Josephine Brunsvik

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Countess Josephine Brunsvik as Countess Deym, unmarked pencil miniature, before 1804

Countess Josephine Brunsvik de Korompa , from 1799 Josephine Countess Deym von Stritetz (born March  28, 1779 in Preßburg ; †  March 31, 1821 in Vienna ) was a member of the Hungarian noble family Brunsvik . She was one of the central female figures in the life of Ludwig van Beethoven , who wrote her at least fourteen love letters, some of them passionate, in the years 1804 to 1810/11, in which he described her as "angel", "my everything" and as his "only one." Beloved ”and swore to her“ eternal loyalty ”. Since she “is the only woman who can be proven to have loved Beethoven persistently and passionately”, a number of musicologists consider Josephine to be the addressee of the famous three-part letter to the “ Immortal Beloved ” dated 6/7. July 1812. A definitive proof of this hypothesis could not yet be produced.

Childhood and first marriage

Josephines Brunsvik's father Anton Brunsvik (1745–1792) died at the age of 47, leaving behind his wife Anna, nee. Freiin Wankel von Seeberg (1752–1830) and four children: Therese (1775–1861), Franz (1777–1849), Josephine and Charlotte (1782–1843). The family lived in a castle in Martonvásár near Budapest .

The children enjoyed an education from private teachers and studied languages ​​and classical literature. All four turned out to be talented musicians: Franz became a good cellist, the girls excelled at the piano - especially Therese. Everyone admired the music of Ludwig van Beethoven, who had established himself as a pianist in the Austrian capital Vienna during the 1790s. He later dedicated the F minor piano sonata op.57 ( Appassionata ) to Franz and the F sharp major sonata op.78 to Therese.

On May 3, 1799, Anna Brunsvik brought her two daughters Therese and Josephine to Vienna , where Beethoven gave them piano lessons. Decades later, as a very old woman, Therese Brunsvik wrote in her memoirs about the first acquaintance of the two sisters with Beethoven: “The immortal, dear Louis van Beethoven was very friendly and as polite as he could be ... He came diligently but stayed an hour from 12 noon to often 4 to 5 o'clock ... The noble man must have been satisfied himself, because for 16 days he never stayed away. ”Like several other men, Beethoven must at first sight find himself in Josephine Brunsvik have fallen in love. About six years after the first meeting, he confessed to her that he had had to suppress his spontaneous love for her at the time. She herself wrote to him - also later, in her widowhood - about her "enthusiastic soul" for him, even before she had met him personally.

At the urging of her mother, who wanted her daughter to have a wealthy husband of the same rank, Josephine Brunsvik married the considerably older Count Joseph von Deym on July 29, 1799 in Martonvásár (born April 4, 1752 in Wognitz in Bohemia; † January 27, 1804 in Prague), who also immediately fell in love with her when they first met in Vienna on May 5, 1799. The "Hofstatuarius" Deym owned a large gallery building on the Rothen Tower in Vienna, the numerous halls of which were filled with plaster and wax casts of famous ancient statues from Italy, which Deym had removed himself during his stays there. After initial, mostly financial difficulties, the Deym marriage developed into a happy relationship despite the considerable age difference.

As a regular “steadfast visitor to the young countess”, Beethoven remained Josephine's piano teacher and gave her free lessons. For Deym he composed pieces for a music box. He also took part in a number of house concerts in the Deymschen Palais, at which many of his latest compositions - such as most of the violin sonatas and probably the piano sonatas op. 31/1 and 2 - were performed.

In her short marriage to Deym, Josephine Deym von Stritetz gave birth to four children:

  • Victoire (Vicky) (* May 5, 1800 in Vienna; † February 2, 1823 in Vienna)
  • Friedrich (Fritz) (born May 3, 1801 in Vienna, † January 23, 1853 in Vienna)
  • Carl (* July 27, 1802 in Nußdorf ob der Traisen ; † May 18, 1840 in Nagysurány)
  • Josephine (Sephine) (born February 24, 1804 in Vienna, † June 25, 1821 in St. Pölten ).

While she was still pregnant with Sephine, Count Deym died suddenly on January 27, 1804 in Prague of pneumonia. Before he died, he gave his wife the guardianship of the children and property in a will. A short time after Deym's death, the Kaiser received the young widow and her older children in Vienna and consoled them: "Don't cry, your children are my children!"

Widowhood

The widowed Josephine Deym von Stritetz spent the summer of 1804 together with her sister Charlotte in a country apartment in Hietzing near Schönbrunn Palace Park. There she fell seriously ill with nerve fever and had to return to the city. After her health had strengthened again in winter, Beethoven came to her lessons more and more often, towards the end of November already every two days, and an ever closer relationship developed between the two.

Between 1804 and 1809 Beethoven wrote Josephine a series of passionate love letters, fourteen of which have survived. Thirteen of them were published in 1957; a further fragment, which is only preserved in a copy of Josephine's Deym von Stritetz, was added later. All of these letters clearly correspond in tone and choice of words to Beethoven's famous letter to the “ Immortal Beloved ” of July 1812. That this love did not remain one-sided is shown, among other things, by excerpts from a letter from Josephine in which she assured him “the possession of the noblest of her self ” and from another letter from her, probably in 1805: “You have had my heart for a long time, dear Beethoven If you can enjoy this assurance, receive it - from the purest heart ”. Beethoven wrote to her in the same year: "Long - long - lasting - may our love be - it is so noble - based on mutual respect and friendship ... o let me hope that your heart will beat long - and for me - mine can only - stop beating - when it no longer beats ”. During this time Beethoven wrote the song An die Hoffnung op.32 for her, as well as a lyrical minuet, the Andante favori WoO 57 for piano (originally the second movement of the Waldstein Sonata op.53 ), whose initial motif, according to Massin and Harry Goldschmidt, the name "Jo-se-phi-ne" chanted.

The love between Beethoven and Josephine Deym von Stritetz, who both tried to keep a secret, was viewed with great suspicion by the class-conscious Brunsvik family from the start. The longer the relationship lasted, the greater the pressure on Josephine Deym von Stritetz to end the relationship with Beethoven. Josephine herself set limits to Beethoven's stormy urge, as she was aware that it was impossible for her, not least for legal reasons, to marry the non-noble Beethoven: Since, according to the law of the time, the woman followed her husband into his class with the marriage, she would have hers The aristocracy had to give up and thus lost the guardianship of their noble children. She indirectly communicated this to Beethoven; In the winter of 1806/07 she wrote to him almost desperately: “This privilege you granted me, the pleasure of your company, could have been the most beautiful ornament of my life. If you loved me less sensually - that I could not satisfy this sensual love - you were angry You on me - I would have to violate sacred bonds, if I were to give your desires a hearing - Believe - that I suffer most by fulfilling my duties - and that certainly, noble motives guide my actions. "

In the autumn of 1807, Josephine Deym von Stritetz finally gave in to the pressure of her noble family and withdrew from Beethoven: she only let herself be denied when he wanted to visit her. The passage “… but never hide from me” in his later letter to the “ Immortal Beloved ” of July 1812 could refer to this extremely offensive and traumatizing experience for Beethoven .

Second marriage

In order to find a suitable teacher for her two school-age sons, Josephine Deym von Stritetz went on a long journey in the summer of 1808 with her sister Therese and their two sons Fritz and Carl, including to Yverdon , where they met the famous teacher Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi met. There she also met the Estonian baron Christoph von Stackelberg (December 4, 1777, Reval - November 7, 1841, Reval), who offered to accompany the four on their return to Hungary via Geneva , southern France, northern Italy and Croatia. When the small tour group arrived in Geneva in December 1808, Josephine Deym von Stritetz suddenly became seriously ill. From Therese's later diary notes and a letter from Stackelberg from 1815, it can be concluded that Josephine Deym von Stritetz surrendered to Stackelberg's advances: When the two sisters and Josephine's sons returned to Hungary together with Stackelberg in the summer of 1809, she was pregnant. Baron Stackelberg - a foreigner of low noble rank and Protestant - was rejected by the class-conscious Brunsviks. Josephine's Deym von Stritetz was the first child with Stackelberg

  • Maria Laura, * (?) December 1809 in Waitzen (today Vác ), † January 7, 1843 in Hosszufalu, Transylvania.

The child was born out of wedlock. It was only with reluctance that mother Anna Brunsvik finally gave her written consent to the marriage, not least because Stackelberg had already threatened several times that he would otherwise stop bringing up Deym's children. Josephine Deym von Stritetz's marriage to Stackelberg took place on February 13, 1810 in Gran . The marriage was unhappy from the start. The second child from this marriage,

  • Theophile, born November 30, 1810 in Vienna, † September 6, 1828 in Reval ,

was born nine months after the wedding. After that, Josephine fell ill again. For the year 1811 there is evidence that she made it a point not to stay in the same room as Stackelberg any more. In addition, both had strong differences of opinion about the upbringing of the children. The purchase of a large estate on May 22, 1810 in Witschapp and Lessonitz in Moravia finally led to the breakdown of the marriage and complete financial ruin . The couple, who took over the rule on July 1, 1810, were unable to fully finance the purchase price of 2,000,000 guilders; after inflation losses and a litigation that was fought by all instances, but ultimately lost, against the owner of the land, Josephine was deprived of most of her fortune.

1812

After numerous nerve-wracking arguments between the couple, Stackelberg probably left his wife and family in June 1812, although Josephine was in great financial difficulties. Stackelberg reportedly wanted to find solace in prayer after the separation. Recently discovered entries in Josephine's diary, presumably from June 1812, indicate that she intended to travel to Prague. From this point on there are significant gaps in Josephine's records and those of her sister Therese. A few pages later may have been removed by someone else's hand. In any case, in Josephine's diary, “four sheets of paper are neatly cut out with scissors.” The traditional records only start again two months later.

In the meantime, Beethoven traveled from Vienna to Prague , where on July 3, 1812 he met the woman whom he spoke to in his famous, on July 6th, July 1812 letter written in Teplitz called his " Immortal Beloved ".

It appears that by the late summer of 1812 it was Josephine's main concern to maintain guardianship over her four Deym children. It was probably during this time that she succeeded in negotiating a new modus vivendi with her husband, who has now apparently returned. Stackelberg, however, put through in this new marriage contract that he could leave Josephine at any time if she should not keep the contract. He may also do this later in connection with the birth of Josephine's seventh child,

  • Theresia Cornelia (called Minona), born April 8, 1813 in Vienna, † February 21, 1897 in Vienna,

that was born exactly nine months after Beethoven met his “ Immortal Beloved ” in Prague . The thesis has therefore repeatedly been put forward that it was not Stackelberg but Beethoven who was Minona's biological father. (Interestingly, the name Minona reads backwards 'Anonim').

Beethoven's “Immortal Beloved”?

There are weighty reasons for the fact that it was not Josephine but Antonie Brentano that was Beethoven's “Immortal Beloved”. In particular, there is no concrete evidence that Josephine left Vienna at the time in question to travel via Prague to Karlsbad , where the addressee of the letter was staying at that time:

  1. Josephine is not mentioned in a register of the Vienna police, which lists all those who left Vienna between June 28 and July 4, 1812. Beethoven left Vienna on June 29th at 4:00 am; Antonie Brentano left on July 1, 1812 at 2 a.m.
  2. Josephine does not appear in the tourist lists of the Prager Oberpostamts-Zeitung in 1812 , in which numerous Prague visitors, especially nobles, were mentioned. Beethoven, who arrived in Prague on July 1st, and Antonie Brentano, who arrived on July 3rd, are named there.
  3. Josephine does not appear in the Karlsbad spa lists or in those of Franzensbad in 1812, nor in the police reports of Karlsbad. This also only applies to Antonie Brentano, who arrived in Karlsbad on July 5th.

separation

After a long separation, the exact period of which has not yet been determined, Stackelberg reappeared in May 1814 to bring his children - including Minona - to the Baltic States. Josephine resisted, whereupon Stackelberg called the police and violently grabbed the three small children because of alleged neglect. As it turned out later, Stackelberg did not take the children to Livonia , but gave them to a clergyman in Bohemia .

Josephine, alone and increasingly ailing, hired a dubious math teacher named Karl Eduard von Andrehan-Werburg (called: Andrian) in September 1814. She fell victim to his charismatic influence, became pregnant and gave birth to her eighth child hidden in a hut in the fall of 1815.

  • Emilie, born September 16, 1815 in Gießhübl (?) / Wienerwald, † September 6, 1817 in Vienna.

At the end of April 1815, Stackelberg, who had inherited an inheritance through the death of a brother, reappeared in Vienna to take Josephine with him to his Livonian estates. Due to her pregnancy, which Stackelberg apparently remained unknown, and her obligations to her Deym children, she did not want to follow him, especially since their marriage was largely destroyed. Stackelberg wrote Josephine a long letter in which he drew a very ambivalent picture of her character from his perspective.

Shortly after Josephine gave birth to her last child, Emilie, she resigned her father Andrian from the position of tutor. Andrian then took his daughter with him and raised her alone. Two years later, on September 6, 1817, Emilie died of measles. The chain of dramatic events continued: On December 29, 1815, a dean Franz Leyer from Trautenau (Trutnov) wrote Josephine that he had her three little daughters in his custody, but that Stackelberg had not sent any money for a long time. Josephine and Therese - happy to hear something from the children again after almost two years - pooled as much money as they could find and sent it to Leyer, who shortly thereafter suggested that the children be returned to their mother's care . Just at the moment when Josephine could finally hope to see her children again, Christoph von Stackelberg's brother Otto showed up in Trautenau at the end of September 1816 in order to finally bring the children to Estonia.

Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach believes she has found indications that Beethoven and Josephine had sporadic direct or indirect contact with each other even after 1812. It is now documented that both Josephine and Beethoven were in Baden in the summer of 1816 , where they could have met. It seems that they also planned to spend a few weeks together in the north German spa town of Bad Pyrmont in autumn 1816 . Josephine was granted a passport “to the Bad zu Pirmont” by the Austrian Council of State on August 3, and Beethoven noted, also in August 1816, in his diary: “not to P - t, but to P - agree, as it was on best to do. ”“ P. ”could have been the abbreviation for“ Pepi ”, Josephine's nickname.

The end

At the end of 1819 Christoph von Stackelberg returned to Vienna and finally brought the kidnapped children with him so that Josephine could see them again. Therese later wrote about Minona, now six, in her memoir: “The child had developed strangely. Without being beautiful, she was strong and so impressed her older sisters that we always called her the governess. It turned out later that she had the most genius among the sisters. ”Josephine let the children go quietly. She knew that she was no longer up to the burden of raising these children, too.

Josephine's life ended in increasing suffering, intermittent financial difficulties, and loneliness. To the horror of the bedridden mother, the two sons Fritz and Carl from their marriage to Deym went to the military, the second Deym daughter Sephine had gone to the English Fräulein in St. Pölten, the three daughters from his marriage to Stackelberg were in his homeland , Sister Therese left Josephine, brother Franz refused to send any more money, and mother Anna accused her of being to blame for her own misfortune.

Josephine Countess von Brunsvik died on March 31, 1821; she was buried in a separate grave in the Währing local cemetery near Vienna. The fact that she was refused a memorial stone by the family is an invention by Tellenbach that has been uncritically adopted by several authors. In the same year Beethoven composed his last two piano sonatas Op. 110 (not dedicated) and Op. 111 (in Austria Archduke Rudolf, in England dedicated to Antonie Brentano ). Both sonatas are interpreted by the musicologists Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach and Harry Goldschmidt as requiem sonatas for Josephine - partly because of their references to the Andante favori - with Tellenbach placing the focus on op.110, Goldschmidt on op.111. Exactly six years later, Breuning and Schindler also chose a grave site for Beethoven in the Währing cemetery, “where he always liked to stay”. On October 16, 1909, the remains of Josephine Brunsvik (and her two children Victoire and Friedrich Deym von Střítež) were exhumed and transferred to a now unknown crypt on the Brunsvik family estate in Nemyšl .

Decades after Josephine's death, her sister Therese, in her seventies, wrote in her diary: “Beethoven! it's like a dream that he was the friend, the confidante of our house - a wonderful spirit! why didn't my sister Josephine take him to be her husband as widow Deym? She would have been happier than with St [ackelberg]. Mother's love determined her - to renounce her own happiness ”; and she remembered: “I was happy I had Beethoven's intimate, intellectual company for so many years! Josephine's house and dear friend! They were born for each other and were both still alive if they had united. "

Traces in the music?

Beethoven has officially dedicated only one work to Josephine Brunsvik / Deym von Stritetz, which she also has to share with her sister Therese Brunsvik: the six variations on “I think your” WoO 74 for piano. If, therefore, one were to raise Beethoven's “official” dedications to the only standard of his appreciation, Josephine Brunsvik / Deym von Stritetz would see themselves treated more negligently than most of the peripheral women in Beethoven's life. It was not least the almost complete lack of official dedications that - in addition to a series of cover-ups and document destruction by the Brunsvik family - contributed significantly to the fact that Josephine Brunsvik / Deym von Stritetz was almost non-existent in Beethoven's biography for the longest time.

This only changed when the basic musicological study of the French couple Brigitte and Jean Massin appeared at the beginning of the 1970s: especially in the "lyrical minuet" written for Josephine, the Andante favori WoO 57, whose biographical significance only after the publication of the fourteen Love letters to Josephine had become manifest in the fifties ("- here you - you - Andante -"), they believe they have found a semantic code for "Jo-se-phi-ne". This approach, which also wants to open up music as a biographical document, was subsequently expanded by Harry Goldschmidt and Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach. Metamorphoses of the “lyrical minuet” - and with it references to Josephine - they believe to be able to demonstrate in Beethoven's oeuvre over decades and into his later work.

In detail, you can see traces of the “lyrical minuet” and the like in the field of instrumental music. a. in the following plants:

  • from Josephine Deym von Stritetz's time as a widower: Piano Sonata No. 22 in F major (1st movement), op. 54; Violin Concerto in D major, op. 61 (2nd movement); Piano Sonata No. 23 in F minor ("Appassionata"), op. 57 (1st movement)
  • from the period between 1807 and 1812: "Quartetto serioso" in F minor, op. 95 (third and fourth movements)
  • from the period after 1812: Violin Sonata in G major, op. 96 (1st movement); Piano Sonata No. 29 in B flat major (“Hammerklaviersonate”), op. 106 (2nd movement); Piano Sonata No. 31 in A flat major, op. 110 (1st movement); Piano Sonata No. 32 in C minor, op. 111 (2nd movement: “Arietta”); "Diabellivariationen" in C major, op 120 (33rd variation: "Tempo di Menuetto") and finally in the "Bagatelles" op. 126 (No. 3 and No. 6, both in E flat major)

In the field of vocal music, they see biographical references to Josephine Brunsvik / Deym von Stritetz u. a. in the following plants:

  • in the opera Leonore , op. 72 (later Fidelio ); the song cycle An die ferne Geliebte , op. 98 and, among other things, the songs An die Hoffnung op. 32 / op. 94; When the beloved wanted to part , WoO 132; Resignation , WoO 149 as well as evening song under the starry sky , WoO 150.

The references seem to be so continuous that Brigitte Massin summarizes the “permanence of Josephine in Beethoven's work”.

literature

  • La Mara : Beethoven's Immortal Beloved . Countess Brunsvik's secret and her memoirs. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1909.
  • La Mara: Beethoven and the Brunsviks. Based on family papers from Therese Brunsvik's estate. Leipzig: Seal, 1920
  • Walter Riezler : Beethoven. Zurich: Atlantis, 1936 - 8th edition 1962
  • Marianne Czeke : Brunszvik Teréz grófno naplói és feljegyzései [Countess Therese Brunsvik's diary and notes]. Volume 1, Budapest 1938.
  • Siegmund Kaznelson : Beethoven's Distant and Immortal Beloved . Zurich: Standard, 1954.
  • Joseph Schmidt-Görg (Hrsg.), Beethoven: Thirteen unknown letters to Josephine Countess Deym geb. v. Brunsvik. Bonn: Beethoven House, 1957.
  • Joseph Schmidt-Görg: New documents on Beethoven and Josephine Countess Deym. In: Beethoven yearbook 1965/68. Bonn: 1969, pp. 205-208.
  • Jean and Brigitte Massin: Recherche de Beethoven. Paris: Fayard, 1970.
  • Harry Goldschmidt : About the Immortal Beloved. An inventory. Leipzig: German publishing house for music, 1977
  • Harry Goldschmidt: Aspects of Current Beethoven Research. Biography. In: ders. (Ed.): On Beethoven. Articles and annotations. Leipzig (1979), pp. 167-242
  • Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach : Beethoven and his "Immortal Beloved" Josephine Brunswick. Their fate and the influence on Beethoven's work. Zurich: Atlantis, 1983
  • Rita Steblin : A History of Key Characteristics in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries. University of Rochester Press, 1983.
  • Virginia Beahrs: The Immortal Beloved Revisited. In: The Beethoven Newsletter 1/2 (Summer), 1986, pp. 22–24.
  • Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach: Beethoven and the Countess Josephine Brunswick. In: The Beethoven Newsletter 2/3, 1987, pp. 41–51
  • Virginia Oakley Beahrs: The Immortal Beloved Riddle Reconsidered. In: The Musical Times , Vol. 129 (1988), pp. 64-70.
  • Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach: Artists and estates around 1800: the role of guardianship laws in Beethoven's relationship with Josephine Countess Deym. In: Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte , Volume 2 (1988), pp. 253–263.
  • Maynard Solomon : Recherche de Josephine Deym. In: ders .: Beethoven Essays. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988, pp. 157-165, et al. 333-335.
  • Carl Dahlhaus : Ludwig van Beethoven: Approaches to his Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.
  • Virginia Beahrs, Beethoven's Only beloved ? New Perspectives on the Love Story of the Great Composer. In: Music Review , Vol. 54 (1993), pp. 183-197
  • Ernst Pichler, Beethoven. Myth and Reality , Vienna: Amalthea, 1994
  • Ludwig van Beethoven, correspondence. Complete edition , ed. by Sieghard Brandenburg , 7 volumes, Munich: Henle, 1996–1998
  • Rita Steblin : Josephine Countess Brunswick-Deym's secret revealed: New results on her relationship with Beethoven. In: Österreichische Musikzeitschrift , vol. 57 (2002), no. 6 (June), pp. 23–31.
  • Maynard Solomon (ed.): Beethoven's diary 1812–1818. Bonn: Beethoven House, 2005.
  • Rita Steblin: "In this way with A everything perishes". A New Look at Beethoven's Diary Entry and the "Immortal Beloved". In: Bonner Beethoven Studies , Volume 6 (2007), pp. 147–180
  • Dagmar Skwara and Rita Steblin: A letter from Christoph Freiherr von Stackelberg to Josephine Brunsvik-Deym-Stackelberg. In: Bonner Beethoven Studies , Volume 6 (2007), pp. 181–187
  • Rita Steblin: Beethoven's “Immortal Beloved”: the solution to the riddle. In: Österreichische Musikzeitschrift , vol. 64 (2009), No. 2, pp. 4–17. [1]
  • Rita Steblin: "A dear, enchanting girl who loves me and whom I love": New Facts about Beethoven's Beloved Piano Pupil Julie Guicciardi. In: Bonner Beethoven Studies , Volume 8 (2009b), pp. 89–152.
  • Klaus Martin Kopitz , Rainer Cadenbach (Eds.) A. a .: Beethoven from the point of view of his contemporaries in diaries, letters, poems and memories. Volume 1: Adamberger - Kuffner. Edited by the Beethoven Research Center at the Berlin University of the Arts. Henle, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-87328-120-2 .
  • Klaus Martin Kopitz: The early Viennese performances of Beethoven's chamber music in contemporary documents (1797–1828). In: Beethoven's chamber music. Edited by Friedrich Geiger and Martina Sichardt (= Das Beethoven-Handbuch , edited by Albrecht Riethmüller , Volume 3). Laaber 2014, pp. 165-211.
  • Michael Lorenz : The Exhumation of Josephine Countess von Deym , Vienna 2017.
  • Klaus Martin Kopitz: The Letter to the Immortal Beloved. Facts and fictions , in: The Beethoven Collection of the Berlin State Library . “This kiss to the whole world!” , Ed. by Friederike Heinze, Martina Rebmann and Nancy Tanneberger, Petersberg: Michael Imhof 2020, pp. 156–163

Individual evidence

  1. The Brunsviks traced their descent to the crusader Heinrich von Braunschweig (" Heinrich the Lion ", 1139–1195).
  2. Harry Goldschmidt (1977) p. 231.
  3. La Mara (1920), Kaznelson (1954), Riezler (1962), Massin (1970), Goldschmidt (1977), Tellenbach (1983, 1987), Beahrs (1986, 1988, 1993), Dahlhaus (1991), Pichler ( 1994), Steblin (2002, 2007, 2009). The original spelling of the letter can be found here: beethoven-haus-bonn.de .
  4. See Thereses Brunsvik's Memoirs, in: La Mara (1909), pp. 58–135; Kopitz / Cadenbach (2009), No. 161.
  5. cit. after La Mara (1909), p. 64f. - Beethoven later dedicated the song I think yours with six variations for piano duo, WoO 74 , to the sisters Therese and Josephine Brunsvik .
  6. “… dear J.,… when I came to you - I was determined not to let a spark of love germinate in me…” (Beethoven to Josephine Deym von Stritetz, March / April 1805, in: Ludwig van Beethoven: Briefwechsel. Complete edition. Ed. by Sieghard Brandenburg . Volume 1. Munich 1996, No. 216.)
  7. “My soul that was enthusiastic about you before I knew you personally - received nourishment through your affection. A feeling that lies deep in my soul and is incapable of expression made me love you; Even before I knew you, your music made me enthusiastic for you - the goodness of your character, your affection increased it. ”(Josephine Deym von Stritetz to Beethoven, Winter 1806/1807, in: Brandenburg 1996, no. 265. )
  8. a b Steblin (2007), p. 157.
  9. For details in Steblin (2007), p. 155f, see also Goldschmidt (1977), p. 370. Following a hint from Goldschmidt, Steblin found 108 marriage letters of the two and announced that they would be published. (Steblin 2007, p. 155, note 41)
  10. Therese Brunsvik in her memoir, cit. after La Mara (1909), pp. 68f.
  11. Among other things , he introduced such well-known soloists as the horn player Punto and the famous violinist Bridgetower, who performed in Vienna in 1803 and for whom he had written the violin sonata in A major, op. 47 ("Kreutzersonata"). (see Tellenbach 1983, p. 62 and Goldschmidt 1977, p. 190f)
  12. See Tellenbach (1983), pp. 59-62. - Josephine Deym von Stritetz said about a brilliant house concert in honor of the Duchess Franzele von Württemberg (cf. Steblin 2009b) on December 10, 1800: “Yesterday we had music in honor of the Duchess. I had to play, and all the arrangements were on me ... Beethoven played the sonata with cello, I played the last of the three violin sonatas [op. 12/3] with Schuppanzigh's company, who like everyone else played divinely. Then Beethoven, as a true angel, let us hear his new, not yet engraved quartets [from op. 18], which are the highest of their kind. ”(Cit. After La Mara 1920, p. 14, who erroneously called the Countess von Giovane.) Josephine Deym von Stritetz was just as enthusiastic about the quartets on November 12, 1802: “I have sonatas by Beethoven [probably the piano sonatas op. 31/1 and 2], which destroy all previous ones. "(Ibid., P. 40)
  13. ^ Friedrich Freiherr von Haan: "Excerpts from the blocking relations of the n.-ö. and kkn-ö. Land law 1762-1852", in: Yearbook of the Adler Society 1907, p. 79.
  14. In November 1803 the Deym couple traveled to Prague, where they had relatives, to spend the winter there. (cf. Tellenbach 1983, p. 63) At the same time, Beethoven also intended to come to Prague for a certain time. After Josephine's Deym von Stritetz returned from Prague, shortly after the sudden death of her husband, Beethoven's travel project was no longer mentioned. (see Goldschmidt 1977, p. 191f)
  15. La Mara (1909), p. 71.
  16. See Tellenbach (1983), p. 64 f.
  17. Beethoven est fort aimable: il vient presque tous les jours et seconds DONE of leçons à Pepi. ["Beethoven is extremely amiable, he comes almost every two days and gives Pepi lessons."] (Charlotte Brunsvik to her sister Therese, November 20, 1804; cit. After Schmidt-Görg 1957, p. 10)
  18. Rita Steblin dates Beethoven's last surviving letter from this correspondence to 1810/1811.
  19. See Massin (1970), Goldschmidt (1977), pp. 144–156 and Tellenbach (1983), pp. 103 f.
  20. cit. according to Tellenbach (1983), p. 66. For the interpretation of this formulation cf. ibid, p. 104 f. - Only a few drafts of Josephine Deym von Stritetz's letters have survived.
  21. cit. according to Tellenbach (1983), p. 67.
  22. cit. according to Schmidt-Görg (1957), p. 14.
  23. On March 24, 1805, she wrote to her mother: “The good Beethoven gave me a lovely song that he wrote for me on a text from Urania 'To Hope'.” Cit. according to Schmidt-Görg (1957), p. 12, who also believes that the manuscript was probably dedicated to Josephine Deym von Stritetz. (ibid)
  24. Beethoven 1805 to Josephine: "- here you - you - Andante -" (Brandenburg 1996, no. 220) - The rhythmic scanting of the name "Jo-se-phi-ne" is identical to "Le-o-no-re “, The heroine of the opera of the same name (later Fidelio ) op. 72, which Beethoven was writing at this time. In this opera a woman frees her innocent husband from prison. - During his love affair with Josephine Brunsvik / Deym von Stritetz, Beethoven's work took off: In addition to the aforementioned opera Leonore op.72, important works such as the Waldstein Sonata op.53, the F major Sonata op.54 and the Appassionata op. 57, the IV. Symphony op. 60, the G major piano concerto op. 58, the Rasumowsky quartets op. 59 and the violin concerto op. 61. The musicologists Harry Goldschmidt (1977) and Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach ( 1983) believe that most of these works have musical references to the Andante favori and thus to Josephine Deym von Stritetz.
  25. "Beethoven vient très souvent, il dône des leçons à Pepi - c'est un peu dangereux , je t'avoue" ["Beethoven is here very often, he teaches Pepi - that's a bit dangerous , I must confess"] . (So ​​already on December 19, 1804 Charlotte in the "Danube French" of the Brunsvik sisters to Therese, in: La Mara 1920, p. 51 and Kopitz / Cadenbach 2009, no. 103.)
  26. “Beethoven and Pepi, what should become of it? She should be on her guard! ...  Your heart must have the strength to say no , a sad duty, if not the saddest of all! ”(Therese to Charlotte, January 20, 1805, in: La Mara 1920, p. 54; Kopitz / Cadenbach 2009, no. 141 ) - In her letters from Transylvania, Charlotte herself gave Josephine the urgent advice not to be alone with Beethoven: “Ne sois jamais seule avec lui - - -”. (Probably in late summer / autumn 1805; cit. after Goldschmidt 1977, p. 246) And on October 20, 1805 she wrote to her: “la seul chose pour la quelle je te conjure, c'est d'être sur les gardes avec B : fait toi la loi de ne jamais le voir seul; meilleur il servit encore de ne jamais le voir dans ta maison; que Dieu te donc [sic!] la force d'exécuter ce que je te conseille! qu'il te rédone a ta Famille, a tes enfants: qu'il te rédone a ton cœur la paix, et le bonheur. ”[“ The only matter I urgently ask of you is in front of B [eethoven] on the To be a hat: make it a rule never to see him alone; it is better still to never see him in your house; may God give you the strength to do what I advise you to do! may he give you back to your family and your children: may he give your heart back peace and happiness. ”] (cit. after Steblin 2007, p. 149)
  27. Tellenbach (1988), p. 259 f.
  28. Josephine zu Beethoven, Winter 1806/07, in: Brandenburg (1996), No. 265; see also Tellenbach (1988), p. 260. - This was later misinterpreted by the then director of the Beethoven House in Bonn as a “cooling off” of their love: Schmidt-Görg (1957), p. 31.
  29. Tellenbach (1999), p. 455.
  30. Beethoven wrote her bitterly: “Dear J., because I have to fear that I will no longer find you at all - and that I can no longer submit to the rejection of your servant - I can no longer come to you any other way. “(Cit. After Schmidt-Görg 1957, p. 28) - That the contact between the two was not completely broken, however, is shown by an exchange of letters between Josephine Deym von Stritetz and Beethoven, den Tellenbach (1983, p. 95 f) the second half dated 1809. She wrote to Beethoven: “Now tell me how you are, what are you doing? How your health, your mind, your way of life is - the intimate share I take in everything that concerns you and will take as long as I live makes it my business to have news about it. Or if my friend Beethoven believes , may I call you that, I have changed - what would this doubt say differently than you would not always be the same. ”And Beethoven in his reply:“ I thank you for still wanting to shine as if I were not completely banished from their memory, even if it was perhaps more at the instigation of others - they want me to tell them how I am, no one can ask me a more difficult question - and I would prefer it unanswered let, as - you answer too true - goodbye dear J. / as always / you to them / eternally loyal to / Beethowen. ”(both letters cited from Tellenbach 1983, p. 95; Beethoven's last letter could also, in the opinion of Steblin only date from the years 1810/11.)
  31. "She imagined how I should have acted in Geneva when she asked me for help - at that time I could have saved her." (Cit. After Tellenbach 1983, p. 91)
  32. Skwara / Steblin (2007), p. 183; Tellenbach (1983), p. 90.
  33. Steblin dates this “love affair” to January 1809 (Geneva) and April 1809 (Pisa). (Steblin 2007, p. 157)
  34. This was first demonstrated by Steblin (2002). Until then, Maria-Laura's date of birth had been set to 1811, which meant that her illegitimate birth remained in the dark (see also Steblin 2007, p. 157).
  35. Reproduced in Goldschmidt (1977), p. 404.
  36. Josephine's instructions on how to arrange her bedroom in Witschapp in letters to her sister Therese dated March 4 and 17, 1811. Josephine not only insisted on separate bedrooms, she also wanted a maid to sleep in the room in between. (cf. Steblin 2007, p. 171)
  37. Tellenbach (1983, p. 93f) gives a vivid description of the Schöngeist Stackelberg, who is helpless in practical questions of upbringing and therefore all the more authoritarian.
  38. Therese Brunsvik in her memoirs: “There were rich civil servants on the great rulership in Moravia: a judicial office, an economic, castner, rent and forest office. The area was large and covered with forests, very regulated: 11 villages and a market, 14 farmsteads with arched stables, 200 foreign cows, 20,000 fine merinos, etc. made the fundus instructus - a gold mine for the discerning and happy. The sickly beautiful woman received a sleeper-travel carriage, which was 10,000  Fl. tasted, four lively Polish gray horses, young, harnessed with pretty crockery, and the caravan moved to Moravia, between Znojmo (Znojmo) and Iglau (Jihlava), the beautiful expanse of the town of Trebitsch (Třebíč). "(La Mara 1909, p. 98) Detailed information about everyday life in Witschapp between August 1810 and (presumably) the end of December 1811 can be found in Therese's diaries. (see Czeke 1938)
  39. The Habsburg guilder had been devalued to a fifth in March 1811 as a result of the state bankruptcy caused by the Napoleonic wars, which were heavy with losses. (Finance patent from March 15, 1811. See also Stackelberg's enormous financial losses of more than 300,000 guilders in connection with a loan he took out in Prague on April 22, 1811; Steblin 2007, p. 170)
  40. Pichler (1994), pp. 277–280, provides a good (albeit incomplete) summary of the highly complex legal matters.
  41. Goldschmidt documents a diary note from Josephine's eldest daughter Vicky, who was still before the age of twelve, on April 3, 1812, which describes a dramatic morning argument between the married couple, whose involuntary ear-witness she became. Among other things, Vicky writes: “I soon recognized Mum's voice by her gentleness and Papa's voice by his angry tone ... who only sees mum as the martyrdom of his life. In this terrible deception he said a thousand insults to her, without thinking of the dire consequences ... I thought of the terrible consequences of the haste caused by the misfortune of my mother, who married out of love for us and, through this important step, her forever Caused misfortune. She did it for us in order to leave us a support if she should die, ... a father ... "(Goldschmidt 1977, p. 168 in the French original and p. 405 in the German translation.)
  42. Steblin (2007, p. 163f) presents new documents that clearly show that Stackelberg must have been away from home in the first half of July 1812. Maybe he was in Vienna, but definitely not with his family.
  43. “I have a difficult day today. (...) St [ackelberg] wants me to sit myself. he is insensitive to those pleading in need. (...) I want to speak to Liebert in Prague [!]. I never want to let go of the children. ”(Josephine's diary, June 1812, in: Steblin 2007, pp. 159–162.)
  44. ^ With Therese between June 9th and August 6th. (cf. Goldschmidt 1977, p. 169)
  45. Tellenbach (1983), p. 109.
  46. The presence of Josephine in Prague at the time in question has not yet been proven, but neither has it been falsified. Harry Goldschmidt's classic sentence continues to apply: “Legally speaking, your alibi is not there.” (Goldschmidt 1977, p. 181) However, this has been documented since the sensational new discoveries by Rita Steblin (2007, p. 159–162; see above), that Josephine intended such a trip a few weeks earlier . Even if “Liebert in Prague” has not yet been identified, there are many indications that Josephine sought the support of influential personalities in Prague. This could either be legal assistance with a view to a possible future divorce from Stackelberg (the direct connection between “Liebert in Prague” and the fate of the children in the diary mentioned above could speak in favor of it) or help for the restitution of their legal dispute traded in exorbitant sums of money lost on the lands in Moravia. Tellenbach and Steblin think it is conceivable that Josephine sought an audience with the emperor, who was in Prague at the end of June on his return from the Dresden Fürstentag. (After all, the latter had assured her of his support after Deym's death. - What Josephine could not have known, however: The emperor and his entourage left Prague early in the morning on July 1 to travel on to Schönhof; cf. Steblin 2007, p. 170, Note 76. So the hoped-for audience with the emperor very probably did not come about.) In summary, Tellenbach comes to the conclusion: “One thing is certain: there were enough reasons for Josephine to go to Prague in her distress that did not come with anything Beethoven had to do. ”(Tellenbach 1983, p. 110f) - Josephine would have had the opportunity to travel incognito to Prague and there, as always, in the house of her sister-in-law, Countess Victoria Goltz, in the New Town of Prague or with others of hers numerous relatives and friends to stay in the Bohemian capital. The hotel "Zum Schwarzen Ross", where Beethoven stayed, was only a few hundred meters away on Alte Allee; (cf. Goldschmidt 1977, p. 179f.) Accordingly, most of the scholars who consider Josephine to be the most plausible candidate for the “Immortal Beloved” suspect that Josephine and Beethoven probably met on July 3rd in Prague by chance , perhaps on the street , met. (cf. Goldschmidt 1977, p. 180; Tellenbach 1983, p. 111; Pichler 1994, p. 277 and 280f; Steblin 2007, p. 170) This hypothesis is supported by a letter that Beethoven wrote a week and a half later on May 14. Juli wrote from Teplitz to his friend Karl August Varnhagen von Ense , with whom he had an appointment for the evening of July 3rd in Prague: “I was sorry, dear V., not being able to spend the last evening in Prague with you, me found it indecent myself, but a circumstance, which I could not see beforehand, kept me from it ”. (Ludwig van Beethoven, Briefwechsel. Complete edition , edited by Sieghard Brandenburg, Volume 2, Munich 1996, No. 583) It is generally assumed that it was the unforeseen encounter with the "Immortal Beloved" that prevented the planned meeting with Varnhagen . - Brigitte Massin writes: “Why does the adjective 'immortal' describe the beloved of 1812? It never appears in the letters to Josephine [between 1804 and 1809], letters in which the beloved is called 'only one' four times. To say to the one you love that she is immortal, doesn't that mean that one believed or was in the error of losing her and that she has been found beyond a fate of disappearing? Orpheus undoubtedly never had the thought of greeting Euridice with the name Immortals before he snatched her from the realm of shadows. "(Massin 1970, 71f.)
  47. Printed in Goldschmidt (1977), p. 405.
  48. Kaznelson (1954), Goldschmidt (1977), Tellenbach (1983), Pichler (1994). In addition to Josephine's broken marriage with Stackelberg and her proven intention to go to Prague, the name of her daughter, who was born on April 8th, 1813 - her full name was Maria, Theresia, Selma, Arria, Cornelia, Minona; However, she was only called "Minona" - giving rise to speculation: On the one hand, it was repeatedly pointed out that the nickname "Minona" read backwards is "Anonim", which could be interpreted as "paternité anonyme". (Goldschmidt 1977, p. 160 and Tellenbach 1983, p. 127) Goldschmidt and Tellenbach also plausibly argue that the literarily highly educated Josephine was very likely familiar with the then unusual name Minona from Goethe's “Werther”. (ibid. p. 159f and 127) In “Werther” the skald girl Minona, daughter of a Celtic singer (!), appears at the height of the novel, where Werther Lotte reads from “Ossian”, which he translated at her request. Goldschmidt and Tellenbach emphasize that there was an analogous Werther situation between Beethoven and Josephine. (As far as the name Minona is concerned, Kaznelson had already noticed the Werther reference in 1954. For the entire “Werther diction” of the famous letter to the “Immortal Beloved” cf. Goldschmidt 1977, pp. 156–161.) Tellenbach has other references also found in Minona's other names Selma, Arria and Cornelia. (Tellenbach 1983, pp. 125–129. - The names Maria and Theresia, on the other hand, refer to Minona's godmother Therese Brunsvik, Josephine's sister.) Tellenbach's findings in Josephine's other daughters show that this cannot be a matter of mere speculation: “The names that Josephine gave to her daughters all have a meaning and are not only chosen for aesthetic reasons. ”(Tellenbach 1983, p. 126) This also applies to Josephine's last daughter, Emilie von, who was only discovered by Steblin in 2007 who Tellenbach and Goldschmidt could not yet know: Their name can be plausibly related to their father, the private tutor Andrian, based on Rousseau's educational novel "Emile". (see Steblin 2007, p. 178)
  49. ^ Vienna, Austrian State Archives, General Administrative Archives, Police Yard Office GZ 698/27 ex 1812; quoted with Klaus Martin Kopitz , Antonie Brentano in Vienna (1809–1812). New sources on the problem of “Immortal Beloved” , in: Bonner Beethoven Studies , Volume 2 (2001), pp. 115–146, here pp. 136f. PDF file
  50. See Steblin (2007), p. 186, note 12.
  51. He had obtained an assignment order on May 8, 1814 from the Vienna Police Director Siber. (Facsimile in Goldschmidt, 1977, p. 406f) Apparently Stackelberg had asserted (alleged or actual) attacks by the eldest son Fritz against a younger half-sister. In a letter of October 28, 1814 to Josephine's uncle, the Hungarian Chancellor of the Treasury, Count Joseph von Brunsvik, who had campaigned for his niece in a letter of October 9, the Vienna Police President Hager wrote: “Because of the complete physical neglect of that second marriage a . Startled by the danger that the girl would be seduced by the stepbrother when she was still a child, B. Stakelberg, with the consent of the land rights, obtained police assistance in order to place his children elsewhere. ”Josephine's sister Therese then wrote to Hager:“ Those evil accusations of the vengeful stepfather are defamations that are refuted by the age of their children themselves ... Who could offend a mother who wants the best! ”(cit. after Tellenbach 1983, p. 136. Hager's letter was printed in full in Goldschmidt 1977, p. 407f .)
  52. La Mara (1909), pp. 105-107.
  53. Steblin (2007), p. 157 and 174.
  54. Printed in Skwara / Steblin (2007). - The image of Josephine's personality and her character also fluctuates very strongly in the (few) literature about her: While she appears primarily as a “noble sufferer” in Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach's publications, Rita Steblin and Dagmar Skwara, on the other hand, believe that she is her to be able to discover all the traits of a “femme fatale”.
  55. Steblin (2007), p. 174.
  56. Tellenbach (1983), pp. 137f.
  57. La Mara (1909), p. 105 and Steblin (2007), p. 186, note 12.
  58. See Tellenbach (1983) p. 177f.
  59. Tellenbach (1983), p. 142 and Steblin 2007, p. 178f.
  60. Tellenbach (1983), p. 148.
  61. ibid.
  62. Solomon (2005), p. 73. (Beethoven was unable to make the planned trip to P - t due to an inguinal hernia operation by his nephew Karl.)
  63. Tellenbach sees further evidence of at least indirect contact in the fact that Beethoven and Josephine read a series of books that could have passed from one to the other (and vice versa) through Therese's hand almost simultaneously. (Tellenbach 1983, pp. 151–161) - Finally, Tellenbach was able to find a draft letter from Josephine from April 8th - the birthday of her seventh child, Minona! - (very likely 1818) to an unnamed man "whose content and form could only have been addressed to Beethoven and clearly corresponds to the famous letters from the early days." (Tellenbach 1983, p. 194f, where the draft letter is also reproduced It can be found in the same volume as a facsimile before p. 113.) In this draft letter Josephine et al. a. To the addressee: "(...) I would not have written these fragments if I did not believe that I would meet a wish of yours that must be dear to me after your last words - what your appearance arouses in my (s) sensations - I cannot describe (...) you're not happy - - - - - but stunned - - - busy with a serious look out - u. so calm - serene - progressing to the part - in a state of negative happiness - the book of memory shows many different colors - you have leafed through it often - looked through - judged - also yourself - yourself - u. tested before the face of the Most High, this is d. Jewel you found, all the rest of the scattering of a noble kind (...) "(cit. After ibid.)
  64. cit. according to Tellenbach (1983), p. 185.
  65. On November 5, 1816, Josephine's sister Therese noted in her diary: “It is a heartbreaking sight to see the good but weak Josephine lying on the bed dressed and the like. her 3 children around her; she is nervous and Your situation is hardly suitable to curse it yourself. "(cit. after Tellenbach 1983, p. 162.)
  66. From one of the winters after 1817, Therese reports that Josephine and her two daughters only had three guilders a day to support themselves. (cf. Tellenbach 1983, p. 171) - It is possible that Beethoven gave Josephine sporadic financial support until the end of her life. Tellenbach (1983, p. 194) believes that he has found the following evidence for this: He wrote to Franz Brentano on November 28, 1820: “My situation is dermally difficult and difficult; ... I'm not to blame myself, thank God, for it. My too great devotion to others is ... ”(cit. After ibid.) On December 17 of the same year he thanked his publisher Artaria for an advance of 150 guilders and asked him at the same time for another 150 guilders. On December 20, he urged Carlo Boldrini, an employee of the company, by letter: “I ask you very much not to postpone the matter that has been entrusted to you. The man is sick, lives in Adlergasse, 1st floor with the twelve apostles ”; “Across from the Count's Deym house,” he added. (cit. after ibid. - A similar entry can be found for April 1820 in the 12th of Beethoven's conversation books; cf. Kaznelson 1954, p. 265.) Tellenbach concludes from this: “He does not mention this unnamed and unknown patient anywhere else. Is it a cover address, someone who should bring Josephine a sum? That would be all Beethoven's style. (...) When his [hated] sister-in-law Johanna was ill in 1823, he sent her money through a third party. "(Tellenbach 1983, p. 194)
  67. See Tellenbach (1983) pp. 173-176. - In addition, in the summer of 1819, as an ensign, Fritz had "compromised the honor of the name" through debts, which now had to be "resolved" by a sum that was many times the considerable repair debts of the Deymsche Palais in 1816. (see Tellenbach 1983, p. 186f)
  68. Tellenbach (1983), p. 197.
  69. Tellenbach (1983), p. 182. - On July 12, 1817 or 1818, Therese noted in her diary: “Whether Josephine does not suffer Straffe because of Luigi's pain! His wife - what would she not have made of this hero! "(Cit. After Tellenbach 1983, p. 183.)
  70. Tellenbach (1983), p. 164f. - Josephine wrote on November 9, 1816 a. a. to her mother: "The doctor solemnly declares that with so little care, comfort and good food, with so little calm, happiness and serenity with food worries, no recovery can be thought of, and nothing can be foreseen but a certain death." (cit . after ibid.)
  71. Lorenz (2017)
  72. Tellenbach (1983), p. 198.
  73. “That the news hit him with full force seems to be evident from the conspicuous lack of evidence from the time immediately afterwards. In contrast to the earlier and later years, no conversation books have been preserved for 1821. (...) From the period between March 14th and June 7th, 1821, not a single dated letter from Beethoven has survived, perhaps not even been written. (...) Beethoven's silence has been attributed to his illness, jaundice, which attacked him in early summer and which resulted in liver disease that caused his death a few years later. But even in the months of his terminal illness he still wrote an astonishing number of letters. The silence in the months following Josephine's death is much more likely to be interpreted as depression; and it must be considered whether the illness did not break out in him as a result of psychosomatic connections, because his nature was shaken to its foundations. (...) In the years following Josephine's death, several visitors commented on Beethoven, all of whom agreed that they felt the impression of sadness that emanated from his being. (...) Rossini told Richard Wagner about his visit to Beethoven in March 1824 and described him: 'The portraits that we know of Beethoven convey the overall impression quite well. But what no pen could express is the indefinable sadness that lay in all its features - while eyes flashed from beneath thick brows as if from the bottom of sockets that, although small, seemed to pierce you. The voice was gentle and a little veiled. '"(Tellenbach 1983, p. 198f)
  74. Tellenbach (1983), pp. 257-267 and Goldschmidt (1977), pp. 294-301. Further detailed analyzes on the topic of “music as biography” based on the references to Josephine Brunsvik in Beethoven's work can be found in Massin (1970), Goldschmidt (1977, pp. 257–351) and Tellenbach (1983, pp. 205–267).
  75. Cf. Tellenbach (1983), p. 198, which here quotes Beethoven's childhood friend Gerhard von Breuning from Bonn.
  76. Lorenz (2017)
  77. ^ Therese's notes of February 4, 1846 and March 17, 1848. (cit. After Goldschmidt 1977, p. 222) And on December 22, 1846 she wrote about Beethoven: “How unfortunate with so many great intellectual gifts! - At the same time Josephine was unhappy! Le mieux est l'enemi du bien - the two of them would have been happy together (maybe). He lacked a woman [,] that is certain. "(Cit. After ibid.)
  78. Massin (1970)
  79. Massin 1970, Goldschmidt (1977, pp. 257-351) and Tellenbach (1983, pp. 205-267).
  80. "Permanence de Joséphine dans l'œuvre de Beethoven." (Massin 1970, p. 135)

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