Mahdī ʿĀmil

Mahdī ʿĀmil (known as Mahdi Amel , * 1936 in Beirut ; † May 18, 1987 ; Arabic مهدي عامل, Pseudonym for حسن عبد الله حمدان DMG Ḥassan ʿAbdullāh Ḥamdān ) was a Lebanese Marxist intellectual , activist , journalist and poet . The pseudonym Mahdī ʿĀmil, by which he would later become best known, he took on when he began to write aṭ-Ṭarīq for the journal of the Lebanese Communist Party (LKP). The name is inspired by the mountainous region called Ǧabal ʿĀmil in southern Lebanon, where the largest proportion of the country's Shiite population lives. As a poet, he used the pseudonym Hilāl Bin Zaytūn.

His Arabic-language work is broad and deals with the current issues of his time. Be it hegemonic cultural criticism , confessionalism in the Lebanese context or criticism of nationalist movements. He tries to find answers to these and other developments through his own interpretations with the help of Marxist theorems and to make them practically applicable.

Life

Ḥassan Ḥamdān was born in Beirut in 1936 and grew up in a Shiite family in the village of Ḥarūf in southern Lebanon. During his school days at the al-Maqāṣid al-Islamīyya school, he gained his first political experience with the Arab nationalist currents.

In 1956 he began his studies in literature , history and philosophy in Paris and graduated with two doctoral degrees in philosophy from the University of Lyon . In 1960 he began his political career by joining the LKP . During his studies in Paris, as part of the French student movement, he joined a secret group of Arab Marxists who supported the resistance in the Algerian War of Independence . Through this group he got access to the networks of the National Liberation Front of Algeria , for which he smuggled money from Algerian-French workers to Algerian liberation fighters. During this time, Ḥamdān was influenced not only by the Althusserian version of Marxism, but also by intellectuals such as Poulantzas , the anthropologist Pierre-Philippe Rey and, in particular, Frantz Fanon .

In 1963 he and his wife Evelyn Brun decided to move to the city of Constantine in Algeria to help the country after its independence. There he taught philosophy at a university and also wrote for the magazine Révolution Africaine , in which he further developed his theories on topics such as anti-colonial resistance , theories on the third world and the structural conditions of French colonialism .

Due to the military coup in Algeria in 1965 and the Six Day War in 1967, Ḥamdān went back to Lebanon and worked there as a teacher. The devastating defeat of the Arab states against Israel and the ideological failure of the Arab nationalist endeavors caused most Arab intellectuals to rethink. From 1967 onwards, Ḥamdān wrote exclusively in Arabic because, he explains, it was "a great risk that one of us [Marxists] should write in Arabic." He became politically active and began to write for the journal of the LKP under the pseudonym "Mahdī ʿĀmil". In 1968 he took the leading position at the second party congress of the LKP and thereby gained a high reputation in Lebanon's left-wing intellectual scene. From the mid-1970s he taught Marxist philosophy at the Sociology Institute of the Lebanese University in Beirut. During the Israeli occupation of Beirut in 1982, he helped the armed resistance to organize the water supply, since on September 16 of that year the LKP was supposed to join forces with other left-wing organizations on the Lebanese resistance front.

He was murdered in broad daylight on May 18, 1987, on his way to work on al-Ğazāʾir Street in Beirut. The perpetrators were never caught. Because of his death, representatives of cultural organizations, media and universities gathered on May 19 and declared this day as the “victory day of the word and scientific freedom”. Who ultimately killed him remains a contentious question. There are theories that the Syrian regime, Shiite fundamentalists or the Amal movement or Hezbollah suspect behind the attack. The political disputes between the Arab Marxists and the awakening Islamist movements, which were popularized among disappointed Shiites from communist parties and groups through the recruitment of Hezbollah and the Amal movement, give an indication of the perpetrators.

A cultural crisis or a crisis of the Arab bourgeoisie? (1974)

In the spring of 1974, six months after the October War 1973 and in the midst of the first oil price crisis, the Kuwait conference with the title ʾazmat at-taṭawwur al-ḥaḍārī fī al-waṭan al-ʿarabī (German translation: The crisis of civilizational development in the Arab states) was held. organized by Kuwait University. A total of 24 Arab intellectuals (all men) gathered at this conference and, following the conference, published comments and articles on the cultural crisis of the Arab population felt since 1967 with history, colonialism , religion , politics, long-established family structures , education and social values in Establish connection. In addition, they raised issues such as intellectual retardation, notions of progress, but also debates about authenticity . Criticism was mainly directed at the Arab obsession with the past and the simultaneous Arab alienation from the present. The final declaration of the conference underlined that tradition is a necessary part of Arab culture and that the past cannot rule the future. To equate authenticity ( ʾaṣāla ) with turāṯ (Arab-Islamic heritage) would be a dangerous undertaking and would prevent any form of progress. A proper revival of turāṯ would mean that there must be an open discussion about the role of religion in society and that Islam must be modernized while retaining its essential beliefs. The current problems of the Arab states have been seen in the absence of democracy, in the disagreement between states and in the inability to plan strategically. According to the final declaration, Arab intellectuals should be free from intellectual terror, they should be committed to Arab causes and feel morally connected to the feelings of the Arab masses.

After the publication of the collected contributions of the Kuwait Conference in 1974, Mahdī ʿĀmil published the criticism ʾAzmat al-ḥaḍāra al-ʿarabīya ʾam ʾazmat al-burğwāzīyāt al-ʿarabīyya (German translation: cultural crisis or crisis of the Arab bourgeoisie?) That same year . in which he took the results and writings of the participating intellectuals (with the exception of the Egyptian left Maḥmūd ʾAmīn al-ʿAlim) in the lack. In the contributions, he located an idealistic , metaphysical and essentialist logic that expends civilizational problems as intelligent questions, detached from material , socio-economic and political factors and which would have the effect that there are imaginary essences like "the Arab heritage" or "the Arab." Spirit "would seem to exist. According to ʿĀmil's criticism, civilization was studied as a transhistorical phenomenon, the core of which would never have changed over the centuries. In the Marxist-Leninist understanding of ʿĀmil, history is a dialectical process of opposing forces and interests, and that idealistic and essentialist logic that the Arab intellectuals of the Kuwait Conference claimed is ultimately the logic of the capitalist Arab bourgeoisie . ʿĀmil rejects thinking in terms of “Western” or “Arabian spirit” and suggests instead asking about the socio-historical factors that have led to certain cultural and intellectual developments. In a similar tenor, he criticizes the confrontation of many intellectuals with the nahḍa (often translated as Renaissance - to avoid Eurocentric connotation, the translation Aufbruch is more appropriate ), the alleged failure of which they attribute to precisely those constructs of “Arab thought”. ʿĀmil, on the other hand, uses his materialistic approach and believes that the nahḍa had to fail because it was driven by a dependent bourgeoisie ( comprador bourgeoisie ) that had gained in power and influence under colonial rule . Accordingly, the literary, intellectual and technological awakening in the 19th century did not represent a real break with the old socio-economic and cultural structures, because that bourgeoisie, due to its dependency, could not undertake an authentic regeneration of knowledge. Only an admission of the colonial reality of the present and the awakening of the working class, which revolt against the dependent bourgeoisie, can, according to ʿĀmil, beyond the concepts of progress and backwardness, find new solutions to the ongoing crisis. The latter two terms are concepts that have been introduced into local discourses through the orientalist discourse about other civilizations in the service of imperialist supremacy in order to secure the pioneering role for the West in progress and modernity.

The cultural historian and philosopher Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab comments on the importance of this criticism as follows: "Connecting culture and thought to their economic and political contexts and historicizing the past, whether cultural or political, instead of viewing it as a monolithic, unchanging whole, governed by a core of essences, are crucial requirements for a broader and healthier understanding of cultural issues. In the last decades of the twentieth century, postcolonial thinkers, including Arabs, have underlined the urgency of these demands. Many of them have come from a leftist, socialist, or Communist background and have relentlessly drawn attention to the political and economic problems underlying cultural questions. They have been the victims of persecution in their countries, sometimes because of their ideologies and most of the time because of their oppositional critical voices. "

Does the heart belong to the Orient and the mind to the Occident? Marx in Edward Said's criticism of orientalism. (1985)

In his essay, ʿĀmil criticizes Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l-ʿaql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾistišrāq ʾIdwārd Saʿīd. (German translation: Does the heart belong to the Orient and the mind to the Occident? Marx in Edward Said 's criticism of orientalism.) Said's accusation that Marx used orientalist positions in his commentary on British colonial policy in India . In this article, which appeared in the New York Daily Tribune on June 25, 1853 under the title The British Rule in India , Marx outlines his first reflections on the Asiatic mode of production , which he could not finish because of his death in 1883 and which he later called Called "journalistic filth". On 92 pages, ʿĀmil tries to explain his reading of Orientalism (1978), concentrating on those four pages on which Said Marx locates in the orientalist thought traditions of Western Europe . He explains his main thesis, which can also be found in the title, in the third chapter of the same name:

According to Said, Marx escapes orientalism and falls out of it by disapproving of the sufferings of the Orientals. However, it fits back into Orientalism by submitting to the historical necessity of social change in Oriental civilizations. [...] Through feelings, passion, emotions - through the heart [also: middle, center; Core; Mark; best noblest part; Sense, Mind], according to Said, Marx succeeds in escaping orientalism. But he fraternizes with him again through the use of the understanding [also: insight, understanding, reason, ratio, spirit, intellect, intelligence]. It seems as if [Marx] were in a conflict between the heart and the mind, as if the heart were to the Orient [also: East, Orient, Sunrise] and the mind to the Occident [also: West; Vehemence, impetuosity] belong. If the heart articulates itself, the mind is silent and orientalism is broken. If, however, the understanding speaks, then Marxism, which stands for historical necessity, triumphs. Between what Said later referred to as 'human compassion' and the objective scientific analysis of historical necessity, there is a contradiction that the synthesis [also: reconciliation, mediation, establishing normal relationships, making suitable, adapting, reconciling, reconciling can] complicated between both sides. Either this or that. That is, if one seizes [compassion] one is an accomplice of the Orient against Orientalism. If one seizes the other [that is, analysis], then one is an accomplice of orientalism; H. you are part of the Occident against the Orient - as if any scientific or rational approach to the Orient would evoke Orientalism in Western thought.

إذا رجعنا النص السعيدي, وجدنا أن ماركس يفلت من قاعدة الفكر الاستشراقي ويخرج عليها باستنكاره عذابات الشرقيين, بينما يعود إليها صاغرا في كلامه على الضرورة التاريخية لتحولات المجتمعات الشرقية. هذا تأويل يستوقف حقاً ، لا لأنه يسيء فهم ماركس وحسب ، بل لأنه يكشف عن بنية الفكر الذي به يااا الي به ياتأاد سنصورد لعيرد معيرد. من جهة الشعور, العاطفة, الإحساس, أي بكلمة, من جهة القلب يخرج ماركس, بحسب هذا المؤلف, على بنية الفكر الاستشراقي, لكنه يعود, من جهة العقل, فيندرج فيها. كأنه في صراع بين القلب والعقل. كأن القلب للشرق ، والعقل للغرب ، فإن نطق القلب وسكت العقل ، انهزم الفكر الاستشراقي. لكن ما إن ينطق العقل حتى ينتصر هذا الفكر في انتصار الفكر الماركسي للضرورة التاريخية. بين ما يسميه إدوارد سعيد, في اللاحق, "التعاطف الإنسانية" وبين التحليل العلمي الموضوعي للضرورة التاريخية, ثمة تناقض يصعب التوفيق بين طرفيه: فإما هذا, وإما ذاك. إما أن ينحاز إلى الأول ، فينحاز إلى الشرق ضد الاستشراق. إما أن ينحاز الآخر ، وينحاز إلى الاستشراق ، أي إلى الغرب ، ضد الشرق. كأن كل مقاربة علمية أو عقلية للشرق محكومة بضرورة الوقوع في منطق الاستشراق ، أي في منطق الفكر الغربي.

For keinmil there is no either-or. For him, in his Marxist logic of historical materialism, there are only the dialectical oppositions that have to bring about a productive synthesis . By juxtaposing the two opposites, Said assigns reason or ratio to the ruling classes of the western bourgeoisie, since he ignores the class character of the knowledge production that favored orientalism .

While Said refers to Foucault's method of discourse analysis , which emphasizes the connection between power and knowledge , ʿĀmil in his theory, with the help of historical materialism, focuses on the different class positions from which knowledge is created and which are in constant conflict with one another. This struggle is carried out through the process of knowledge production, as one side is mutated by the other:

So in this process of transformation in which Edward Said's knowledge production process moves, there is an opposition between two sides in which the relationship between the elements of this process is included. These are: the personal experience - in Said: feelings, emotions, empathy, human bondage, etc. and the official language or the collective discourse of the rational. (...) The contrast between the two sides is always a contrast between the individual / the individual and the collective / the collective. Likewise, it is an opposition between instinct and basic mind / ratio (which opposes the opposition between heart and mind), between what is pre-linguistic and linguistic, between what is pre-epistemic and epistemic. It is the contrast between primary matter and raw matter, which contains new information from the knowledge and differs from the existing institutional knowledge, and between this [instinctive, pre-epistemic, pre-linguistic, etc.] knowledge. It is the functioning of this opposition that the first side (raw matter) must be transformed. Through its transformation, this side is transferred from its instinctive / emotional, pre-linguistic, pre-discursive existence into its linguistic discursive existence. By this transference it now has an epistemic existence; H. an existence in the episteme or as something epistemic. This conversion process is necessary in the process of knowledge production - it depends on it.

في هذه العملية من التحويل التي بها يفكر إدوارد سعيد سيرورة إنتاج المعرفة, ثمة إذن تناقض بين طرفين اثنين تنحصر فيهما العلاقة بين عناصر هذه السيرورة, هما: التجربة الشخصية - ولها عند المؤلف أسماء أخرى, كالشعور, العاطفة, الحس, الالتزام الإنساني إلخ ... واللغة الرسمية ، أو قول العقل الجمعي. (...) التناقض بين هذين الطرفين هو ، دوماً تناقض بين الفرد ، أو الفردي ، وبين الجمع ، أو الجمعي. وهو أيضاً تناقض بين الحدسوالعقل المبني - (وجه من التناقض بين القلب والعقل) - ا، بين ما قيبل ال بين ما قيبل ال ل وقي ويوقل لل وقي ويوقل بين ما قيبل ال لوقي ويوقل لل وقي ويوقل ال الوقي ويي ليول الوقي ويي. أي بكلمة ، بين ما قبل المعرفة والمعرفة. إنه التناقض بين مادة أولى ، أو مادة خام ، تتضمن جديداً من المعرفة مغاير المعرفة المؤال الوب الاب عرب عراب. منطق هذا التناقض يقضي بضرورة تحويل الطرف الأول (المادة الخام) فبتحويله ينتقل هذا الطرف من وجوده الحدسي أو الحسي ما قبل اللغوي, أي ما قبل القولي, إلى وجوده اللغوي القولي, فيكون له, بهذا الانتقال وحده, وجود معرفي, أي وجود في المعرفة ، أو كمعرفة. ذلك أن عملية التحويل هذه ضرورية في سيرورة إنتاج المعرفة ، بمعنى أنها ملازمة لها. أو قل إن سيرورة هذا الإنتاج تقضي بها. فالقضية إذن ليست في معرفة هل إن هذه العملية من التحويل ضرورية أم غير ضرورية. القضية هي في معرفة كيف تتم هذه العملية.

At this point, ʿĀmil's methodology of oppositional contrasts becomes particularly clear, as he adds others in the same hierarchy to the already explained opposition between heart and mind . So, according to ʿĀmil, they face each other: heart vs. Mind or everything affective vs. Rational, the individual vs. the collective , the pre-linguistic or pre-discursive vs. what has already been promised or discussed and what is not yet knowledge vs. what already exists as knowledge. The process of knowledge production transforms the former into the following. In the sense of historical materialism, these binaries show their theoretical value through their productive synthesis. The problem that ʿĀmil identifies in his reading of Said's criticism of Marx lies in the inability of the oppositions to produce those productive syntheses, since one side absorbs the other.

In addition, ʿĀmil identifies something threatening on the side that incorporates the individual, instinctive, pre-discursive and epistemic: the method of conversion occurs through the vocabulary , through a lexicon of a certain language, the ʿĀmil as the official language or language of Officials ( al-luġa ar-rasmīyya ). This language of the official not only converts the affective into the rational, but first gives things an epistemic existence so that they can become part of the collective and institutional discourse. Accordingly, through its terminology , the language of the official subdues the affective, thanks to the compulsory transformation, so that it becomes part of the official and takes on its character completely. Has the affective first assumed the character of the language of the official, d. H. it is no longer affective, but rational, then it strives in the same way to transform the pre-epistemic, pre-discursive and instinctive. To make this clear, ʿĀmil uses an exciting metaphor for his theory of the process of knowledge production , which gives his theory something cold and emotionless, far removed from any affective relationship.

Through this epistemic transformation, the novelty of knowledge is no longer new, no longer rebellious and revolutionary against institutional knowledge and language. Rather, it is domesticated by the language of institutional knowledge, which enforces the use of its vocabulary. The consequence of this is existence in a rational form - a discursive form (i.e., scientific). This form submits to the vocabulary and enters an institution as one of its elements. Or as a screw in their apparatus that contributes to the expansion of power, dissemination and merging of the language of institutional knowledge.

فبتحويله المعرفي هذا إذن لم يعد جديد المعرفة جديدا, ثائرا متمردا على مؤسسة المعرفة واللغة, بل تم ترويضه بلغة المعرفة المؤسسية التي أجبر على استخدام مفرداتها, لإصرار منه على الوجود في شكل عقلي هو الشكل القولي (أي العلمي) فأذعن لها, ودخل في مؤسسة كعنصر من عناصرها ، أو كبرغيّ في آلتها ، إسهاماً منه في تعميم سلطتها ونشرها وتشاملها.

ʿĀmil does not use the metaphor of the screw here as a part that is drilled into, which aggressively eats into an already existing entity . The screw, in his mind, holds the whole together as a new part, solidifies it and thus becomes part of the whole. He does not dwell on the description of this process, but assigns it an expansive character that wants to occupy the entire epistemic space. This will wipe out any possibility of resistance and any chance for revolution as their opposition will be completely annihilated.

In chapter 9, entitled fī ʿağz al-binyawīyya ʿan tafsīr ğadīd al-mʿarifa (German translation: The failure of structuralism to explain the epistemic new), his position on academic developments in Europe becomes clear. He puts the cultural structuralism Foucault ( al-binyawīyya AT ṯaqāfīyya ) and the nihilism of Nietzsche ( al-'adamīyya to-nītšawīyya ) in the same drawer and are accused of preaching a dangerous anti-rationalism, vornähme of no differentiation of mind and an imperialist culturalism would propagate. "Rational imperialism reconciles itself with the anti-miniature of the mind in order to emphasize the unity of the mind and to reject the revolutionary mind - the opposition of the ruling mind." In particular, it fears the above-mentioned "official language" which absorbs everything affecting and transformed into an institutionalized discourse. He sees a solution in the construction of a new rational language, i. H. he's looking for another episteme. Then ʿĀmil shows in a polemical tone that the criticism of representations , as Said had shown in Orientalism, meets with complete incomprehension. For Said there is no 'truth' in this sense, only representations, so mil:

Every knowledge, or every 'truth', according to Said, is a representation (this word does not provide a suitable space for criticism of this ancient theory, which comes from metaphysical and idealistic philosophy, which sees in knowledge or in 'truth' a representation). According to this theory, every representation is determined by the necessity of its existence. As a representation, it moves in the language of the collective mind, i. H. in the discourse of the ruling ideology that has no opposition. The epistemically new nature of instinct would therefore be representatively determined by its origin. The new does not return even if he were to speak in the language of the mind. Its persistence as epistemically new would be conditioned by its anti-rationalism and its language of imagination.

(, أو "الحقيقة" ثمثيلا ليست هذه الكلمة مجالا صالحا لنقد هذه النظرية القديمة قدم الفلسفة المثالية الميتافيزيقية التى ترى في المعرفة) هي تمثيل - كل معرفة, أو كل "حقيقة" - كما يقول المؤلف. وكل تمثيل محكوم ، بحسب هذه النظرية ، بضرورة وجوده ، كتمثيل ، في لغة العقل الجامعي ي ي اليي ليي لي لي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي ليي لياي لياي لياي ليورة جيورة وجيورة. لذا ، كان جديد المعرفة الحدسي محكوماَ بصيرورته تمثيلاَ ، فلا يعود جديداَ ل، إن هو قال نفسه في لقل في لغة. فبقاؤه ، كجديد من المعرفة ، مشروط بمناهضته العقل ولغته ، وله ، إذاك ، لغة التخيل

Up until now, ʿĀmil has always questioned concepts such as progress and backwardness and identified them as idealistic and colonialist ideas. Said's concept of representations in the post-structuralist spectrum of methods caused ʿĀmil discomfort, as he sees it as a step backwards in the use of apparently metaphysical and idealistic concepts. In his view, the epistemic new postulated by him cannot be found in the emerging post-structuralist and post-colonial criticism, but only in his "old" materialistic method. The Lebanese intellectual Samir Frangié also identifies this contradiction: "Amil's whole project was to develop a Marx for the periphery, by deploying CMOP [colonial mode of production] as a way to escape the historicist reading of Marx. But when faced with the critique of Said, he had to revert to a defense of the same historicist Marx he had tried to deconstruct earlier, in an effort to confront what he saw as a dangerous relativism. "

Monographs

• 1974: ʾAzmat al-ḥaḍāra al-ʿarabīya ʾam ʾazmat al-burğwāzīyāt al-ʿarabīyya . Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German transl .: cultural crisis or crisis of the Arab bourgeoisie?)
• 1972: Muqaddimāt naẓarīyya. li-Dirāsa ʾaṯar al-fikr al-ʾištirākī fī ḥarakat at-taḥarrur al-waṭanī . Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German transl .: Theoretical introductions to the study of socialist influences on the national liberation movement.)
• 1979: an-Naẓarīyya fī al-mumārisa as-sīyāsīyya. Baḥṯ fī ʾasbāb al-ḥarb al-ʾahlīyya . Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German translation: Theory for Political Practice. A Study on the Reasons of the Lebanese Civil War.)
• 1980: Madḫal ʾilā naqḍ al-fikr aṭ-ṭāʾifī. al-Qaḍīyya al-filasṭīnīyya fī ʾīdīyūlūğīyyat al-burğwāzīyya al-lubnānīyya . Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German translation: Introduction to the contradiction of denominationalism. The Palestinian concern in the ideology of the Lebanese bourgeoisie.)
• 1985: Fī ʿilmīyyat al-fikr al-ḫaldūnī. Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German translation: On the scientific nature of Ibn Khaldoun.)
• 1985: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l-ʿaql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾistišrāq ʾIdwārd Saʿīd. Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German translation: Does the heart belong to the Orient and the mind belongs to the Occident? Karl Marx in Edward Said's criticism of orientalism.)
• 1986: Fī ad-daula aṭ-ṭāʾifīyya. Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German transl .: To the denominational state.)
• 1987: (unfinished) Naqd al-fikr al-yawmī. Bairūt: Dār al-Fārābī. (German translation: Critique of Daily Thinking.)

Books of poetry (under the pseudonym Hilāl Bin Zaytūn)

• 1974: Taqāsīm ʿalā az-zamān. (Publisher and place of publication unknown)
• 1984: Fiḍāʾ an-nūn. (Publisher and place of publication unknown)

Individual evidence

1. ↑ ^{a b c d} Miriam Younes: A Tale of Two Communists. The Revolutionary Projects of the Lebanese Communists Husayn Muruwwa and Mahdi ʿAmil . In: Arab Studies Journal , Vol. 24 (1), 2016, p. 102.
2. ↑ Cf. Ibid., P. 103, Younes verified this statement through an interview with Waddah Sharara, Beirut, 23 September 2014 and an interview with Evelyn Hamdan, Beirut, 16 January 2016.
3. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Miriam Younes: A Tale of Two Communists. The Revolutionary Projects of the Lebanese Communists Husayn Muruwwa and Mahdi ʿAmil . In: Arab Studies Journal , Vol. 24 (1), 2016, p. 103.
4. ↑ mehdiamel.wordpress.com ولقد ادرك خطورة ما يقوم به بقوله: ”انها لمخاطرة كبرى ان يفكر الواحد منا واقعه باللغة العربية”
5. ↑ Vijay Prashad: The Arab Gramsci .  ( Page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Frontline March 5, 2014; accessed on October 12, 016.  
6. ↑ See Ismael, Ismael (1998): The Communist Movement in Syria and Lebanon. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. P. 115.
7. ↑ See https://mehdiamel.wordpress.com/
8. ↑ See Sing, Manfred; Younes, Miriam (2013): The Specters of Marx in Edward Said's Orientalism. In: World of Islam, Vol. 53 (2), p. 149.
9. ↑ Miriam Younes: A Tale of Two Communists. The Revolutionary Projects of the Lebanese Communists Husayn Muruwwa and Mahdi ʿAmil . In: Arab Studies Journal , Vol. 24 (1), 2016, p. 99. Younes refers in note 4 to the following source: Rula Jurdi Abisaab, Malek Abisaab: The Shi'ites of Lebanon: Modernism, Communism, and Hizbullah's Islamists . Syracuse University Press, Syracuse NY 2014, p. 72.
10. ↑ Ḥusein al-Badrī: Mahdī ʿĀmil. Ḏikra iġtiyāl 'muṯaqqaf rusūlī', al-Maṣrī al-Yaum . almasryalyoum.com May 23, 2015; accessed on July 16, 2017.
11. ^ Sing: Marxism in Arab countries. Attempt at de-provincialization . In: Eastern Europe , Vol. 63 (5/6), 2013, p. 245.
12. ↑ ^{a b c} Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective . Columblia University Press, New York 2010, pp. 121 .
13. ^ ^{A b} Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective . Columbia University Press, New York 2010, pp. 142 .
14. ↑ Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 142 f .
15. ^ ^{A b} Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 143 .
16. ↑ ^{a b c d} Suzanne Elizabeth Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective . Columbia University Press, New York 2010, pp. 144 .
17. ↑ ^{a b c d e f} Suzanne Elizabeth Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective . Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 147 .
18. ↑ Nada Tomiche: Nahḍa . In: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, CE Bosworth, E. van Donzel, WP Heinrichs (eds.): Encyclopaedia of Islam . Second edition. 2012, doi: 10.1163 / 1573-3912_islam_SIM_5751
19. ↑ Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab. In: Doha Institute for Graduate Studies. 2017, accessed January 26, 2018 . 
20. ^ Suzanne Elizabeth Kassab: Contemporary Arab thought. Cultural critique in comparative perspective. Columbia University Press, New York 2010, pp. 148 .
21. ^ Karl Marx in the New York Herald Tribune 1853. The British Rule in India. In: Marxists Internet Archive. Marxists Internet Archive Steering Committee, 2005, accessed January 26, 2018 . 
22. ↑ Diptendra Banerjee: Review: On the Meretricious Charm of Marxist Orientalism. Reviewed: Bhadra: Materialist Orientalism. Marx, Asiatic Mode of Production and India. Ed .: Economic and Political Weekly. tape 27 , no. 1/2 , p. 34 f .
23. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd . Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt 1985, p. 19th f .
24. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt, p. 8 .
25. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī, Bairūt 1985, p. 66 f .
26. ↑ ^{a b c} Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī, Bairūt 1985, p. 68 .
27. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt 1985, p. 68 f .
28. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmils: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt: 1985, p. 87 .
29. ↑ ^{a b} Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt 1985, p. 72 .
30. ↑ Mahdī ʿĀmil: Hal al-qalb li-š-šarq wa-l- ʿ aql li-l-ġarb? Mārks fī ʾ istišrāq ʾ Idwārd Sa ʿ īd. Dār al-Fārābī., Bairūt 1985, p. 73 f .
31. ↑ Samer Frangie: Theorizing from the periphery. The Intellectual Project of Mahdi ʿ Amil. Ed .: International Journal of Middle East Studies. tape 44 , 2012, p. 477 .