around 900.
  20. Günther Becker and Hans Mieles: Bilstein - land, castle and town . Lennestadt 1975, p. 45 .
  21. a b c d State Archives Münster, Duchy of Westphalia, No. 431, leases and protocols on the profit kfl. Goods, mills, customs duties, tithes in the offices of Bilstein, Waldenburg and Fredeburg, 1682–1713. No. 432.
  22. ^ Albert Hömberg: Settlement history of the upper Sauerland . Münster 1938, p. 28 .
  23. Münster Archives Office. Hs. Count v. Spee, Ahs.Ahs VI 14.
  24. ^ Albert Hömberg: The Bilstein office in 1555 . In: HSO . tape 8 , 1951, pp. 530-535 .
  25. Hartwig Walberg (Ed.): Treasury register of the 16th century for the Duchy of Westphalia. Part 2: The registers from 1543 . Münster 2000, p. 46 .
  26. Reinhard Oberschelp (Ed.): Estimation register of the 16th century for the Duchy of Westphalia. Part 1: The registers of 1536 and 1565 . Münster 1971, p. 204 .
  27. Alfred Bruns (arr.): The diaries of Kaspar von Fürstenberg. Part 1. Münster 1985. Capellenbuch Fahlenscheid. Rahrbacher Kirchenarchiv Volume 37, p. 77.
  28. ^ Theo Hundt: Grenzstein bei Fahlenscheid . In: HSO . tape 112 . Cologne 1978, p. 155 .
  29. The boundary stone is now owned by the Stinn family.
  30. Norbert Scheele: Today's Olpe District in 1596 . In: HSO . tape 5 , 1949, pp. 235-251 .
  31. The guilder was a gold-backed currency, the thaler a silver-backed currency.
  32. Günther Becker and Martin Vormberg: Kirchhundem: history of the office and the community . Kirchhundem 1994, p. 91 .
  33. Otto Höffer: List of the rye, barley and oat taxes delivered to the Bilstein House. In: HSO 231 (2008) p. 2; Archive Freiherr v. Fürstenberg, Herdringen, 1082.
  34. Nikolajczyk, p. 30.
  35. a b GA Kirchhundem
  36. Norbert Scheele: The Lippsche contrubution estimate of the old Bilstein approx. 1635 . In: HSO . tape 5 , 1950, pp. 303 ff .
  37. Otto Lukas: The Olper Land . In: Series of publications of the Olpe district . No. 9. Olpe 1941, p. 33 .
  38. Scheele, 1968 and Vormberg, 2004 also edit this protocol.
  39. Sommer: Presentation of the legal relationships. 1823, p. 150, f
  40. ^ Josef Pawelke and Anton Runte: Heimatbuch and Chronik von Rahrbach (Rahrbacher Heimatchronik) . Rahrbach 1969, p. 150 ff .
  41. ^ Friedrich Wilhelm Grimme: The Sauerland and its inhabitants . 3. Edition. Iserlohn 1905, p. 32 .
  42. StAM, Grand Duchy, VE, No. 5
  43. Manfred Schöne: The Duchy of Westphalia under Hesse-Darmstadt rule . In: Regional history publications for the Sauerland region of Cologne . 1966, p. 56 .
  44. The same: 1968, p. 136.
  45. Günther Becker and Martin Vormberg: Kirchhundem: history of the office and the community . Kirchhundem 1994, p. 115 .
  46. StAM, Grand Duchy of VE, no. 43
  47. a b StAM, No. 20–478, Rahrbach, Volume 1, Bl. 43
  48. StAM, No. 20-478, Rahrbach, Volume 1, Bl. 44
  49. StAM, No. 20-478, Rahrbach, Volume 1, Bl. 2
  50. KA Olpe, No. 2875.
  51. ^ Willy Rademacher: Agricultural order in the district of Olpe . In: Series of publications of the Olpe district . No. 17. Olpe 1991, p. 9 f .
  52. Albert Hömberg: The origin of the Jahnschaften of the Olpe district . In: G. Pöppinghaus (Ed.): The forest cooperatives of the Olpe district . 1960, p. 9-20 .
  53. ^ Olpe land registry office
  54. Alex Klutmann: The Haubergswirtschaft in the Olpe district . Jena 1905.
  55. ^ Parish archives St. Dionysius, Rahrbach, Welschen Ennest site, Volume 2
  56. ^ Josef Pawelke and Anton Runte: Heimatbuch and Chronik von Rahrbach (Rahrbacher Heimatchronik) . Rahrbach 1969, p. 239 .
  57. StAM, No. 20-478, Rahrbach, Volume 1, Bl. 31
  58. Conversion of the Bilsteiner measures into the metric system see Fröhling, 1973.
  59. ^ Josef Pawelke and Anton Runte: Heimatbuch and Chronik von Rahrbach (Rahrbacher Heimatchronik) . Rahrbach 1969, p. 155 .
  60. Ernst Henrichs (Red.): The protocol books of the former office of Kirchhundem, the associated communities and the former community Rahrbach. Volume 1: 1843-1869. Volume 2: 1870-1899. Volume 3: 1900-1924. Kirchhundem parish archive. Kirchundem, 1988–1990.
  61. State Archives Münster: Q 223, No. 1314–1317, holdings of the public prosecutor's office, Dortmund special court
  62. Extensive reports from contemporary witnesses in: The family history of the Greitens. Chronicle of a family on the Fahlenscheid. Self-published by the author, 2011.
  63. Field Marshal Model had relocated his headquarters to Rhode in March / April 1945.
  64. ^ GA Kirchhundem, R 793
  65. ^ GA Kirchhundem, R 650
  66. ^ WP, March 13, 1993: Dorf Fahlenscheid 400 years
  67. ^ Parish archives St. Dionysius, Rahrbach, location Welschen Ennest, volume 2, p. 66, serial number 12