Great fire of Rome

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The Great Fire of Rome was the greatest of all the city ​​fires of Rome in ancient times. It occurred from July 19 to 26, 64 during the reign of Emperor Nero . According to Tacitus , three of Rome's 14 districts were completely destroyed, in seven districts only a few half-burned rubble remained and only four districts remained intact.

The sources

The contemporary sources on the fire are sparse. This could be for various reasons. On the one hand, such a major disaster was certainly a kind of taboo . Others emphasize that clear statements could easily have put yourself in danger.

  • Seneca († 65) practically completely ignored the fire in his Epistulae morales , which he wrote at the same time, but in August 64 he went into detail about a devastating city fire in Lugdunum . In Letter 94, written only shortly afterwards (mid-August 64), there is at least the informative comment, as if by the way:
"Many can be found, the cities set on fire, which razes to the ground what has been impregnable for centuries and secured through several generations [...]."
So it seems that Seneca, just weeks after the fire, gave the arson hypothesis at least some likelihood.
  • Seneca's nephew Lucan wrote shortly after the fire De incendio urbis ("From the arson of the city [Rome]" or "From the conflagration of the city"). Of this work, which was probably written in prose, only the title itself has survived. Some researchers see this publication as the real reason for the publication ban issued by Nero Lucan. Lucan died in April 65 as a participant in the Pisonian conspiracy .
  • When the tribune Subrius Flavus was arrested in April 65 for participating in the Pisonian conspiracy, according to Tacitus he is said to have accused Nero of arson during his interrogation: "I began to hate you ever since you murdered your mother and wife, charioteer, actor and Arsonist. "
  • The First Letter of Peter (April 65? Or 90–95?), Written presumably in Rome, reports of defamation against Christians, the demand for accountability and the test by fire; He calls for obedience to the worldly authorities and law-abiding and chaste action as well as the confession of "the name" [of Christ]. If this letter belongs to the Nero era, which is controversial, it should have been written in the time between the fire and the actual persecution .
  • The poet of the drama Octavia (attributed to Seneca, but from Flavian times, 69–96) blames Nero for the fire.
  • Even for the naturalist Pliny the Elder († 79) it is certain that Nero set the city on fire, as he speaks quite bluntly that the emperor even let the trees die by setting the city on fire.
  • According to an inscription from the time of Domitian , the fire is said to have raged for nine days.
  • In his birthday poem in memory of Lucan († 65) (Genethliacon Lucani ad Pollam), the poet Statius († around 96) also alludes briefly to Nero's arson, which can be seen as approval of Lucan's opinion.
  • Bishop Clemens of Rome († 97?) Reports in his letter to the Corinthians about the condemnations of Christians by Nero, but does not write a word about the fire.
  • The main source for the exact course of events is Tacitus († after 116), who could have witnessed the fire (or reports about it) as a ten-year-old boy and who describes it in detail in his annals .
  • The satirist Juvenal († after 127) does not name the fire in Rome directly, but he alludes clearly enough to Nero as the arsonist. In the eighth satire he deals with Nero's outrages, which for him culminate in Nero's song (!) About Orestes and in the song of the fall of Troy . These two songs are of course only symbolic of matricide and arson. Juvenal is also familiar with Nero's notorious human torches : “Take a tigellinus before you [as the object of your love for truth] and you will stand at the stake as a living torch, blazing like the one that is hooked to the stake with a throat and become a broad strip you leave behind in the sand [of the arena]. ”Accordingly, the notorious Praetorian Prefect Tigellinus was also responsible for organizing this“ festivity ”of Nero.
  • Suetonius († around 130/140) deals in his Nero-Vita (chapters 38 and 16) in principle the same subjects as Tacitus, only in contrast to Tacitus he does not proceed chronologically but thematically and divides Nero's deeds into good and bad on. In chapter 38 he reports on the arson of Nero, the song of the Troy, the clearing of rubble and the plundering of the provinces. The topics of reconstruction and persecution of Christians, which are arranged chronologically in Tacitus, are missing here, because Suetonius had already reported on this 22 chapters before when he mentioned the positive deeds of Nero.
  • In the apocryphal Acts of Paul (probably around 185/195) an edict of Nero against the Christians, their burning (!) And the protest of the Romans against the arbitrariness is reported.
  • Tertullian († around 230) wrote in 197 that Nero was the first to rage against Christian doctrine with the imperial sword after he had prevented it from flourishing in Rome. Elsewhere he mentions that the only decree of Nero that was not overturned when he died was against the Christians.
  • Cassius Dio († after 235) reports in detail about the fire, but does not mention the persecution of Christians.
  • In his church history, Eusebius († 337/40) only reports in general terms of Nero's atrocities and cites Tertullian. He doesn't mention the fire. In his chronicle he tells of the fire in 64, about the persecution of Christians only at the end of Nero's reign, as its climax, so to speak.
  • Aurelius Victor († around 390) mentions the arson under Nero only in passing in 360/361, as a reaction (!) To the Pisonian conspiracy.
  • The historian Eutropius († after 390) says in his outline of Roman history, which goes back to 364, Nero "set the city of Rome on fire in order to be able to get an idea of ​​the sight that the conquered Troy had once presented in the fire."
  • A pseudo-Seneca (before 392) writes in the apocryphal correspondence between Seneca and Paulus in Letter XI about the fire of Rome, with the exact information typical of pseudepigraphy ("132 palaces, 4,000 tenement houses"). It is evidently a Christian commentary on the Tacitus account. The historical value as an independent source should tend towards zero.
  • In the Epitome de Caesaribus (between 395/408) (Chapter 5 deals with the deeds and misdeeds of Nero) the fire is not mentioned.
  • Sulpicius Severus († around 420/25) essentially follows Tacitus in his short world chronicle (around 403) when he describes how Nero passed the accusation of arson (for the renewal of the city) on to the Christians who subjected them to severe torture were executed. He adds that it was a matter of “newly invented ” ( novae mortes excogitatae ), ie types of death specially invented for this purpose: “After that, laws were passed and religion was banned. The edict was announced publicly: It is not allowed to be a Christian ( Christianum esse non licebat ). "
  • Orosius († around 420) also blames the voluptuous Nero for the fire in Rome, he lets him sing like Suetonius on the Maecenasturm , identifies him as the first persecutor of Christians and mentions an order to persecute the name "Christ" ( nomen ipsum ) in all provinces .

Outbreak and course of the fire

It was midsummer and there was a strong wind, one spark was enough to start a fire that could spread very quickly in the narrow streets and the wooden houses. The fire started in the booths at Circus Maximus , where combustible goods were stored and sold. From here the fire spread with the wind at high speed in a northwesterly direction.

Fire fighting

At the beginning of the fire, Nero was in Antium , around 50 km away , but immediately hurried to Rome and got involved in the extinguishing work. The fire brigade's extinguishing options were extremely limited in view of the inferno. The number of refugees also hindered effective measures. Many were kicked to death in the collective panic. In order to prevent the fire from spreading, attempts were made to cut firebreaks in the blocks and to work with controlled counterfire. However, this seems to have been incomprehensible to some residents in the confusion of private rescue attempts and looting, so that rumors arose that what did not burn by itself was supposed to be destroyed here on the imperial order.

Only on the sixth day (July 24, 64) was it possible to stop the fire on the outermost edge of the Esquiline with a firebreak. Nevertheless, the fire broke out again, this time in the suburb of Aemiliana , which reinforced the rumor that Nero had only wanted to achieve the fame of building a new city and naming it after himself. The fire raged for seven nights and, according to estimates, six days.

Immediate action

Nero opened the field of Mars , the buildings of Agrippa and his own park to the approaching masses and had makeshift buildings hastily erected to accommodate the helpless crowd. He had food brought in from Ostia and the neighboring country towns and lowered the price of grain to three sesterces.

The song of the fall of Troy

"As popular as this was, it failed to have its effect because the rumor had spread that he had just climbed the stage in his house during the fire in the city and sang about the fall of Troy, equating the present misfortune with the destruction scenes of the past."

Whether Nero actually sang about the fall of Troy at home or on the Maecenasturm with the sight of the burning city can no longer be proven. Tacitus knows the rumor, Juvenal alludes to it, Suetonius and Cassius Dio consider it to be sufficiently well documented.

First reconstruction measures

Organization, building regulations, premiums

The rubble removal was organized immediately and reconstruction began. In contrast to the completely haphazard reconstruction after the Gauls invasion of 390/87 BC. This time, one proceeded according to an urban planning plan. Wide streets and canopies, a limited building height and open courtyards should prevent such a disaster as much as possible in the future. It was also determined that the basement should be made of refractory stone and that each building should have its own surrounding walls. Supervisors were appointed for the water pipes and from now on every house owner had to have their own extinguishing agent ready.

In order to accelerate the reconstruction as much as possible, limited bonuses were suspended, as was the case with the fire of 390/386 BC. Had happened.

Appeasing the gods

Only now did the inevitable appeasement of the gods take place. The Sibylline books were consulted , a feast of prayer was held for Vulcan , Ceres and Proserpine, and Juno was reconciled by sprinkling with water.

The search for the culprit

Nero as an arsonist

"But it was not through human help, not through imperial gifts, nor through atonement by the gods that the shameful rumor could be dispelled that it was believed that the conflagration had been ordered."

This rumor that Nero was the real creator came up right after the fire. Seneca already hinted at arson in August 64. The Tribune Subrius Flavus accused Nero in April 65. For Pliny the Elder - around ten years later? - Nero as the author, just like for the anonymous poet Octavia and the poets Statius and Juvenal . Tacitus also considers it possible that the fire arose from a deceit of the Emperor, but does not want to completely rule out an accident. Modern historians interpret this as clear doubts about Nero's arson. For Suetonius, however , Nero is clearly the arsonist, especially since he allegedly announced this project beforehand. This also convinced Cassius Dio of Nero's guilt, who adds that the fire broke out in several places at the same time.

Argument against the arson by Nero

Modern authors consider the arson on Nero's orders to be more or less political propaganda, because the fire did not break out in the slums hated by Nero, but rather at the foot of Caelius Hill south of the wooden Circus Maximus , a place that is safe for possible construction projects was never intended. Caelius Hill was in flames as early as 27, 36 (with the whole neighborhood burned down) and 54 AD, with the Aventine also burned down and the fire raged for two days. Large fires were not uncommon in Rome. As early as the year 6 Augustus complained about the frequent fires in the city. The fire of 390 BC BC was also called " the Gallic fire ".

The imperial palace, which had recently been redesigned according to Nero's wishes, was destroyed in the fire and with it the unique collection of Greek and Roman art treasures located there, to which Nero attached great importance. Furthermore, Nero used all available forces to fight the fire and immediately got food from Ostia . He even lowered the price of the grain. When the city was rebuilt, precautions were taken to prevent another fire of this magnitude. But precisely by the first Christian writers such as Bishop Clemens of Rome , Tertullian and Lactantius , Nero's arson is not mentioned at all, although it should have been of particular interest to them. Lactantius did not see arson as the cause of the persecution of Christians under Nero, but justified it with the appearance of St. Peter in Rome, who convinced many people of the Christian faith through this miracle. There was also a prophecy among early Christians that the world would end at the heliacal rising of Sirius . The early Christians longed for the end of the world, because the punishment of the evil (i.e. the unchristian world) would have been the reward of the good (i.e. the Christians). Savior prophecies were widespread at the time. According to Tacitus, the fire fighting was hampered by threats from various people. Some had even started conflagrations themselves, shouting that they were ordered to do so; and there were Christians who confessed without being tortured. It is noticeable that both the Gallic fire in 390 BC BC (in the run-up to the battle against the Gauls Brennus) and the fire of Nero on 18/19. On July 64 AD, exactly at the heliacal rise of Sirius , both of them almost completely destroyed the city.

Contemporary and critical authors such as Cluvius Rufus , Flavius ​​Josephus and Martial also consider Nero to be completely innocent. Overall, it is noticeable that the reports of ancient historians become more and more precise, detailed and clear the further back the event.

Philipp Vandenberg comes to the conclusion in his book about Nero in 2000: “Today we can assume that the arson theory was brought into being by Suetonius, an author who did not record history, but stories and sometimes uncritically rumors and anecdotes that came to his ears. The first early Christian authors would have had good reasons to mention the arson by Nero, but apparently even they were not convinced of Sueton's account ” .

Also Massimo Fini comes to the conclusion: "a proof that the arson was directed against the emperor, Caiati seen in the fact that the first fire broke out on Palatine Hill, where Nero's palace was located and the second in the Aemilianischen gardens Tigellinus belonged. If the purpose of the arson had really been to direct suspicion on Nero, then it would have done the opposite. ” According to Vandenberg, if you take a closer look, Nero is one of the main victims of the fire, because he was facing the happiest year his government. He had come into conflict with the nobility and the Senate, but this earned him popular favor, and he knew very well that he would definitely be held responsible for the fire.

The golden house

The renewed outbreak of the fire "had worse defamation because it had broken out in the Aemilian possessions of Tigellinus, and it seemed as if Nero only wanted the fame to build a new city and name it after his name." for the arson it is also stated that Nero required enormous building space for his gigantic palace project, the Domus Aurea , and that he also hated ancient Rome. But this is controversial. In any case, it seems certain that after the city fire of 390/386 BC Private property was considered extinct.

The persecution of Christians

The torches of Nero , painting by Henryk Siemiradzki , 1877.

“In order to end the talk, Nero blamed those who hated the people because of their despicable acts as Christians, and gave them the most exquisite punishments. [...] At first only those who admitted to it were seized, and then, on their complaint, an enormous amount was transferred not only to arson but also to general hatred. When they died, they were also mocked by being torn by dogs or pinned to the cross or destined to death by fire, covered with the skins of wild animals, having to be burned to enlightenment at night when the day came to an end. Nero had opened his park for this spectacle and gave a circus play, where he mingled with the people in the elevator of a charioteer or stood on the chariot. ”The exact number of Christians - 30 years after the crucifixion - is not known, it is estimated however, that there were around 200 to 300, which would be around 10% of Christians in Rome. Death by fire was the very common punishment for arsonists in Rome.

Scope of damage

The extent of the damage has never been precisely determined. Ancient and irreplaceable works of architecture, art and literature have been lost, including the oldest shrines, the Temple of Luna of Servius Tullius , the Temple of Hercules of Euandros , the Iuppiter- Stator Temple of Romulus, Numa's royal castle and the sanctuary of Vesta with the penates of the Roman people .

Countless people had found their deaths, some having died out of desperation. Hundreds of thousands were homeless and destitute and had to be fed, clothed and housed. Housing, jobs, savings, and capital had been lost in immeasurable amounts.

Financing the reconstruction

To finance these enormous reconstruction costs, Nero not only drew on donations from private individuals and communities under pressure, but also began to plunder entire provinces, and in particular the temple treasures. In Asia and Achaia even the images of gods were stolen. The grain donations for the Roman plebs have been stopped. It is obvious that the particularly rich temple in Jerusalem was included in Nero's financial planning. The governor Gessius Florus may have been commissioned with the massive plundering in 64, which escalated two years later in the Jewish War .

literature

General

  • Edward Champlin : Nero . Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA et al. 2003, ISBN 0-674-01192-9 .
  • Anne Daguet-Gagey: Les opera publica à Rome. (180-305 ap. J.-C.) . Institut d'Études Augustiniennes, Paris 1997, ISBN 2-85121-168-4 ( Collection des études Augustiniennes - Série antiquité 156).
  • Kurt Heinz: The picture of Emperor Nero, with Seneca, Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio (historical-philosophical synopsis). Schueler, Biel 1948 (also: Bern, Diss., 1946).
  • Philipp Vandenberg : Nero, emperor and God, artist and fool. Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 2000, ISBN 3-404-61459-3 .
  • Kurt Wallat : Sequitur clades. The vigiles in ancient Rome. A bilingual text collection. Lang, Frankfurt am Main et al. 2004, ISBN 3-631-52473-0 ( Studies on Classical Philology 146).
  • Paul Werner: De incendiis urbis Romae aetate Imperatorum. R. Noske. Leipzig 1906 (Leipzig, Univ., Phil. Diss., 1906; archive.org ).
  • Antonie Wlosok : Rome and the Christians. On the conflict between Christianity and the Roman state. Klett, Stuttgart 1970 ( The ancient language teaching series 13, supplement 1, ZDB -ID 204031-1 ).

To the big fire

  • Jean Beaujeu : L'incendie de Rome en 64 et les Chrétiens. Société d'Etudes Latines, Brussels 1960 ( Collection Latomus 49, ZDB -ID 129900-1 ).
  • Gregory N. Daugherty: The cohortes vigilium and the Great Fire of 64 AD. In: Classical Journal 87, 1991, ISSN  0009-8353 , pp. 229-240 (including on the credibility of the accusation against Nero).
  • Bruno Doer : Nero's torches. In: The ancient world. 2, 1956, 1, ISSN  0002-6646 , pp. 15-28.
  • Alfons Kurfess : The fire of Rome and the persecution of Christians in the year 64 AD In: Mnemosyne. 3. Ser., 6, 1938, ISSN  0026-7074 , pp. 261-272 (inter alia on the various sources).
  • Emilio Radius : L'incendio di Roma. I primi passi del christianesimo. Rizzoli, Milan 1962.

Remarks

  1. ^ Tacitus, Annalen 15:40.
  2. “It is striking that Seneca nowhere specifically mentions this fire in the capital of the empire. Of the reasons for this silence suggested by Grimal, lc, p. 167, the most convincing consideration is that the slightest allusion to the catastrophe for which public opinion has blamed Nero would have involved considerable dangers. ' (See also Préchac, vol. 4, p. 47, note 2). ”(Franz Loretto (Stuttgart, 1996) 93, note 16 to letter 91). Seneca's caution was only justified: shortly after the fire in Rome, he allegedly escaped a poison attack by Nero (Tacitus, Annalen 15, 45).
  3. Seneca, epistulae 91.
  4. Multi inveniuntur qui ignem inferant urbibus, qui inexpugnabilia saeculis et per aliquot aetates tuta prosternant [...] . (Seneca, epistulae 94, 61; German translation Fr. Loretto 1996).
  5. The general mention of arsonists, omitting the name, can also be found in Cassius Dio (62, 18, 3): “But no curse can be imagined that the population would not have hurled against Nero at that time, although they did not mention his name, but only generally cursed the people who had set fire to the city. ”(German translation Otto Veh , Zurich and Munich 1987).
  6. ^ Vacca, Vita Lucani .
  7. So z. B. Frederick M. Ahl: Lucan. An Introduction . Ithaca, London 1976, pp. 341f. For the suppression of Lucan's poems, see Tacitus, Annalen 15, 49.
  8. odisse coepi, postquam parricida matris et uxoris, auriga et histrio et incendiarius extitisti. (Tacitus, Annalen 15, 67; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Schaefer). "Subrius Flavus was not a man to act on popular rumor. He had spent much of his life at or near the emperor's side, and he was actually, with Nero, when Rome was burning. The accusation of Subrius Flavus might be explained away by those who would prefer Nero's innocence, as just the sort of thing that a conspirator would say, but it still looks very much like a lone fact in a debate based on opinions about probabilities. Guilty or not, it assures us that the accusation against Nero was contemporary and not posthumous. ”(Edward Champlin: Nero (Cambridge, 2003) 186).
  9. JAT Robinson: When did the New Testament come about? Wuppertal (1996), pp. 149-179.
  10. ^ WG Kümmel: Introduction to the New Testament .
  11. 1 Petr 3,9  EU .
  12. 1 Petr 3.15  EU .
  13. 1 Petr 1.7  EU ; see. 1 Petr 4.12  EU f.
  14. 1 Petr 2,13-17  EU .
  15. 1 Petr 2.20  EU ff .; 1 Petr 3.13  EU ; 1 Petr 4.15  EU .
  16. 1 Petr 4.16  EU .
  17. JAT Robinson: When did the New Testament come about? Wuppertal (1996), pp. 149-179.
  18. Christine Walde: Octavia , in: Kindlers Neues Literatur Lexikon , Vol. 19 (1988) 186.
  19. mox tecta flammis concidant urbis meis, / ignes ruinae noxium populum premant / turpisque egestas, saeva cum luctu fames. (Pseudo-Seneca Octavia 831-833).
  20. haec fuere lotoe patula ramorum opacitate lascivae, Caecina Largo e proceribus crebro iuventa nostra eas in domo sua ostentante, duraveruntque - quoniam et de longissimo aevo arborum diximus - ad Neronis principis incendia cultu Il virides iuvenesque et ni princeassem. (Pliny naturalis historia 17, 5).
  21. CIL 6, 826 , lines 10–11: quando urbs per novem dies arsit Neronianis temporibus .
  22. Statius, silvae 2, 7, 60f .: dices culminibus Remi vagantis / infandos domini nocentis ignes.
  23. Frederick M. Ahl: Lucan. An Introduction . Ithaca, London 1976, p. 342: “This suggests not only that Lucan accused Nero of setting fire to Rome but also that Statius agreed with him”.
  24. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 38-45.
  25. The main source of Tacitus for the Neronian period is probably the contemporary historian Cluvius Rufus , see Theodor Mommsen : Cornelius Tacitus and Cluvius Rufus. In: Hermes 4 (1870), pp. 295-325; see. also D. Wardle: Cluvius Rufus and Suetonius. In: Hermes 120 (1992), pp. 466-482.
  26. Iuv. 8, 211ff.
  27. in scena numquam cantavit Orestes, / Troica non scripsit. quid enim Verginius armis / debuit ulcisci magis aut cum Vindice Galba, / quod Nero tam saeva crudaque tyrannide fecit? (Iuv. 8, 220-223).
  28. Shortly afterwards, Iuvenal plays on the fire of 390 BC. Chr. And the tunica molesta (the fire dress), the "uncomfortable shirt" made of pitch and resin, in which murder torches were lit as punishment: quid, Catilina, tuis natalibus atque Cethegi / inveniet quisquam sublimius? arma tamen vos / nocturna et flammas domibus templisque paratis, / ut bracatorum pueri Senonumque minores, / ausi quod liceat tunica punire molesta. / sed vigilat consul vexillaque vestra coercet. (Iuv. 8, 231-236)
  29. pone Tigillinum, taeda lucebis in illa / qua stantes ardent qui fixo gutture fumant, / et latum media sulcum deducit harena. (Iuv. 1, 155–157; German transl. Harry C. Schnur (Stuttgart, 1969)).
  30. cf. Tacitus Annals 15, 37.
  31. ^ Suetonius: Nero 19, 1.
  32. cf. Tacitus, Annals 15, 38
  33. cf. Tacitus Annals 15, 39
  34. cf. Tacitus Annals 15, 43
  35. cf. Tacitus Annals 15, 45
  36. ^ Suetonius: Nero 16.
  37. ^ W. Schneemelcher, New Testament Apocrypha Vol. 2 (1997), p. 214.
  38. See Suetonius Nero 16.3.
  39. Cf. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 44: "Therefore [...] compassion became active, as if they were sacrificed not to the common good, but to the lust for murder of a single one."
  40. Paul, shortly before his execution, warns Nero of the world fire: “Because it is not wealth or that which shines in this life that will save you, but if you submit to him and ask him, you will be saved. Because in one day he will destroy the world in fire. But when the emperor heard this, he gave the order to burn all prisoners with fire. "( Acta Pauli 11.2f; German transl. W. Schneemelcher, in his. Vol. 2, 238f.)" But he let them after he had tortured her terribly [...] and gave the order to search for the soldiers of the great king and issued an edict stating that all who were found to be Christians and soldiers of Christ should be executed. " Acta Pauli 11.2). “So in Rome Nero was at the instigation of evil (furious), in that many Christians were executed without judgment, so that the Romans stood by the palace and shouted: 'It is enough, Emperor! These people also belong to us; you destroy the strength of the Romans! ' Then he put an end to (the persecution), whereupon no one should be touched by the Christians until he himself had investigated their case ”( Acta Pauli 11.3).
  41. Consulite commentarios vestros; illic reperietis primum Neronem in hanc sectam cum maxime Romae orientem Caesariano gladio ferocisse. Sed tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae etiam gloriamur. Qui enim scit illum, intellegere potest non nisi grande aliquod bonum a Nerone damnatum. (Tert. Apol. 5, 3).
  42. “This our name took its rise under the reign of Augustus; under Tiberius it was taught in all clarity and publicity; under Nero he was mercilessly condemned [...] Well, although every other ordinance that existed under Nero was repealed, this one has remained steadfast over us until now. ”(8) Principe Augusto nomen hoc ortum est, Tiberio disciplina eius inluxit , Nerone damnatio invaluit, ut iam hinc de persona persecutoris ponderetis: si pius unbekannt princeps, impii Christiani; si iustus, si castus, iniusti et incesti Christiani; si non hostis publicus, nos publici hostes: quales simus, damnator ipse demonstravit, utique aemula sibi puniens. (9) "Et tamen permansit erasis omnibus hoc solum institutum Neronianum, iustum denique ut dissimile sui auctoris." (Tert. Ad nat. 1, 7, 8f .; the question of the legal content and scope of the so-called Institutum Neronianum is still highly controversial. See e.g. Robinson (1986) 245f.
  43. ^ Cassius Dio 62, 16-18.
  44. Eusebius, Kirchengeschichte 2, 25, 1–5.
  45. JAT Robinson: When did the New Testament come about? . Wuppertal (1996), pp. 153f.
  46. (13) Igitur cum omne ius fasque parricidio trivisset ac magis magisque in optimos saeviretur, coniuravere plures varia sane tempestate ad liberandam rempublicam. (14) Quis proditis caesisque immanior urbem incendio, plebem feris vulgo missis, senatam pari morte tollere decreverat, nova sede regno quaesita, maximeque incitante legato Parthorum, qui forte inter epulas aulicis, uti mos est, popentibus, cum sibi cithar liberum esse, adiecerat sumeret ipse quem vellet e suis, ostentans, qui convivio aderant, quod liber sub imperio nullus haberetur. (Aurel. Vict. Liber de Caesaribus 5, 13f.) “After Nero had trampled on all law and duty by his matricide and his fury against the most excellent men increased from day to day, several conspiracies were formed at different times intended the liberation of the state. Their discovery and bloody punishment kindled his anger even more and he decided to exterminate the city with fire, like the people with let loose wild animals, the Senate by a similar way of death and to choose a new seat of government. ”(Transl. A. Cloß, revision E. Gottwein)
  47. Urbem Romam incendit, ut spectaculi eius imaginem cerneret, quali olim Troia capta arserat. (Eutrop. 7, 14; German trans. F. Hoffmann, edited by E. Gottwein).
  48. (1) Interea abundant iam Christianorum multitudine accidit ut Roma incendio conflagraret, Nerone apud Antium constituto. Sed opinio omnium invidiam incendii in principem retorquebat, credebaturque imperator gloriam innovandae urbis quaesisse. (2) Neque ulla re Nero efficiebat, quin ab eo iussum incendium putaretur. Igitur vertit invidiam in Christianos, actaeque in innoxios crudelissimae quaestiones; quin et novae mortes excogitatae, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, multi crucibus affixi aut flamma usti, plerique in id reservati, ut cum defecisset dies, in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. (3) Hoc initio in Christianos saeviri coeptum. Post etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis Christianum esse non licebat. Tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati (Sulp. Sev. Chron. II 29, 1-3).
  49. 4 denique urbis Romae incendium voluptatis suae spectaculum fecit; per sex dies septemque noctes ardens civitas regios pavit aspectus; 5 horrea quadro structa lapide magnaeque illae veterum insulae, quas discurrens adire flamma non poterat, magnis machinis quondam ad externa bella praeparatis labefactatae atque inflammatae sunt, ad monumentorum bustorumque deuersoria infelici plebe conpulsa. 6 quod ipse ex altissima illa Maecenatiana turre prospectans laetusque flammae ut aiebat pulchritudine tragico habitu Iliadam decantabat. 7 avaritiae autem tam praeruptae exstitit, ut post hoc incendium urbis, quam se Augustus ex latericia marmoream reddidisse iactaverat, neminem ad reliquias rerum suarum adire permiserit; cuncta, quae flammae quoquo modo superfuerant, ipse abstulit; 8 centies centena milia sestertium annua ad expensas a senatu conferri sibi imperavit; plurimos senatorum nulla exstante causa bonis privavit; negotiatorum omnium sub una die, tormentis quoque adhibitis, omnem penitus censum abstersit. 9 crudelitatis autem rabie ita efferatus est, ut plurimam senatus partem interfecerit, equestrem ordinem paene destituerit. sed ne parricidiis quidem abstinuit, matrem fratrem sororem uxorem ceterosque omnes cognatos et propinquos sine haesitatione prostravit. 10 auxit hanc molem facinorum eius temeritas impietatis in Deum. nam primus Romae Christianos suppliciis et mortibus affecit ac per omnes provincias pari persecutione excruciari imperavit ipsumque nomen exstirpare conatus beatissimos Christi apostolos Petrum cruce, Paulum gladio occidit. (Oros. Historiarum adversum paganos 7, 7, 4–10)
  50. Tacitus, Annals 15:38; According to Cassius Dio (62, 16, 2f.) The fire was set in different parts of the city at the same time.
  51. Tacitus, Annals 15:39;
  52. ^ Cassius Dio 62, 16, 6f.
  53. Cf. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 38.
  54. Cf. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 40.
  55. a b Cf. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 39.
  56. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 39; Suetonius, Nero 38; Iuv. 8, 220ff .; Cassius Dio 62, 18, 1; see. 62, 29, 1.
  57. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 43; Suetonius, Nero 16.
  58. Livy 5, 55, 4 f.
  59. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 43.
  60. "Bricks were supplied by the state, stones and timber could be fetched wherever they wanted if they vouched for the completion of the building this year." (Livius 5, 55, 4; German translation. H. Dittrich, Berlin 1978).
  61. a b Tacitus, Annalen 15, 44.
  62. Cassius Dio 62, 16, 1.
  63. cf. TACITUS Annals 15.43
  64. FINI, Massimo: Nero - Two thousand years of slander. Bergisch Gladbach 1997, cf. FINI 1994, p. 152
  65. cf. TACITUS Ann. 15, 38.7
  66. VANDENBERG; Philipp: Nero - Emperor and God, artist and fool. 1st edition Bergisch Gladbach 2000, p. 22, FINI, Massimo: Nero - two thousand years of defamation. Bergisch Gladbach 1997, p. 151
  67. VANDENBERG; Philipp: Nero - Emperor and God, artist and fool. 1st edition Bergisch Gladbach 2000, p. 230
  68. FINI, Massimo: Nero - Two thousand years of slander. Bergisch Gladbach 1997. FINI 1994 pp. 161-162
  69. ^ Tacitus, Annalen 15:40.
  70. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 42; see. Suetonius, Nero 38;
  71. ^ Livy 5:55, 4.
  72. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 44; German transl. W. Bötticher / A. Shepherd.
  73. cf. HUF pp. 204-206
  74. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 41; Suetonius, Nero 38.
  75. "perhaps 200,000"; Edward Champlin: Nero (Cambridge, 2003), p. 180.
  76. Champlin (2003) 180.
  77. Tacitus, Annalen 15, 45; see. Suetonius, Nero 38; Cassius Dio 62, 18, 5.
  78. ^ Cassius Dio 62, 18, 5.