Post-democracy

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Post-democracy is a term that has been used increasingly in the social sciences since the 1990s to capture a current general change in democratic systems. The basic thesis is that there is a reduction in actual political participation in favor of a merely demonstrated democracy. B. elections will literally become a formal and actually without consequences. The term was significantly shaped and spread by a publication by the British political scientist Colin Crouch in 2004, which appeared in German in 2008.

First use of the term by Rancière and Wolin

Jacques Rancière introduced the term post-democracy to political philosophy in the mid-1990s . By this he meant a form of the decline of democracy that can be found in Western societies . All that remained was a formal democracy without demos . In such a democracy, the area in which there used to be political disputes is completely administered and filled with scientific knowledge, economic necessity and legal regulation. Therefore one could also call it a consensual democracy . By consensus , however, Rancière did not mean agreement between competing actors, but merely the absence of political conflict. Based on these assumptions, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Žižek developed the term post-politics.

Sheldon Wolin used the term in 2001 in his book Tocqueville Between Two Worlds: The Making of a Political and Theoretical Life , the last chapter of which is entitled Post-Democracy . In it he prophesies that democracy is currently facing the fate that the aristocracy experienced during Tocqueville's lifetime . Post-democracy is a democratic despotism . It is about a society of individuals who have come to terms with a life without any political responsibility and whose motto is: "Be led, but at the same time feel free." Therefore, despotic domination is milder than in traditional totalitarian regimes but focus on more areas. In a later book Wolin calls this form of government Inverted Totalitarianism (German: Reverse Totalitarianism ).

Definition of the term by Colin Crouch

Colin Crouch defines an ideal post-democracy as follows:

“A community in which elections are still held […], but in which competing teams of professional PR experts control the public debate during the election campaigns so strongly that it degenerates into a pure spectacle in which you can only talk about one Discussed a number of problems which the experts previously selected "

His ideal-typical definition of democracy “presupposes that a very large number of people take an active part in serious political debates and in shaping the political agenda, and not only passively respond to opinion polls; that these people have a certain amount of political expertise and that they deal with the political events and problems that follow. "

The development towards post-democracy is being driven by the varying degrees of networking between globally operating companies on the one hand and nation states on the other. Crouch sees the central problem in the fact that the harmonization of wage levels, labor rights or environmental standards through intergovernmental cooperation has progressed more slowly than the globalization of entrepreneurial activities. Multinational corporations could threaten to relocate jobs if, for example, they are not satisfied with tax or labor market systems. This threat is so powerful that the influence of companies and the wealthy on government decisions is stronger than that of citizens ( race to the bottom ). His central thesis is that the western democracies are getting closer and closer to the state of post-democracy and that the “influence of privileged elites ” is increasing as a result.

For this reason, among other things, the governments have been pursuing neoliberal policies since the 1980s that promote privatization and make the citizens more responsible. Crouch puts forward the thesis:

“The more the state withdraws from caring for the lives of normal people and allows them to sink into political apathy, the easier it is for business associations to turn it into a self-service shop - more or less unnoticed. The fundamental naivety of neoliberal thinking lies in the inability to recognize this. "

Ritzi and Schaal describe post-democracy "in this understanding [as] a sham democracy in the institutional housing of a full-fledged democracy."

Crouch thinks the term post-democracy is well suited “to describe situations in which, after a moment of democracy, boredom, frustration and disillusionment have taken hold; in which representatives of powerful interest groups [...] are far more active than the majority of citizens [...]; where political elites have learned to manipulate people's demands; where you have to use advertising campaigns to persuade citizens to vote in the first place. ”Crouch explicitly points out that post-democracy is not a non-democratic state.

Individual characteristics and aspects according to Crouch

Decline in political communication

According to Crouch, a clear characteristic of post-democracy is “the decline of political communication”, caused among other things by the advertising industry and the introduction of private television . The media companies are "now part of the commercial sector" and "control over this media [is] concentrated in the hands of very few people." Examples are Silvio Berlusconi or Rupert Murdoch . “Adopting the methods has helped politicians solve the problem of communicating with the mass audience; They have done democracy itself a disservice . "

Exclusive privileges for a few

Another aspect, according to Crouch, is the "return of political privileges for certain entrepreneurs - under the guise of rhetoric of the market economy and free competition." According to Crouch, this is "the most serious problem for democracy."

Only apparent loss of classes

A symptom of post-democracy is that there is a conviction that “there are no more social classes ”. This is due to the "decline of the traditional working class " and the "lack of cohesion of the other classes", although there were considerable differences in wealth in the western world .

Concrete examples of post-democratic structures and relationships

For Crouch, New Labor is an example of a “post-democratic party ”. With the continuation of the neoliberal course of Thatcherism "the party [...] lost all contact with certain social interests" of the working class. Problems specific to women were the exception. (see also: The Third Way ) In the Netherlands , according to Crouch, the Labor Party achieved an "employment" miracle "". Nonetheless, Pim Fortuyn's 2002 list was a success which, according to Crouch, was probably due to “the Dutch feeling that the leaders were compromising too much, which made them vulnerable to the new“ clarity ”that Fortuyn and his own Fellow campaigners promised them. And since no one tried to articulate class-specific interests, this "clarity" could really only come in one form: namely by mobilizing members of your own nation or "race" against immigrants and ethnic minorities. "Crouch leads further than a typical party Forza Italia Berlusconis of the 21st century .

A clear tendency towards post-democracy arises from the formation of international associations, within which there is as yet no common public discussion and no secure structures for the formation of a consensus based on the democratic resolution of conflicts of interest. An example of this is the European Union , whose democratic deficit ( democratic deficit of the European Union ) is, however, partially denied. Accordingly, political proposals to eliminate this democratic deficit are not sufficiently taken into account in concrete reform projects in the EU's political system, particularly in the EU Constitutional Treaty.

Counter-tendencies to post-democracy

Way out to Colin Crouch

Crouch cites three levels to change the apparently “unstoppable course towards post-democracy”: “First, with measures aimed at limiting the growing dominance of economic elites; secondly, with reforms of political practice as such, and thirdly, there are options for action that are open to the citizens themselves. ”The last point is intended to mobilize“ new identities ”which, for example, should give those involved options for action through citizens' assemblies. The hope of reviving democracy lies in new social movements that can create identity for the citizens. However, to be successful, these new movements would have to use “post-democratic” lobbying mechanisms for their own ends. But parties should also remain central points of contact for a revitalization of democracy. According to Crouch, critical accompaniment and support of the parties is necessary for a democratic turnaround. At the same time, he warns of extreme tendencies such as "violent campaigns for animal welfare, extreme factions of the anti-capitalist anti- globalization groups , racist organizations and various private initiatives to combat crime whose positions do not differ Lynching are removed. "

These new movements should "make a contribution to democratic vitality" and "protect politics from [...] from degenerating into a manipulative game among elites."

In a 2009 interview, Crouch said that the Obama movement “refutes my thesis that democracy is being undermined from within.” He went on to say that “Obama [...] was [...] the Democratic Party's candidate , but de facto brought it a movement of critical, committed young people to the White House. That is the hope for the future. "

Further ways out of post-democracy

Political scientist Roland Roth suggests strengthening civic engagement, especially at the municipal level, reclaiming public space by the state, for example through remunicipalisation of privatized institutions, and the inclusion of actors who are less likely to participate. Daniel Reitzig also points out the possibilities of citizen reports , liquid democracy , a return to self-administration of small administrative units, expansion of participation options for children and young people as well as the development of a critical counter-public . The philosopher Johannes Heinrichs opposes post-democracy with his model of values ​​or full democracy.

Reception of the concept and the book of Crouch

Jens-Christian Rabe, who reviewed the book for the Süddeutsche Zeitung , objects that democracy is at its core anyway an elitist matter. He cites the Federal Constitutional Court as a positive example. He further criticizes that "in a strange way [...] in the concept of post-democracy two things [come together]: an overly enlightened (normative) and an overly clarified (disillusioned) understanding of politics."

Jürgen Kaube also criticizes Crouch's normative approach. In retrospect, he idealized the Fordist state and its society and overestimated the actual influence of multinational corporations in the present. A model democracy like the one Crouch would like has never existed. Crouch admits in the introduction to his book that his ideal type is demanding. However, he defends it with the argument that applying lower standards could lead to harmful developments being overlooked.

Claus Offe criticizes the fact that Crouch succeeds in making a "diagnosis that does not differentiate enough according to individual countries and policy areas".

Paul Nolte thinks that one should understand Crouch's current criticism "historically [...] in the context of a long history of crisis [of democracy]". Today's democracy in the 21st century has evolved. For example, neither the “liberal-conservative view” nor “the left, 'post-democratic' perspective, because it bathes the state of democracy in a gloomy light that threatens to encourage resigned attitudes.” Nolte speaks today of “multiple democracy “That is reflexive. “Historically, there seems to be a tendency towards deliberative democracy”.

Dirk Jörke argues that the description of the crisis in democracy can be interpreted as post-democracy or as a “change in form” of democracy. Some critics "point out that new participatory processes such as mediation processes, citizens' forums or consensus conferences are on the rise." Jörke counters this by stating that only the well-educated middle class uses these new opportunities for participation, but the "new lower classes " do not participate. “Because not all citizens have the resources that are required for successful participation in argumentative processes. In addition to time and at least rudimentary expertise, this also includes rhetorical skills and a self-confident demeanor. ”Jörke draws the conclusion that what matters most is“ developing forms of mobilization that involve all those who are in the political process again have fled in the past few years in disgust with politics and democracy. "

literature
A different use of the term post-democracy (as a loss of identity within the people)

Web links

Wiktionary: Post-democracy  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Information on the first uses of the term is based, unless otherwise stated, on Ingolfur Blühdorn: Simulative Demokratie. New politics after the post-democratic turn . Suhrkamp, ​​Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-518-12634-9 , p. 116 ff.
  2. ↑ Oliver Marchart : The political difference. On the thinking of the political in Nancy, Lefort, Badiou, Laclau and Agamben . Suhrkamp, ​​Berlin 2018, ISBN 978-3-518-29556-4 , p. 178 ff.
  3. ↑ Sheldon Wolin : Tocqueville Between Two Worlds: The Making of a Political and Theoretical Life , Princeton University Press, 2001. ISBN 978-0-691-11454-5 , p. 570; translated by Infolfur Blühdorn: Simulative Democracy. New politics after the post-democratic turn . Suhrkamp, ​​Berlin 2013, p. 118.
  4. ↑ Sheldon Wolin: Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism , Princeton University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-691-13566-3 .
  5. ^ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , Bonn 2008, ISBN 978-3-89331-922-0 , p. 10.
  6. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 9.
  7. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 46f.
  8. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 13.
  9. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 29f, in italics in the original.
  10. ↑ Claudia Ritzi, Gary S. Schaal : Political leadership in the "Post-Democracy" , in: From Politics and Contemporary History (APuZ) 2/3 (2010), p. 10.
  11. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 30.
  12. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 38, see also p. 41.
  13. ↑ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 68.
  14. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 67.
  15. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 38.
  16. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 69, see also p. 120, p. 127, p. 133, p. 138, p. 151, p. 156.
  17. ↑ a b Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 70.
  18. ^ Colin Crouch: Post Democracy. P. 71.
  19. ^ Colin Crouch: Post Democracy. P. 76.
  20. ↑ a b Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 84
  21. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 88
  22. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , pp. 87f
  23. ↑ PDF at www.mehr-demokratie.de ( Memento of the original from January 11, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.mehr-demokratie.de
  24. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 133.
  25. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 148.
  26. ↑ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , cf. P. 144.
  27. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , pp. 155f.
  28. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 149.
  29. ^ Colin Crouch: Post-Democracy , p. 150.
  30. ↑ Colin Crouch on Post-Democracy. "A schizophrenic moment" , the daily newspaper, February 14, 2009
  31. ↑ Roland Roth : The blockade between state and citizens - Democracy in Transition , essay at Deutschlandfunk
  32. ↑ Daniel Reitzig: [1] , essays in krisentheorie.de
  33. ↑ Johannes Heinrichs : TINA or TIANA - Post-Democracy or Full Democracy?
  34. ↑ Jens-Christian Rabe: Das Volk, das Obermiese  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Süddeutsche Zeitung, July 25, 2008@1@ 2Template: Toter Link / sz-shop.sueddeutsche.de  
  35. ↑ Deutschlandradio
  36. ↑ Colin Crouch: Postdemokratie , p. 8f.
  37. ↑ Claus Offe: How the market poisons politics. The financial crisis as a loss of democracy: Colin Crouch's management report. , FAZ-NET , September 22, 2008
  38. ↑ Paul Nolte: From representative to multiple democracy (PDF file; 3.94 MB), In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, supplement to Das Parlament, No. 1–2, 2011, p. 7, see web links
  39. ↑ Paul Nolte: From representative to multiple democracy , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2, 2011, p. 7
  40. ↑ Paul Nolte: From representative to multiple democracy , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2 / 2011, p. 11
  41. ↑ Paul Nolte: From representative to multiple democracy , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2, 2011, p. 12
  42. ↑ Dirk Jörke: Bürgerbeteiligung in der Postdemokratie , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2, 2011, p. 14
  43. ↑ Dirk Jörke: Bürgerbeteiligung in der Postdemokratie , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2, 2011, S. 15f
  44. ↑ Dirk Jörke: Bürgerbeteiligung in der Postdemokratie , In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, APuZ, H. 1–2, 2011, p. 18