European politics

Under European policy is meant one on Europe -related policies by state or society actors and international organizations. Today the term is mainly used to refer to the European Union and its institutions. Occasionally it also refers to other organizations such as the Council of Europe .

In the states of the European Union , the goals of European policy are predominantly to strengthen European integration while at the same time asserting national interests in European decision-making processes.

In the candidate and accession countries , European policy is geared towards the introduction of the acquis communautaire and accession to the Union.

In third countries, European policy is a part of foreign policy that deals with the EU, the states of the EU or the geopolitical region of Europe.

Institutions

In many countries there are European Ministers or European State Secretaries .

Criticism of the previous European policy

Jürgen Habermas made a clear plea for a new European policy based on the traditions of the constitutional state and aimed at strengthening the democratic rights of the citizens as European integration progresses . Habermas criticizes the current European policy as a deficit: “Because the competences in the Union, put simply, are distributed in such a way that Brussels and the European Court of Justice enforce economic freedoms while the resulting external costs are passed on to the member states, there are still none common economic policy formation. [...] And every country has its own foreign policy, above all the Federal Republic. ”Habermas fears that“ politics will run out of steam for a project as large as the unification of Europe. [...] Perhaps the motivations that are missing for the time being can only be generated from below, from civil society itself. ”Habermas calls - contrary to a purely technocratic European policy - a Europe as a community of solidarity, organized not as a federal state but as a supranational democracy.

European policy of the individual countries

Situation in Germany

European policy is pursued by a large number of actors in Germany. The most important actor is the federal government, which reacts to European political issues according to the departmental principle . Furthermore, the German federal states are very active in European politics. The actors strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) are the Bundestag and Bundesrat (Germany) . The most important instrument used by state actors in European policy is European coordination .

The influence of lobbyists , who are present in Brussels and Strasbourg, but also in the federal capital and in the state capitals , is often underestimated in Germany . The role of the German MEPs , who are nominated through their parties and act relatively independently in the strengthened Strasbourg parliament, is also underestimated. This may be related to the fact that the European level is often still neglected by parties, which is also evident in election campaigns for European parliamentary elections, in which national rather than European issues are the main topic.

German European policy has traditionally been part of foreign policy , but due to the strong political integration within the EU, it is becoming more and more common to speak of European domestic policy . In practice, there are regular disputes over competence in relation to European coordination, in particular between the Foreign Office and the Federal Chancellery . The federal states also endeavor to exert a direct influence on European policy both through the Bundesrat and the federal government and - through their state representations in Brussels. Overall, German European policy can be said to have an integration-friendly stance regardless of the parties in government, from Adenauer to Merkel, in contrast to British European policy. Since the outbreak of the financial crisis in 2007, an increasing problem has been that integration-oriented European policy is an elite project for which the approval of the majority of the population - not only in Germany - is falling.

British European Policy

Great Britain (GB) was only admitted to the EC on January 1, 1973 after the first negotiations between Prime Ministers Harold Macmillan in 1963 and Harold Wilson in 1967 about accession failed twice due to the French veto. The successful accession negotiations were led by the Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath ; by him the accession was also enforced domestically.

In 1973 the economic growth forces that determined the first phase of European integration had lost their effect. The first oil crisis began in October 1973 . Also in 1973, the Bretton Woods system , which had brought about fixed exchange rates for the currencies involved, collapsed . The UK experienced a surge in inflation followed by stagflation for a variety of reasons .

All of this seemed to confirm the British critics of Europe, who had refused to join because they expected more disadvantages than advantages. One of the main arguments of the EC and EU opponents was and is the fear that the sovereignty of the British Parliament ( two chambers : House of Commons (lower house) and House of Lords ( upper house )) will be restricted when it comes to making decisions on central issues of British politics or could be at risk if too many competences are transferred from Parliament to EU institutions. Conservative critics see excessive relocations as a breach of the constitution; the political left feared in the 1970s that the EC might make it difficult or impossible for it to make national decisions for socialist politics.

In May 1979 the conservative Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister and remained so until November 1990. Her famous demand, “We want our money back!”, Which has been raised in various versions since 1976, stood for her uncompromising negotiating strategy. In 1984 she managed to negotiate the so-called British discount for payments to the EU.

“Labor governments and Conservative governments have usually defined the role of Great Britain in the EU in a very similar way in practice. For them, the EU remained an economic interest group, a sales market for British goods and - with regard to the dismantling of trade barriers in the common internal market since 1993 - a competition policy challenge. In 1979, right after Margaret Thatcher took office as Prime Minister, the EC was confronted at the Dublin Summit with British calls for a billion pounds reduction in the country's contributions (Margaret Thatcher: “We want our money back” have back "). Negotiations on this issue did not come to a conclusion until 1984 at the Fontainebleau summit. Great Britain was guaranteed by the EC a reimbursement of 66 per cent of the difference between its EC contribution and the EC contributions to the United Kingdom.

For the conservative government, the approval of the European internal market in 1986 (Single European Act) was in line with the market economy orientation of its policy. In contrast, the Thatcher government vehemently rejected any deepening of political integration in contrast to the economic integration it promoted. It was only because of strong pressure from her party, from big industry and from the international stock exchange and financial center in London, the City of London, that the head of government agreed to Britain's entry into the European Monetary System (EMS) in 1990. "

Thatcher's successors John Major (1990–1997), Tony Blair (1997–2007) and Gordon Brown (2007–2010) gave European policy a higher priority and advocated a more constructive European policy for Great Britain compared to its predecessor. In 2012, the Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron announced that if he was re-elected for the period after 2017, another vote would be held on Britain's remaining in the EU.

French European policy

France is one of the six founding states of the EEC, the nucleus of today's EU , and, like Germany, is still an important engine of European integration. Through European integration, France is trying to avoid a loss of importance for its own state in the world. Another goal is to integrate Germany into Europe and not let it become too strong. France has always been in favor of increasing integration and is therefore critical of enlargements, as more member states are slowing down the integration process.

French European policy is predominantly shaped by the French President, who can often largely dominate the fields of foreign, European and security policy. Especially in times when the president and government (and thus the parliamentary majority) belong to the same party (or party coalition), the president has a free hand. But as soon as there is cohabitation in which the president and head of government belong to different parties, competition can arise, especially if the current prime minister has ambitions for the office of president. In these cases, the prime minister is at odds, on the one hand he has to make a name for himself in European and foreign policy, on the other hand he does not want to diminish the power of the president because he is striving for this office himself.

As the first President of the Fifth Republic, De Gaulle plays an important role in French European policy, as he was able to shape the beginning of European policy, in particular through the reconciliation with Germany. For him, as for most of his successors, the sovereignty and political power of France were at the center, which in European politics has led France to prefer intergovernmental EU institutions such as the Council to the supranational European Parliament. In European political controversies, de Gaulle was not infrequently able to assert his position; This was the case with the two British applications for membership in 1963 and 1967, which failed because of his veto. A method in French European policy little appreciated by the European partners was the policy of the empty chair in 1965. De Gaulle also proposed the Fouchet plans . The continuity of French European policy consists in the following objective: In and with the EU, France should retain a special political weight in Europe and the world, which seemed self-evident during de Gaulle's presidency. That is why France should and should strive for a common foreign and security policy and a European security and defense policy.

The common agricultural policy of the EU is also a central issue, as the French agricultural industry in particular benefits from it. When Gerhard Schröder proposed during his tenure as Federal Chancellor that the principles of agricultural policy should be decided more strongly again at the national level, France opposed it, fearing that this would lead to the elimination of EU subsidies. Chirac and Schröder finally agreed in 2002 that nothing should change until 2007 and that the funds for agricultural financing should not increase afterwards. British proposals to reform the costly EU agricultural policy were also generally rejected by the French.

The period from 1990 to 1992 under François Mitterrand is known as the “golden age” of French European policy. In 1995 the French electorate voted no in a referendum on the Maastricht Treaty . Ten years later she voted no when a referendum was held on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe . After Nicolas Sarkozy became French President in 2007 , he announced the return of France to Europe.

The EU enlargement in 2004 , France was critical of Germany was thus but the new center of the EU, while France felt marginalized. President Sarkozy brought the idea of a Mediterranean Union into play, which, however, met with little approval within the EU. In the end, the Union for the Mediterranean was created as a compromise .

On May 15, 2012, François Hollande became the new president, after Mitterrand the second socialist president of France. Since the socialists won the parliamentary elections in June 2012, there is no cohabitation .

Italian European policy

Polish European Policy

Development after 1989

In the first 15 years after the fall of the Wall, Polish foreign policy focused on integration into the Transatlantic Partnership and the European Union . The accession negotiations with the EU began in 1998. At that time, Polish European policy was influenced by the postulates of EU enlargement , the improvement of European agricultural policy , as well as Poland's participation in the discussion on the common foreign and security policy and the development of European Eastern European policy embossed.

On May 1, 2004, Poland joined the EU as part of the largest round of enlargement to date. In European policy, the Poles have since followed the principle of acting in the interests of citizens and the European community. That is why Poland is committed to strengthening the international position of the EU through the development of instruments of common policy.

In the period from 2005 to 2007, the moderate Eurosceptic party “ Law and Justice ” (PiS) gained a majority in the Polish parliament (Sejm). As a result, there was a shift in emphasis in Poland's previous European policy. The new government's limited willingness to compromise resulted in irritation between Poland and the EU. The dispute over the weighting of votes in the EU after eastward enlargement can serve as an example of this. The election success of the liberal-conservative “ Platforma Obywatelska ” (PO) in 2007 led to the stabilization of Polish foreign policy and thus also European policy.

Current status

Since 2007 one can speak of a uniform line of Polish European policy, with the help of which the priorities competitiveness, solidarity and openness can be pursued and implemented sustainably and in view of current political events in Europe and around the world.

The Polish government aims to deepen European integration on the economic and political level. It also stresses the need to strengthen the European institutions and gradually create a political union. The guidelines of Polish European policy also include strengthening the EU's common foreign and security policy.

The Polish policy towards NATO and the EU is based on the principle of the “open door” and is geared towards supporting the further expansion of the alliances, especially with regard to the Eastern European countries. The country strives to develop the EU's eastern dimensions and is committed to closer cooperation with neighboring countries to the east, including Ukraine . Poland and Sweden are among the initiators of the Eastern Partnership .

Poland supports the continuation of the EU enlargement as a clear consequence of the previous open, democratic and rule of law attitude of the Union towards its neighboring countries and points to the positive effects of enlargement in Central and Eastern Europe.

By joining the EU, the country committed itself to introducing the common European currency . The introduction of the euro will, however, depend on the economic situation in the euro zone and the macroeconomic and legal preparations in Poland. There are no plans to join the euro zone in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the country is politically committed to reducing the separation between the euro and the other EU countries. Poland is also one of the countries that benefit most from the EU's cohesion policy. Despite the economic crisis, the government in Warsaw pushed for the expansion of the financial framework for the years 2014–2020. Poland also supports the further development of the EU internal market , especially with regard to the free movement of people and the free movement of goods and services. The government in Warsaw sees EU membership as the basis for the “civilizational” development of Poland.

The country is committed to the creation of the Energy Union within Europe, based on the principle of solidarity. It supported the plans to build the South Stream Pipeline , but was skeptical of the Nord Stream Pipeline project because it bypasses Poland and thus cannot contribute to the country's energy security. As a country whose energy comes mainly from hard coal, the Polish government is skeptical of the EU's energy and climate goals, in particular the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030.

Further commitment

Poland also participates in regional initiatives within Europe, including the Visegrád Group together with the Czech Republic , Slovakia and Hungary . As part of the cooperation, common strategies for the development of the region are worked out. In addition, the partnership with France and Germany as part of the Weimar Triangle is considered strategically important.

Poland held the EU Council Presidency from June to December 2011 . The following priorities were set for this period:

European integration as a basis for growth
Safe Europe - food, energy, defense
Europe benefiting from openness

Minds in the institutions of the EU

The former Prime Minister of Poland, Jerzy Buzek , was President of the European Parliament from 2009 to 2012 . Donald Tusk , Prime Minister of Poland from 2007-2014, has been President of the European Council since November 2014 .

From 2009 to 2014 Janusz Lewandowski , Polish economist, was responsible for the financial planning and budget department in the European Commission. Elżbieta Bieńkowska has been working on the internal market in the Commission since 2014 .

literature

Timm Beichelt: Germany and Europe. the Europeanization of the political system. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15141-0 . (google book)
Jürgen Habermas: On the constitution of Europe. An essay. Edition Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2011, ISBN 978-3-518-06214-2 .
Jürgen Habermas: In the wake of technocracy. Small political writings XII. Suhrkamp, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-518-12671-4 .
Hans-Dieter Lucas: Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals? European politics and thinking in France of the de Gaulle era (1958–1969) . (= Paris historical studies. 35). Bouvier, Bonn 1992, ISBN 3-416-02400-1 . (Digitized version)
Michael Melcher: Awkwardness and Reliability. British European Policy from 1997–2013. (= Scientific articles from Tectum-Verlag. Volume 61). Tectum, Marburg 2014, ISBN 978-3-8288-3472-9 .
Gisela Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet, Corina Schukraft, Nicole Leuchtweis, Ulrike Keßler: German policy on Europe. From Adenauer to Merkel. 2nd Edition. VS Verlag , Wiesbaden 2010, ISBN 978-3-531-16392-5 .
Julia Quante: Drawn into the Heart of Europe? British European Policy in the Mirror of Caricatures (1973–2008). LIT Verlag, Berlin / Münster 2013, ISBN 978-3-643-11538-6 .
Susanne Wanninger: New Labor and the EU. The Blair Government's European Policy. (= Munich contributions to European unification). Nomos, Baden-Baden 2007.
Werner Weidenfeld (ed.): The European Union. Political system and policy areas. (= Publication series of the Federal Agency for Civic Education. Volume 442). Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-89331-545-4 .
Werner Weidenfeld, Wolfgang Wessels (ed.): Europe from A to Z. Pocket book of European integration. 9th edition. Institute for European Politics, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-8329-1378-5 .

Web links

Wiktionary: European politics - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

European politics. In: The time .

European policy on politikportal.eu, Publisher: Association European Policy Online

European policy magazine of the German federal government

Thematic overview of European politics in the European Movement Network Germany

Individual evidence

^ Jürgen Habermas: On the constitution of Europe. An essay. Edition Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 2011, ISBN 978-3-518-06214-2 , p. 108 f. - Originally this is a passage from an interview on November 6, 2008.

^ Jürgen Habermas: On the constitution of Europe. Frankfurt am Main 2011, p. 128. - This text was first printed in an article by Habermas for the Süddeutsche Zeitung on April 7, 2011.

↑ Jürgen Habermas: In the wake of technocracy. Small political writings XII. Suhrkamp, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-518-12671-4 .

^ Timm Beichelt: Germany and Europe . the Europeanization of the political system. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15141-0 . ; google book

^ Chancellery wrests European policy from Westerwelle. In: Handelsblatt . February 22, 2009. Retrieved February 22, 2009 .

↑ Federal Agency for Civic Education (Author: Roland Sturm), Issue 262 ( Memento from October 26, 2010 in the Internet Archive )

^ Gisela Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet: France's European policy. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004.

^ Gisela Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet: France's European policy. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, p. 14.