Boarding school Kristinehov

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The Kristinehov boarding school was a country school founded in 1934 in Västraby in southern Sweden. The boarding school was an institution for Jewish children and young people from Germany , who were to be given the chance to continue and finish their schooling that was no longer possible in Germany. In the course of its existence, the preparation for emigration to Palestine became increasingly important. Kristinehov is one of the twenty schools in exile first researched by Hildegard Feidel-Mertz .

Västraby (Sweden)
Västraby
Localization of Sweden in Europe
Location of Västraby in southern Sweden (Skåne, Götaland)

The causes of starting a school

The background and necessities that led to the establishment of this school abroad are described by Hans Friedenthal , from 1936 executive chairman of the Zionist Association for Germany :

“I was then the chairman of the Zionist Association for Germany, and many turned to me for advice and help. The situation of the children was particularly difficult. Displaced from the schools, they could not find enough Jewish schools to accept, and if there were any, they were very poor due to a lack of teachers and suitable accommodation. This particularly affected the children up to 15 years of age, because the older ones were able to emigrate to Palestine with the Youth Aliyah. At that time, a number of Jewish educators, mostly non-Zionists, founded boarding schools in countries bordering Germany. "

Two of these educators who campaigned for the marginalized Jewish children and young people in Germany were the married couple Ludwig and Charlotte (Yael) Posener. They founded Kristinehov boarding school in southern Sweden in 1934 .

The founders of the Kristinehov boarding school

Ludwig Posener (born February 20, 1902 in Berlin - † August 1978 in Zurich , buried in Jerusalem) is the son of Moritz Moses Posener and his wife Gertrud, née Oppenheim. His brother is the architect and architectural historian Julius Posener . Both come from upper middle-class parents and spent their youth in a villa in Berlin-Lichterfelde . Julius Posener's memories “make it clear that the Oppenheim-Posener family in Lichterfelde was isolated and only socialized with one another. Their beautiful country houses were like castles. At school, their children were made to painfully feel their Jewishness. Posener's father expressly asked his sons to physically fend off any anti-Semitic insult. When the First World War broke out in 1914, the Poseners tried to compete with the other families of Lichterfeld in patriotic deeds. ”After the First World War, in which the eldest of the three Posen brothers, Karl, had participated as a volunteer, apparently loosened up within the Family, the German-national sentiment, and Ludwig Posener in particular was enthusiastic about Zionism and “had joined the Zionist Wanderbund Blau-Weiß in view of anti-Semitic experiences, which led to serious conflicts with the father Posener, who failed his upbringing and his own Germanism Zionism at risk. "

Ludwig Posener studied mathematics and physics in Berlin and received his doctorate. In 1930 he married Charlotte Neumann (born April 16, 1910 in Berlin - † 1990). Their parents were the lawyer Heinrich Neumann, born in Meiningen in 1876, and his wife Lilly (née Spiro), born in Prague in 1884 . The two committed suicide in Prague in 1941 for fear of deportation.

Charlotte Posener had also studied in Berlin and was awarded a Dr. phil. PhD. In 1934 the couple emigrated to Sweden and founded the Kristinehov boarding school . However, they only managed it until 1937, since they were given the opportunity to travel to Palestine in 1938, together with their two children Yochanan Peres (* 1931) and Ruth Oltolenghi (* 1935). Ludwig Posener, who had added Nachman to his name, was first director of the high school in Rechovot in Palestine and later professor at the University of Tel Aviv . Charlotte Posener, who added Yael to her name, worked 1938-39 as a high school teacher in Jerusalem and from 1940 to 1952 as an inspector for the youth Alíyah . In 1952 she was delegated by the Israeli Foreign Ministry to the Prime Minister's office, where she worked until 1964. From 1964 to 1973 she was responsible for construction, became deputy director in 1973 and director of the school administration department in the Ministry of Education and Culture in 1976. In 1977 she retired and chaired the Board of Directors of the Organization for the Development of Israeli Community Centers.

Between rural education home and "retraining"

Formation requirements

The political boundary conditions in Sweden, under which the school was founded, is outlined by Pontus Rudberg:

“Until 1939, looking after and supporting refugees was the sole responsibility of the organization or person who had given the authorities the guarantees for the refugees. [..] Jewish refugees were seen primarily as the responsibility of the small Jewish communities in Sweden. In 1933 there were about 7,000 Jews in Sweden, 4,000 of whom lived in Stockholm. Since membership in a religious community was compulsory under Swedish law, all Jews with Swedish citizenship belonged to one of the official Jewish communities. All large communities set up their own aid committees to collect and distribute donations for Jewish victims of Nazi persecution.
Despite Sweden's restrictive immigration policy, local Jewish officials managed to negotiate some concessions. The first was an emigration quota, which allowed young Jews who completed their agricultural retraining on Swedish farms to be granted temporary residence permits. The program was run by the Zionist Hechalutz movement and gave the youngsters the work experience they needed to obtain immigration certificates to Palestine. The second was a similar quota for German-Jewish schoolchildren attending the Landschulheim Kristinehov boarding school. Under the direction of the German-Jewish couple Ludwig and Charlotte Posener, 13 Jews were employed in the school, who had fled Germany with 170 pupils. "

Kristinehov was both a school camp and a Hachshara -Stätte as Edith Friedenthal reported in early 1936: "An attached boarding a group of interns who Hachsharah on the best and make the home, enrich the life of the school and the Schoolchildren are a role model. ”If Feidel-Mertz writes that the Kristinehov boarding school “ had 'transmigration' in mind from the outset, that is, transit and targeted immigration to Palestine ”, then this probably applies more to the Hachshara participants than to the normal boarding school students. Feidel-Mertz relativizes her transmigration thesis related to Kristinehov only a few sentences after the previous quote. With reference to unspecified student assessments, she writes: "According to the judgment of former students who attended school up to 1941, Kristinehov is said to have been a regular country education home before Kristallnacht and only then was consciously geared towards immigration to Palestine."

The Poznan era

The Swedish authorities assigned Kristinehov its own residence quota for the boarding school, which was independent of that of the transmigration group and allowed 60 pupils to be taught in Kristinehov . Through this quota, the Poseners received permission to open a boarding school “for children between 12 and 16 years of age. The children were taught both theoretical and manual subjects, usually for 2-3 years, with an upper limit of three years. After completing their education, the children were expected to emigrate to Palestine or other countries. "

The school officially opened on May 1, 1934 with 24 students and 10 teachers. "The boarding school - a castle-like mansion, surrounded by a large park and forests - looks out over the scenic Ringsee, is next to one of the largest estates in southern Sweden, far from the big city." The financing should come from the parents and through a one-off support for the school will be equipped by a "Relief Committee" in Stockholm. However, this funding concept soon became obsolete: "Since the German authorities stopped the transfer of funds from Germany only a few months later, the school was increasingly dependent on subsidies from the Jewish communities in Sweden." However, this did not stop them from supporting particularly needy pupils. In 1936, for example, the Stockholm Relief Committee expressly approved support for 5 children in order to secure their stay in Kristinehov . "The children were chosen by the Poseners themselves, but they had to come from poor families, meaning that they were children whose parents were unable to pay for their school stay."

For the Posener couple, it was important from the outset to give the children who were excluded from school in Germany a new school perspective. “The children received lessons in general subjects, but also in Hebrew and handicrafts. [..] The initiative of the Poznan was aimed at giving children who were excluded from the German school system the opportunity to continue their education abroad. ”At the time,“ continuing an education abroad ”did not automatically mean one Focus on Palestine , as the USA or England were often the preferred countries of emigration for many German Jews. On the other hand, the Poseners were also Zionists , as their friend Hans Friedenthal confirmed. It is therefore not surprising that the Hebrew language and manual skills were important components of everyday school life. Edith Friedenthal also wrote about the fact that the children in Kristinehov would lead a life "in conscious preparation for the future Palestinian everyday life" and in her article emphasized above all the celebration of the Jewish festivals and the ritually run household.

Feidel-Mertz attested that the school worked according to reform pedagogical principles, and Hans Friedenthal's memories of Kristinehov also refer to a free and open atmosphere :

“Finally there was a place in a friendly country under the direction of real teachers, where the children not only learned, but also received mental care. Sports, games and excursions completed the school program. In short, it was like a light in the dark. Of course, I also sent my children there.
What Ludwig Posener achieved there was amazing. His profound knowledge, his never-ending humor and his great musicality helped him with the hard work. In his Erau he had an adequate helper. Whenever my wife and I were there to visit our children, we returned comforted. So the years passed before the two Poseners and we went to Erez Israel. "

In 1937 Kristinehov took part in a holiday campaign for Jewish children from Germany, which was initiated by the Reich Representation of German Jews . Around 100 children were able to spend their holidays in Sweden thanks to Swedish relief committees, 60 of them in Kristinehov .

Turning to Jugendaliya

The year 1937 brought a decisive change for the school itself. The Poseners dropped out, and that led to a division of the school management: The “academic” school management took over “Dr. Ernest M. Wolf , while the 'Christian' wife of a Jewish teacher, Berthold Levi, was responsible for the administration ”. During this time the original character of the school must have gradually changed. The Kristallnacht as an external occasion for this has already been mentioned. As a result, Sweden - analogous to the Kindertransporte to England - agreed to accept a contingent of initially 60 and later 500 Jewish children from Germany, for which, however, Jewish donors and the Jewish communities in Sweden had to vouch. Eva Warburg , a daughter of Anna Warburg , tried to organize a trip to Palestine for some of these children as part of the Youth Aliyah . In this political context, the focus of school activities evidently shifted and was “consciously geared towards immigration to Palestine [..]. The school was also a center for the linguistic and intellectual training of Chaluzim , young Zionists who learned agriculture from Swedish farmers in the area. ”This apparently followed a similar concept to the agricultural school affiliated with the Quaker School Eerde . In the lesson, which was originally intended to lead from elementary school to secondary school , and which was now increasingly based on the concepts of hachshara and redeployment , “New Hebrew and Jewish history took on a central role under the changed conditions. The training in the skills required for a new life in Palestine, such as carpentry and, above all, horticulture, also served for self-sufficiency. Nevertheless, the life pattern in Kristinhov must have been extremely sparse. The little car the school had was called "The Hope". "

Move to Osby

In 1940/41 Manfred Moritz was the headmaster and the school moved to Osby . “The school had developed more and more into a 'waiting room'. The children came and went in batches, some to countries other than Palestine. Some stayed in Sweden, as did some of the teachers who themselves did not manage to immigrate to Palestine, for which they raised the children. [...] The resulting fluctuation must have brought considerable discontinuity and unrest into school life. In addition, there was an equally frequent change of teachers with different qualifications, including those who weren't actually teachers by profession, but were good teachers nonetheless. ”But the school had long been in a state of upheaval and its closure in its previous form could no longer be prevented. “When the school was finally closed in October 1940 due to financial difficulties, the remaining 35 students were moved to another children's home in Ebbarp, also in Skåne . According to a report by the relief committee, there were about ten refugee teachers at the time, and those who couldn't find new jobs, according to the report, would of course receive support from the relief committee. "

Back training in Judaism

After 1941 Heinz and Ruth Säbel took over Kristinehov , but that was no longer the previous school. Instead, it was converted into a “children's home for the 're-education of Jewish children scattered all over Sweden into Judaism'.” The Säbels were then headed by the Swedish state founded boarding schools for children and young people from the concentration camps. Nothing is known about the end or the further changed continuation of Kristinehov , but what remains of her is summarized by Rudberg: “In total, the Kristinehov quota helped 175 children to escape Nazi Germany, at least for the duration of their stay. 145 pupils left Sweden before the school was closed in 1940. ”However: Around 70 pupils had also returned to Germany by November 1938, allegedly to continue their schooling there, but in fact because it was agreed between the Swedish authorities and Jewish organizations Had exceeded the age limit or length of stay. It was the decision of the Jewish organizations not to allow them a further stay in Sweden via the Hechaluz quota, because “the crediting of the young people to the Hechaluz quota did not correspond to their opinion, because if quota places were given to young people already living in Sweden , these young people would block the chances of young people who were still waiting in Germany for their chance to complete their agricultural training in Sweden. ”In other words: those young people who had not decided to emigrate to Palestine at an early stage followed suit Sent back to Germany to make way for those who had clearly decided to emigrate to Palestine. After the school closed, however, the quota granted to it for 60 students did not lapse: “The Kristinehov quota was later merged with another child quota, so that all places in the quota could be used by other Jewish children.” The return to Germany This was no longer of any use to forced young people.

On the background of the closure of the Kristinhov boarding school , Rudberg goes into more detail elsewhere. On the one hand, the decisive factor were financial reasons, but there was also discussion about the "special quota" of 60 places, which the Swedish authorities did not question. In addition, there were disputes between two directors of the school, which Rudberg did not discuss, but which led to the Stockholm Jewish Congregation in early 1940 deciding that “one of them, Dr. Wolff, should leave his position ". This Dr. Wolff was Ernest M. Wolf , who - see above - was responsible for the academic (that is probably the educational) school management since 1937, while the wife of a colleague was responsible for the administrative tasks. But that didn't bring any security for the school either, the necessity of which was expressly reiterated by the Relief Committee on May 6, 1940. “During the month, however, it was finally decided that the school would have to be closed due to the unsustainable financial situation. The lease for Kristinehov was terminated on July 1st. As already mentioned, the 60 places on Kristinehov's quota have been added to the general child quota. "

Aliyah instead of boarding school

As already mentioned, around 1940 Eva Warburg made great efforts to enable children and young people to immigrate to Palestine. A large number of these children and young people “ were housed in a home initiated by Eva Warburg near the city of Falun . Most of them worked there for the farmers in the area. However, they lived and learned together in the home, which made it resemble a kibbutz. ”Eva Warburg received certificates from the Jewish Agency for Israel for entry to Palestine for 95 of them . "The certificates are intended for children who are housed in Hälsinggården, Tjörnarp, Kristinehov and in private families and who have come to Sweden through the Children's Aid Department to prepare for emigration to Palestine."

But the outbreak of World War II had far-reaching consequences for emigration from Sweden. Communication and travel routes were drastically restricted and caused high costs, because in fact “only the very arduous and also very expensive land route via the Soviet Union” was open, and the necessary funds from Jewish networks in Western Europe or the USA were available after the German campaign in the west can no longer be transferred.

Eva Warburg tried to overcome this dilemma by appealing for donations to the Jewish community in Stockholm. But their financial strength had long been overstretched; she also supported the Kristinehov boarding school . This boarding school in particular played a large role in Warburg's argument. In addition to the dissolution of some of the other institutions mentioned in the letter quoted above and the costs saved as a result of emigration, it was also able to calculate for the Jewish community that Kristinehov's students who wanted to emigrate would contribute to a significant financial relief in the running costs. With this offsetting - saved accommodation costs in Sweden versus travel costs for the transfer to Palestine - Eva Warburg could convince. At the same time, however, she was buying a piece of land in the vicinity of Kristinehov in order to set up a branch of the Jugendalija there.

The largely resolved financing problems for emigration, however, were no guarantee of its success. There were visa problems with many transit countries and “the Turkish government in particular seemed hesitant. In Ankara they insisted on written guarantees that all other countries had issued transit visas. ”Syria and Turkey blocked each other because each made its visas dependent on the other. This is the sobering conclusion:

“The source itself does not tell us whether the children really got to Palestine. In the records of the Stockholm Jewish community and its auxiliary committee there are no reports of such a large number of children and young people leaving the country after October 1941, and Hälsinggården was not dissolved. On the contrary, the kibbutz grew even further when the Chalutzim from Denmark came to Sweden in October 1943. However, National Socialist Germany did not conquer Sweden, as initially feared. It is to be hoped that after the liberation of Europe in 1945 some managed to emigrate to Palestine after all. "

Personnel

Teachers at Kristinehov boarding school

The two founders, Ludwig and Charlotte Posener, have already been described in detail above. Who else worked there when and for how long is hardly documented. Rudberg gives no information about the "13 Jews who thus had managed to escape Germany along with 170 pupils" and also leaves open whether the Posener couple is already included in the number 13. Feidel-Mertz, on the other hand, refers, as already quoted above, to the frequent changes of teachers with different qualifications, including those who were not actually teachers by profession but were good teachers, but she mentions just two names in this context: Rudi Bruch and Gisela Tuteur. In addition, she merely refers to a “book with 'memories' of former teachers and students [which] was created after the death of Ludwig Posener in Israel in 1979 on the initiative of Yael Posener and Elisabeth Stern-Dan”, but over this book does not provide any further information either from her or from other sources.

  • Gisela Tuteur: Feidel-Mertz only mentions her as the 'director' of an apparently happily managed performance of the 'Midsummer Night's Dream' as the 'highlight' of a Jewish festival. More information about them cannot be found on the Internet either.
  • Rudi Bruch: He is introduced in the already short text about Kristinehov as a horticultural teacher and singing genius . In a biographical appendix, which is not referred to in the text itself, the adventurous fate of Rudi Bruch, who later called himself Rudi Brook in the USA, is revealed. Rudi Bruch, as a lawyer, was responsible for school administration at the Caputh Jewish Children's and Rural School. From there he went to Kristinehov with his wife, Eva Bruch , where he worked as a horticultural teacher. In 1938 Rudi and Eva Bruch emigrated to the USA. Rudi Bruch first worked as a gardener in Los Angeles and then went into business for himself.
  • Eva Bruch: Eva Bruch was a gymnastics and drawing teacher in Caputh and later in Kristinehov . She had attended the arts and crafts school in Magdeburg, a branch of the Bauhaus in Dessau, for five semesters. She completed her training as a gymnastics teacher in Berlin. She then worked in the by Gertrud holiday , the later founder of the Jewish Landschulheim Caputh led children's home on Norderney and then in Caputh yourself.
    Eva fraction had also completed two kindergarten teachers seminars: one in the Jewish community, the second at Nelly Wolffheim , a friend by Anna Freud . In 1937 she emigrated to Sweden with her husband.
  • Berthold Levi, Jewish teacher, and his 'Christian' wife. There are few references to them from Anne E Dünzelmann: “The teaching staff also included the future teacher Berthold Levy (Levi) from Essen. As a trainee lawyer there, he had to study again in Sweden. To do this, he could have stayed in Stockholm, where he was a member of the local teachers' community founded by emigrants and, in 1944, of the Free German Cultural Association . Although he was close to Hechaluz , he did not emigrate to Palestine, rather he married a Christian and lived with his family in southern Sweden. ”
    In 2001 the former Essen comprehensive school, previously Humboldt-Gymnasium, was opened in honor of Frida Levy in Frida- Renamed     Levy Comprehensive School. Berthold Levi was the son of Frida Levy and “was a trainee lawyer at the Humboldt School, which at that time still stood next to the Old Synagogue, before he emigrated to Sweden. Shortly after the synagogue burned down, Berthold and his brother Robert were taken into ' protective custody '. They later emigrated. ”
    In May 1939, Berthold Levi's sister Hanna, who had meanwhile been married to Walter Herz, who was in prison for political activities against the Nazis, fled to her brother in Sweden. From there she tried to get her mother and husband out of Germany. Both failed. Frida Levy was deported from Berlin to Riga on January 25, 1942, and died there. On October 7, 1942, Walter Herz was transferred from Dachau as part of Aktion 14f13 to the Hartheim killing center near Linz , where he was murdered in the gas chamber.
  • Heinz and Ruth Säbel: Apart from what has already been said about them, little is known. Nothing about Ruth Säbel, and little about Heinz Säbel (* 1912 - † 1986). Like Hedy Wolf , he lived in Laupheim , where a large Jewish community existed. Heinz Säbel did not grow up there, but worked in Laupheim as a teacher at the Israelite elementary school.
    On May 30, 1937, Heinz Säbel gave a lecture on the Hundred Years of Laupheim Synagogue . He witnessed their destruction on November 9, 1938 , before he was arrested shortly afterwards that morning. “After the so-called 'Kristallnacht', the last Jewish teacher, Heinz Säbel [..], was arrested and ordered around the Laupheimer Schranne for hours with 15 other men. They were then deported to Dachau concentration camp . More than four weeks later, Heinz Säbel returned to Laupheim with the first of these victims. [..] The story of Jewish children and their school in Laupheim ends at the beginning of 1939. The young teacher encouraged those who were hesitant and fearful to leave the life-threatening country. His students still report today that he acted on their parents with great persuasiveness. A former student found a teaching position for Heinz Säbel at a boarding school in southern Sweden. The 26 year old was able to save his life there on February 28, 1939. The circumstances border on a miracle. He was one of the last Jewish people from Laupheim to be able to leave the country. Beth ha-Sefer, the “House of the Book”, the Jewish school in Laupheim, has not existed since then. “It is not known whether the aforementioned former student who referred him to Kristinehov was Hedy Wolf . Heinz Säbel took the key to the destroyed Laupheim synagogue with him when he emigrated to Sweden.
  • Manfred Moritz
  • Ernest M. and Hedy Wolf
  • Kurt Lewin (Kurt Levin): He was not a teacher in Kristinehov , but a carer for young people during the holidays. “In 1937 and 1938 Kurt Lewin spent three weeks each summer vacation in a children's camp in Kristinehov, Västraby. As a volunteer helper for the youth care department of the Jewish community in Berlin, the almost 20-year-old cared for a group of eight to twelve year olds. ”
    The context in which Lewin remembers the two stays in Kristinehov is his final escape to Sweden, the Bessel sketched as follows: “'The violist - The extraordinary escape of Kurt Lewin' describes perhaps the most unusual escape from the Nazis. [..] A German Jew saved himself Christmas 1942 at minus 20 degrees in a freight wagon from Berlin to Malmö. [..] Kurt Lewin was buried in Uppsala on New Year's Day 2009, 66 years to the day after his arrival in Sweden. This was preceded by a spectacular escape from Nazi Germany in a railway car loaded with French veneer from Berlin to Sweden. In one of the harshest winters of the last century, which the 6th Army suffered in Stalingrad on Christmas Eve 1942, Lewin lay down in a freight wagon with his friend Joachim Markuse and his wife Gerda at minus 20 degrees. On their trip to Sassnitz, the three not only have to survive a physical ordeal, they also review their entire lives in Germany so far. At the same time, the Swedish Nazis are working feverishly on lists of the “Jews who have not yet been hanged” in their own country, while the governments in Stockholm and Berlin are negotiating further supplies of raw materials, loans and military aid. Lewin will later become a true star of chamber music and will travel around the globe with the legendary 'Kyndelquartett'. ”
    Further references to Kurt Lewin are very rare. Im Kyndelquartett he played the viola from 1952 to 1969, and he was temporarily also head of a chamber orchestra in Uppsala. Lewin was also a professor in Uppsala, he is mentioned in Yad Vashem in the story about Sigurd Larsen, who was the organizer of the above-mentioned escape and was honored as Righteous Among the Nations for it. According to Bessel, Lewin escaped the Jewish collaborator Stella Goldschlag by showing her a Danish passport and speaking with the same accent.
  • Eva Warburg : Like Kurt Lewin, she was not a teacher in Kristinehov and the school, as shown above, was only indirectly connected. But she played an important role in helping Jewish children and their escape to Sweden, where they could be accommodated partly in Kristinehov , but also in many other institutions. In July 1940 she planned to set up a branch of the Youth Aliyah in the neighborhood of Kristinehov .

Students of Kristinehov

Even less is known about the school's students than about the teaching staff. As a rule, they were heralds of their parents, already brought to safety in view of further emigration. In many cases, however, they did not have the prospect of reunification with their parents in a country of exile, but of emigrating to Palestine separately from their parents - without any clarity about the fate of the parents. Feidel-Mertz draws attention to the resulting problems:

“More decisive, however, was the orientation towards the common fate and the future to be managed collectively. The persecution in the present and recent past was not allowed to be discussed. This did not prevent serious psychological problems in the children, even if it masked it to the extent that some teachers did not even notice them. Again and again, the pupils sometimes took the front line against them: initially with secret meetings in the attic, drawing up their own rules of conduct as a preliminary step to a 'pupil council'. "

Even if Feidel-Mertz finally claims that some of Kristinehov's former students have made a name for themselves, she can only cite one example for this claim:

  • Erwin Leiser is the only student named by Feidel-Mertz.
  • The letter from Hans Friedenthal quoted above also shows that his children visited Kristinehov until 1937 or 1938 and emigrated to Palestine with their parents in 1938. According to the Biographical Handbook of German-Speaking Emigration after 1933, these are Jonathan Pridan (* 1921 in Tel Aviv) and Daniel Pridan (* 1924 in Haifa).
  • Anne E Dünzelmann mentions the siblings Eva and Karl-Heinz Tuteur as further students, "who lived there from 1939/40 and were a relative of the teacher Gisela Tuteur". Elsewhere she writes about the two of them:
    “Eva Tuteur, m. Schwarz, * 1924 - † 2005
    Karl-Heinz Tuteur / Yehuda Tamir, * 1926 - † 2OO4
    Eva, who grew up in Kaiserslautern, traveled with her brother Karl Heinz to Sweden in 1939 on the Kindertransport, where they initially lived in Kristinehov. [..] Even before boarding school was moved to Osby, they both briefly attended another school and then came to Hälsinggården to prepare for a life in Palestine, so Eva's own statement. But she did not join the planned transport in 1941 and continued to stay in Kibbutz BaDerech. She worked as a nanny and trained as a kindergarten teacher. Eva made friends with Otto Schwarz on the kibbutz. She left the kibbutz with him in 1944 and went to Stockholm, where they married in June. They had three children together. [..]
    Karl-Heinz, on the other hand, joined the group that was still able to travel to Palestine in March 1941 and took the name Yehuda Tamir. Later he was apparently active in the planning department of the Ministry of Construction in Israel. ”
    This representation by Dünzelmann is partly at odds with the explanations of the stumbling blocks that were laid in Kaiserslautern for the Tuteur family. According to this account, only Eva Tuteur was sent by her parents to Kristinehov, while the younger Karl-Heinz stayed with his parents and was deported with them to the     Camp de Gurs in October 1940 as part of the Wagner-Bürckel campaign . In contrast to his parents, Karl-Heinz Tuteur survived the camp and emigrated to Palestine after the war.

As mentioned above, Rudberg assumes that the Kristinehov boarding school helped a total of around 175 children to escape Germany by 1940.

literature

  • Hildegard Feidel-Mertz (Hrsg.): Schools in exile. Repressed pedagogy after 1933 . rororo, Reinbek, 1983, ISBN 3-499-17789-7
  • Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Education in exile after 1933. Education for survival. Pictures at an exhibition . dipa publishing house, Frankfurt am Main, 1990, ISBN 3-7638-0520-6
  • Hildegard Feidel-Mertz (updated version: Hermann Schnorbach): The pedagogy of the rural education homes in exile. In: Inge Hansen-Schaberg (Ed.): Landerziehungsheim-Pädagogik , new edition, Reform pedagogical school concepts, Volume 2, Schneider Verlag Hohengehren GmbH, Baltmannsweiler, 2012, ISBN 978-3-8340-0962-3 , pp. 183-206.
  • Monika Richarz: Biography and Remigration - Julius Posener's Return to Berlin. In: Mark H. Gelber, Jakob Hessing and Robert Jütte (eds.): Integration and exclusion. Studies on German-Jewish literary and cultural history from the early modern period to the present. Festschrift for Hans Otto Horch on the occasion of his 65th birthday , Niemeyer, Tübingen, 2009, ISBN 978-3-484-62006-3 , pp. 335-350.
  • Pontus Rudberg: Sweden and Jewish Refugees from Nazi Germany, 1933-1939. In: International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (Ed.): Bystanders, Rescuers or Perpetrators? The Neutral Countries and the Shoah , Metropol Verlag & IHRA, Berlin, 2016, ISBN 978-3-86331-287-9 , pp. 65-76. This book is fully available online at Bystanders, Rescuers or Perpetrators? The Neutral Countries and the Shoah . Rudberg dealt more comprehensively with the topic in his dissertation published in 2015:
  • Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , Studia historica Upsaliensia, Volume 253, Uppsala Universitet, Uppsala 2015, ISBN 9789155493585 .
  • Anne E Dünzelmann: ... not a normal trip. Eva Warburg and the children / Jugendalijah in Sweden , Books on Demand, Norderstedt, 2017, ISBN 978-3-7448-1682-3 . The section Kristinehov / Västraby = Internatsskolan can be viewed on Google Books (no page numbering).
  • Anne E Dünzelmann: STOCKHOLMER WALKS. In the footsteps of German exiles 1933 to 1945 , Books on Demand, 2015, ISBN 978-3-7448-8399-3 . (Excerpts of the text are available on Google Books.)

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Undated letter, printed in: Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Pädagogik im Exil nach 1933 , p. 166
  2. ↑ Monika Richarz: Biography and Remigration , p. 339
  3. ↑ Monika Richarz: Biography and Remigration , p. 339
  4. ^ Biographical Handbook of German-Speaking Emigration after 1933 , pp. 572-573. Additionally: Life data of Charlotte Yael Posener in the DNB catalog
  5. ^ Biographical Handbook of German-Speaking Emigration after 1933 , pp. 572-573.
  6. ^ Pontus Rudberg: Sweden and Jewish Refugees from Nazi Germany, 1933-1939 , pp. 68-69. "Until 1939, the care and support of refugees was seen entirely as the responsibility of the organization or individual who had provided authorities with the guarantees made on behalf of the refugees. [..] Jewish refugees were seen primarily as the responsibility of Sweden's small Jewish communities. In 1933, there were approximately 7,000 Jews in Sweden, 4,000 of whom lived in Stockholm. Because membership in a religious congregation was mandatory according to Swedish law, all Jews with Swedish citizenship belonged to one of the official Jewish communities. All of the major communities created their own relief committees to raise and distribute funds for Jewish victims of Nazi persecution.
    Despite Sweden's restrictive immigration policy, local Jewish representatives managed to negotiate a few concessions. The first was a transmigration quota that allowed for temporary residence permits to be given to young Jews who did their agricultural re-training on Swedish farms. The program was run by the Zionist Hechaluz movement and gave the youth the work experience required to obtain immigration certificates to Palestine. The second was a similar quota for German Jewish school children who attended the Landschulheim Kristinehov boarding school. Run by the German Jewish couple Ludwig and Charlotte Posener, the school was staffed by 13 Jews who thus had managed to escape Germany along with 170 pupils. "
  7. ↑ a b c Edith Friedenthal: The Landschulheim Västraby (see web links)
  8. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j Hildegard Feidel-Mertz (Ed.): Schools in Exile , pp. 104–107
  9. ↑ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 114. “... for children between the ages of 12 and 16. The children would receive education in both the theoretical and manual subjects, generally , for 2-3 years, with three years upper limit. When the children finished their education they were expected to emigrate to Palestine or other countries. "
  10. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 115. “As the German authorities stopped the transfer of money from Germany only a few months later, the school became increasingly dependent on subsidies from the Sedish Jewish committees. "
  11. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 150. "The children would be selected by the Poseners themselves, but they would have to come from poore families, ie children whose parents were not able to pay to keep them at the school. "
  12. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 114. "The children would receive education in the general school subjects and also in Hebrew and crafts. [..] The Posener's initiative aimed at making it possible for children who had been excluded from the German school system to continue their education abroad. "
  13. ^ A b Hans Friedenthal: Memories of Ludwig Posener (letter), in: Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Pedagogy in Exile after 1933 , p. 166
  14. ↑ She was probably the wife of Hans Friedenthal; the couple's two children attended Kristinhov boarding school . (Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Education in Exile after 1933 , p. 166)
  15. ↑ Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Pedagogy in Exile after 1933 , p. 165
  16. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 146
  17. ↑ a b c d e f g Clemens Maier-Wolthausen: An impossible journey
  18. ↑ Noni Warburg , Eva Warburg's sister, had passed her exams at the Quaker School in Eerde in 1939 and was meanwhile working in a kindergarten in Stockholm that was supervised by the Quakers .
  19. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 115. "When the school was ultimately shut down due to financial difficulties in October 1940, the remaining 35 pupils were transferred to another home for children in Ebbarp, in Scania. According to a report by the Relief Committee, there were around 10 refugee teachers at that time and those who would not find new positions would of course, the repot said, receive support from the committee. "
  20. ↑ Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Pedagogy in Exile after 1933 , p. 166
  21. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 116. "In total, the Kristinehov quota helped 175 children escape Nazi Germany at least for the duration of their stay. 145 pupils left Sweden before the school closed in 1940. "
  22. ↑ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 116. “transferring the youths into the Hechaluz quota was not an opinion because if places on that quota would be given to refugee youth already in Sweden, These youth would block the chances of the youths who were still in Germany, waiting for their opportunity to have their agricultural training in Sweden. "
  23. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 114. “The Kristinehov quota was later brought together with another quota for children so that all the places on the quota could be used by other Jewish children . "
  24. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , p. 230
  25. ^ Pontus Rudberg: The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933-1945 , pp. 230-231. "However, later that month it was finally decided that the school would have to close due to its lower financial situation. The rental agreement for Kristinehov was terminated on 1st July. As previously mentioned, the 60 places on the Kristinehov's quota were added to the general children quota. "
  26. ^ Letter from Eva Warburg, quoted from Clemens Maier-Wolthausen: An impossible journey
  27. ^ Pontus Rudberg: Sweden and Jewish Refugees from Nazi Germany, 1933–1939 , p. 69
  28. ↑ Hildegard Feidel-Mertz: Pedagogy in Exile after 1933 , p. 166
  29. ↑ Hildegard Feidel-Mertz (Ed.): Schools in Exile , p. 234
  30. ↑ a b c Anne E Dünzelmann: ... not a normal journey
  31. ↑ Martin Spletter: Grandsons and great-grandchildren of Frida Levy visiting the comprehensive school , Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung , October 22, 2016
  32. ^ Stumbling blocks in Berlin: Walter Herz
  33. ^ Heinz Säbel: One hundred years of the Laupheim synagogue
  34. ^ Society for History and Remembrance eV: Jewish School in Laupheim 1821-1939
  35. ^ Sabine Maucher: The Laupheim November Pogrom 1938 . Heinz Säbel reported on this later under the title Ein Schlüssel tells . This report is printed in: Cornelia Hecht (Hrsg.): Die Deportation der Juden from Laupheim. An annotated collection of documents , C. Hecht, Herrenberg, 2004, ISBN 978-3-00-013113-4
  36. ↑ Lars Bessel: The violist. The extraordinary escape of Kurt Lewin , Books on Demand, Norderstedt, 2013, ISBN 978-3-7322-8661-4 , p. 46
  37. ↑ The violist ( Memento of the original dated November 16, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.larsbessel.de
  38. ↑ What can only be deduced indirectly from musicians' résumés, e.g. B. from the curriculum vitae of Juliane Kunath ( memento of the original dated November 16, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.quartetto-concento.de
  39. ^ Sigurd Larsen as Righteous Among the Nations . Similarly: Sigurd Larsen
  40. ↑ Lars Bessel: The violist. The extraordinary flight of Kurt Lewin , Books on Demand, Norderstedt, 2013, ISBN 978-3-7322-8661-4 , p. 96, preview in the Google book search
  41. ^ Biographical handbook of German-speaking emigration after 1933 , ed. from the Institute for Contemporary History under the overall direction of Werner Röder and Herbert A. Strauss, Volume 2, Part 1, AK: The arts, sciences, and literature, p. 336
  42. ↑ Stumbling blocks for the Eduard Tuteur family