Het Apeldoornsche Bosch

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Memorial in Prinsenpark (2010)

Het Apeldoornsche Bosch was a psychiatric clinic for Jewish patients in Dutch Apeldoorn , which was from 1909 to 1943. During the German occupation of the Netherlands in World War II were in January 1943 from here over 1200 people - to - patients and caregivers Auschwitz or other camps deported , where almost all during the Holocaust were murdered.

history

From the beginning until 1943

Box for collecting donations for the clinic, exhibited in the Joods Historisch Museum in Amsterdam
Information board about Achisomog on today's site

The psychiatric clinic Het Apeldoornsche Bosch went into operation on May 24, 1909; her Hebrew name was Mesjiev Nefesj . On the same site, the Achisomog pedagogy was opened in 1925 (= "to support my brother") for behavioral and mentally handicapped Jewish children. Both institutions belonged to the Centraal Israëlitische Krankzinnigengesticht (Central Israelitical Insane Asylum) , which was founded in 1898. The aim was to care for Jewish people with mental and spiritual illnesses in a Jewish environment. The facility consisted of a main building and pavilions and was gradually expanded with additional pavilions. The spacious 36 hectare site was in a wooded (bosch) area to the east outside the center of Apeldoorn; by the Apeldoornern it was called Jodenbosch .

The facility became the largest of its kind in the Netherlands and was considered modern and pioneering. The central concept was rust, orde en overzicht (calm, order and overview) . In contrast to other similar Dutch institutions, the patients who were able to do so could work in different workshops or in the kitchen; Art, music and sports were part of the program. There were also gardens for self-sufficiency. Due to the size of the area, the patients were able to move relatively freely; in addition, they could also get permission to leave the clinic premises. Scientific research was carried out in the facility and its own magazine de Boschblaadjes was published from 1930 to 1940 . There was a synagogue and a rabbi . In Apeldoorn itself, the Bigdee Jesja group was formed , which looked after patients and provided them with clothing and food. There was also a group of supporters for the Achisomog children .

At the opening there were 235 patients, 67 employees and two doctors; In 1921 the number of patients had risen to 542 and the number of employees to 144. From the 1930s onwards, a growing number of Jewish refugees from Germany came to the clinic, many of them without mental illness. In 1939 the facility officially had 762 patients, in fact over 900.

After the occupation of the Netherlands by the German Wehrmacht on May 10, 1940, numerous Jewish people went into hiding in Het Apeldoornsche Bosch , hoping to be safe from persecution there. In October 1941, 1549 people were registered in the institution, a total of 250 people more than the space provided. Since the clinic was a bit remote, apparently far from the political developments under German occupation and the beginnings of the persecution of Jews in the Netherlands , it enabled the residents to live an undisturbed life at first. As they themselves said, they believed that they were in the Jodenhemel (Jewish heaven).

In April 1942, by order of the German authorities, all non-Jewish employees, around a third of the staff, had to leave the facility, which increased the workload for the staff who stayed behind. To compensate for this, young Jewish girls from Amsterdam without any training were quickly hired.

Eviction and mass murder

Building A (2018)
House Hannah (2018)
Memorial at Pavilion G (2018)

From November 1942, the head of the clinic, Jacques Lobstein (1883–1945), was warned several times by Arie Audier, an NSB doctor from Assen , that Het Apeldoornsche Bosch should be cleared in order to use the building for other purposes, for example for the Wehrmacht , to use. Audier, who had state supervision of the psychiatric hospitals, received this information in the greatest secrecy from his superior, Senior Medical Officer Gero Reuter. Lobstein did not believe Audier and did not take any precautions, but his colleague Nico Speijer took the warning seriously and alerted the employees, so that many slightly ill and several employees left the clinic. In December 1942, the Reich Health Leader urged Leonardo Conti via telex the Reich Commissioner for the Netherlands Arthur Seyss-Inquart , "this Apeldoorn", which was previously occupied by Jews "freeing" so that it could be used as a military hospital for German soldiers. Copies of the telex were sent to SS and Police Leader "Northwest" Hanns Albin Rauter , Wilhelm Harster , Commander of the Security Police and the SD (BdS) in the Netherlands , and Friedrich Wimmer , General Commissioner for Administration and Justice.

According to a later statement by Wilhelm Harster, the SS-Obersturmbannführer in the Reich Main Security Office (RSHA) had given Adolf Eichmann the order for the action to himself through Wilhelm Zoepf , Jewish officer in The Hague and a former school friend of Harster, and he, Harster, had it forwarded to aus der Fünten on behalf of Rauters. At the Nederlandse Spoorwegen a “special train” was put together, which - allegedly at Eichmann's personal instruction - was not supposed to drive the Jewish people to the Westerbork transit camp , as is usually the case , but to take them directly to Auschwitz.

On January 11, 1943, Ferdinand came from the Fünten from the Central Office for Jewish Emigration in civilian clothes for an "inspection" at the Apeldoornsche Bosch . On that occasion, Lobstein gave him a map of the buildings and showed him around to convince him that the patients were well housed. This information ultimately made it easier for the Germans to evacuate.

On Wednesday, January 20th, Albert Konrad Gemmeker , commandant of the Westerbork camp, arrived at the clinic with 100 members of the Ordedienst , a group of Dutch and German Jews who were used as security forces in the camp (not to be confused with the resistance group Order service ). The camp doctor Fritz Spanier was there . Lobstein was told that the men were on their way to Amsterdam and would only stay overnight.

On the evening of that day Lobstein was informed by the responsible railway official at Apeldoorn station, Harmannus Kalkema, that a train with 40 wagons had arrived there. According to other information, the train should have consisted of 25 to 29 wagons, including six passenger cars, the rest freight cars. Lobstein had to recognize that he had previously "lived in an illusion" and now officially informed his employees. The men from the OD allowed other employees (approx. 175) and patients (approx. 80) to leave the institution during the night. The railway official Kalkema himself took two patients he knew away from the clinic. Head Nurse De Groot and his wife committed suicide .

On the night of Friday, January 22, 1943, Het Apeldoornsche Bosch was surrounded by members of the police . The last 80 Jews still living in Apeldoorn had previously been brought to the site. From the Fünten, accompanied by other SS men , the action started with the words: “I will take over the management of the institution.” In addition to Gemmeker and from the Fünten, other high-ranking Nazi functionaries were on site, including Zoepf. The patients, so from the Fünten, would be transferred to a hospital in Germany, the staff, however, should stay in the Netherlands. To the objection that not all people are transportable, he replied: "All patients are transportable for us". 20 employees volunteered to accompany them, 30 more were chosen by aus der Fünten. They were promised that upon their return they would get jobs in hospitals.

Leo de Wolff (1912–1945), member of the Joodse Raad , handed over the clinic's cash - 4821.18 ½ guilders - from the Fünten , of which he received 4610.83 guilders from the Scheinbank Lippmann, Rosenthal & Co Sarphatistraat , that is 200 guilders less. Historian Jacques Presser's comment : "The reader may now think what he wants." The doctors and senior nurses were locked in the dining room and the phone was switched off. Later a German soldier operated the switchboard. When worried people called to inquire about the whereabouts of their relatives, he is said to have told the callers: “He is in heaven. Flew up this morning. ”Meanwhile, around 1,000 people - including 869 adult patients and 94 children - were crammed into waiting trucks“ screaming like cattle ”. Quite a few patients were in straitjackets , others were only wearing their pajamas or were completely naked - it was January and the temperature was five degrees - many of them confused. Patients with their mattresses were squeezed into the already full car or other people were stacked on top of them and the doors were forcibly closed.

Arie Audier is said to have protested violently at Aus der Fünten, to which he replied that he should shut up, otherwise he would be deported. When the local doctor from Amsterdam, Arie Querido , tried to convince from Fünten that the children from Achisomog were not sick patients, he replied: “They are all anti-social , they have to go.” Among the patients was the patient of the same name Mentally handicapped cousin of Querido and son of the writer Israël Querido , who lived in the facility since the death of his father in 1932.

The people were driven in several trucks at high speed to the Apeldoorn train station and loaded into the waiting wagons with the trucks - it is now assumed that there are 1,069 deportees. Some patients fell on the rails between the platform and the train, others clung to the door frame, so that the "green men [the police] were anything but squeamish" to close the car doors. The nursing staff was housed separately in a locked car. Later Querido saw that the prepared provisions, luggage and medication had been left behind at the clinic.

The trip to Auschwitz, on which some patients died, took three days. A Dutch eyewitness at the destination later reported that it was "one of the most terrible transports from Holland" that he had seen. In confusion and panic, many of the mentally ill patients tried to break through barriers on arrival in Auschwitz and were shot on the spot. The Czech prisoner Rudolf Vrba also later reported on the arrival of the train: the young nurses ran around between the sick, had trouble standing on their feet from exhaustion, and yet took comforting care of the patients.

The rest of the people were immediately sent to the gas chambers ; there are (unconfirmed) reports that some were thrown into a pit, doused with gasoline while still alive, and set on fire. Doctors and orderlies were brought to a quarantine barracks in the camp; all were later murdered. The approximately 300 employees who remained in Apeldoorn and the Jews from Apeldoorn themselves were deported to Westerbork. They are said to have arrived at the camp singing, which reminded one of the prisoners there of the people during the French Revolution who were driven to the guillotine while singing . Only about ten of them survived the end of the war .

The head of the facility, Jacques Lobstein, had to watch the evacuation helplessly; an SS man hit him in the face with a belt. He himself was brought to Westerbork on February 1 and from there to the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp . He and his wife Alegonda died as occupants of the “ Lost Train ” in April / May 1945 in Tröbitz , Brandenburg , as did Leo de Wolff from the Joodse Raad . Lobstein's colleague Jonas Mendels (1909–1944) died in Auschwitz in January 1944.

The “deeply shocked” Arie Audier prepared a report on the “atrocities” in Apeldoorn and sent it to the State Secretary for Internal Affairs, Karel Johannes Frederiks . He complained to the General Commissioner for Administration and Justice, Friedrich Wimmer, not about the deportation itself, but about the brutal approach, which “will undoubtedly arouse deep emotion and anger in broad sections of the population, especially since it was something good Would have been avoided ”. Underground newspapers such as De Waarheid and Vrij Nederland reported on the events in Apeldoorn. In Vrij Nederland, for example , it was stated that many patients had died before the train had reached the border with Germany.

After the evacuation, the hospital complex was looted by the SS in less than an hour. Since the building was to be used for other purposes in the future, 200 men from the OD were then brought from Westerbork to clean up, but they also stole the existing equipment or destroyed it senselessly. The damage to the inventory was estimated at 675,000 guilders after the war. One member of this “flying column” wrote in his diary: “Everyone has gone completely crazy. People who normally don't take what doesn't belong to them stuff everything in their pockets. "The orderly people learned about the incidents of the previous day, and the diary writer noted:" A Marechaussee told me about the night of the cruelty today. I cannot reproduce this here. You can hardly believe it. "

In the following months, all Jewish orphanages, clinics, sanatoriums and retirement homes in the Netherlands were "evacuated" and the people living there were deported to Westerbork and from there to extermination camps, regardless of "how sick or old the patients [...] or how young the children were ”.

Execution of resistors

Memorial to members of the Narda group and two Allied pilots executed with them

On October 2, 1944, eight men were executed by the Germans on the site: six of them belonged to the resistance group Vrije groep Narda , which had hidden people and Allied soldiers in hiding and had been betrayed to the Germans by a member. Two other victims were Allied pilots. The young leader of the group, Narda van Terwisga (1919–1997), and another woman, Juliana Bitter, were deported. Bitter died on January 6, 1945 in Ravensbrück , Narda van Terwisga survived the end of the war. She became mentally ill and suffered from the consequences of being held in the camp for the rest of her life. She died in Apeldoorn in 1997.

The area after the war

The buildings of Het Apeldoornsche Bosch were used after the war by the Canadian armed forces , which had played a major role in the liberation of the northern Netherlands. In 1946 the Achisomog pedagogy was reopened by Philip Fulzeit ; In 1966 it opened in the Sinai Center in Amersfoort . In 1947 and 1948 the clinic building served as a reception camp for 500 orphaned Jewish children from Romania . At that time, the decor was as kibbutz designed Ilianiah called in the Hebrew was spoken. After the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948, the children were transferred there.

Since the area of Het Apeldoornsche Bosch was too big for the rest of the Jewish population in the Netherlands, it was sold and reopened as a Christian center for people with intellectual disabilities under the name Groot Schuylenburg .

Survivors

Nico Speijer, a psychiatrist who works in Het Apeldoornsche Bosch , was freed from Westerbork in 1945 together with his wife Renée. He appeared in 1947 as a witness in the trial of Ferdinand from the Fünten; the representation of the events during the evacuation is also based on his descriptions. From 1965 to 1973 he was a professor at the University of Leiden and studied suicide for many years . It caused a stir in the Netherlands when he and his wife committed suicide in 1981 because they were diagnosed with cancer. One of his colleagues suggested that his wife died with him because the bond between the spouses had been particularly close due to their experiences in the war and camp.

Arie Querido (1901–1983), son of the publisher Emanuel Querido , survived because he was married to a non-Jewish woman and was therefore not deported. From 1949 he was director of the Amsterdam health department, from 1952 professor of social medicine at the Universiteit van Amsterdam . He published numerous books and founded the Querido Foundation (today HvO Querido ) for the care of mentally ill people. From 1958 to 1971 he was a member of parliament in the First Chamber .

Because of his membership in the NSB, Arie Audier (1903–1973) was imprisoned from April 18 to August 2, 1945 and then under house arrest until January 22, 1946. As is customary in similar cases, he was not declared to have lost his civil rights. He later became head of cancer research at the University of Leiden, where, among other things, he dealt with the cancer therapy of the controversial doctor Josef Issels .

At the beginning of April 2020, 98-year-old Sal van Son died as the last surviving employee of Het Apeldoornsche Bosch . He worked as a house servant in the clinic. Shortly before the patients were being transported away, his father asked him to leave the clinic because he heard about the train in the station. Sal van Son was reluctant to follow this invitation because he had the feeling that he was leaving other people in the lurch. He then went underground for two years and survived the end of the war; many members of his family were murdered. As a contemporary witness, Sal van Son provided information well into old age; his reports are kept in the Coda , the Apeldoorner Kulturhaus.

Perpetrator

Gemmeker (left) and from the Fünten, photo by Rudolf Breslauer (1942)

Hanns Albin Rauter was executed for war crimes in the Netherlands in 1949 , Arthur Seyß-Inquart in Nuremberg in 1946 , and Adolf Eichmann in Israel in 1962. Ferdinand from Fünten was also sentenced to death in the Netherlands, which was later commuted to life imprisonment. He was imprisoned as one of the four from Breda until 1989 and died shortly after his release.

Wilhelm Harster (1904–1991) was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment in the Netherlands in 1949, released after serving half the sentence and deported to Germany. Harster had denied knowing that the Jews were being deported to be killed. After his release, Harster was hired as a civil servant in Bavaria and reached the rank of senior government councilor. In 1968 he was tried again in Munich, together with Wilhelm Zoepf (1908–1980) and Gertrud Slottke (1902–1971), Zoepf 's former secretary, and sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment, but was released after two years , because the prison already served in the Netherlands was taken into account. In the course of the investigation into this process, he admitted that he was aware that the deportations "meant a journey to their death for the Jews". Zoepf was sentenced to nine years, Slottke to five years. An employee of the Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie (RIOD) suggested that Harster would have been sentenced to death in the Netherlands if all the facts had been known in 1949.

Albert Konrad Gemmeker (1907–1982) was sentenced to ten years imprisonment in the Netherlands and released after two years.

Commemoration

There are twelve memorial sites on the current Groot Schuylenburg site, and street names in the area such as Lobsteinlaan , Achisomoglaan or Hannahlaan have been commemorating the Jewish victims from the clinic since 2009 . On April 23, 1990, a memorial by the sculptor Ralph Prins in memory of the crime in Apeldoornsche Bosch was unveiled by Princess Juliana in Prinsenpark an der Frisolaan in Apeldoorn. The memorial is shaped like a curved memorial wall, with a yellow star of David in the middle. It is flanked by two panels with the names and dates of the 1276 dead. Since there were no lists of the deported people, 1258 names could not be announced until 2013 after long research. This plaque was unveiled on January 22, 2014, and 18 more names were added in July 2017.

literature

  • Frits Boterman: Duitse Daders. De Jodenvervolging en de Nazificatie van Nederland (1940-1945) . De Arbeiderspers, Amster / Antwerp 2015, ISBN 978-90-295-0486-7 .
  • Harald Fühner: Follow-up. Dutch politics and the persecution of collaborators and Nazi criminals, 1945–1989 . Waxmann, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8309-1464-4 .
  • Jan Heerze / Jelle Reitsma: Apeldoorn '40 -'45. Het verhaal achter de Apeldoornse oorlogsmonumenten . Apeldoorn 2006, ISBN 978-90-807241-5-0 .
  • Loe de Jong : Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog . tape 6 , no. 1 . Martinus Nijhoff, 's-Gravenhage 1975, p. 319 f . ( knaw.nl [PDF]).
  • Hanneke Oosterhof: Het Apeldoornsche Bosch. Joodse Psychiatric inrichting 1909–1943 . Heerlen 1989.
  • LP van Oppen: Apeldoorn Monuments . Apeldoorn 1990.
  • Jacques Presser : Ondergang. De Vervolging en Verdelging van has Nederlandse Jodendom 1940-1945 . tape 1 . Staatsuitgeverij Martinus Nijhoff, 's-Gravenhage, p. 321-333 .
  • Christian Ritz: Desk offender in court. The proceedings before the Munich Regional Court for the deportation of Dutch Jews (1959–1967) . Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn 2012, ISBN 978-3-506-77418-7 .
  • Christel Tijenk / Dirk Mulder: De ontruiming van Het Apeldoornsche Bosch, 20 - 21 January 1943 . NIOD Instituut voor Oorlogs-, Holocaust- en Genocidestudies, 2014, ISBN 978-90-72486-52-3 .
  • Sandra Ziegler: Memory and Identity of the Concentration Camp Experience. Dutch and German eyewitness accounts of the Holocaust . Königshausen & Neumann, 2006, ISBN 978-3-8260-3084-0 .

Web links

Commons : Het Apeldoornsche Bosch  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

References and comments

  1. ↑ Het Sinai Centrum en de Stichting Nationaal Monument Kamp Amersfoort. Nauw verbonden buren. (PDF file) www.kampamersfoort.nl. Retrieved June 14, 2016.
  2. ↑ Apeldoorn - Joods Cultureel Kwartier. In: jck.nl. January 25, 2006, accessed April 30, 2018 .
  3. ↑ a b Tijenk / Mulder, De ontruiming van Het Apeldoornsche Bosch , p. 7.
  4. ↑ a b c Apeldoorn, monument 'Het Apeldoornsche Bosch'. In: 4en5mei.nl. September 4, 2017, accessed April 22, 2018 (Dutch).
  5. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k het apeldoornsche bosch. In: joodsamsterdam.nl. Retrieved April 29, 2018 (Dutch).
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  32. ↑ a b Ziegler; Memory and Identity of the Concentration Camp Experience , p. 139.
  33. ↑ Ziegler; Memory and Identity of the Concentration Camp Experience , p. 358.
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  35. ↑ According to Loe de Jong ( Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog , p. 313) Audier is also said to have helped inmates of the Westerbork camp escape. According to his own later statements, he only became a member of the NSB in 1940 in order to get a certain post, not out of political conviction.
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  43. ↑ de Jong, Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden , p. 325.
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  48. ↑ Boterman, Duitse Daders , S. 135th
  49. ↑ 2 October 1944. In: apeldoorn4045.nl. September 30, 1944, accessed June 13, 2018 .
  50. ↑ Nico & Renée Speijer. In: bevrijdingsportretten.nl Bevrijdingsportretten. September 29, 1981, Retrieved May 21, 2018 (Dutch).
  51. ↑ RF Diekstra: The significance of Nico Speijer's suicide: how and when shoulderstand suicide be Prevented? In: Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior. Volume 16, Number 1, 1986, pp. 13-15, PMID 3961877 .
  52. ^ Western and Northern Europe June 1942–1945 . In: Katja Happe, Barbara Lambauer, Clemens Maier-Wolthausen (eds.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany . tape 12 . Walter de Gruyter, ISBN 978-3-11-039888-5 , pp. 331 . ( limited preview in Google Book search).
  53. ↑ Dr. A. (Aria) Querido. In: parlement.com. Retrieved May 20, 2018 (Dutch).
  54. ^ Sal van Son overleden. In: coda-apeldoorn.nl. Retrieved April 5, 2020 .
  55. ^ Jeroen Pol: Sal van Son, laatste getuige oorlogsdrama Apeldoornsche Bosch, overleden. In: destentor.nl. April 5, 2020, accessed April 5, 2020 (Dutch).
  56. ↑ a b Dick de Mildt / Joggli Meihuizen: “Our country must have sunk deeply”. The trial of German war criminals in the Netherlands . In: Norbert Frei (ed.): Transnational politics of the past. How to deal with German war criminals in Europe after the Second World War . Wallstein, Göttingen 2006, p. 303 ff .
  57. ↑ Früher, Nachspiel , p. 220 f.
  58. ↑ Frühner, stoppage , S. 221st
  59. ↑ Frühner, stoppage , p.222 f.

Coordinates: 52 ° 12 ′ 25.9 ″  N , 6 ° 0 ′ 19.7 ″  E

This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on July 15, 2019 .