Theurgy

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Theurgy ( Greek θεουργία theourgía "God's work") is an ancient name for religious rites and practices that should make it possible to get in touch with divine beings and to obtain help from them. The practitioner is called "Theurg". According to the common view of the ancient theurges, no attempt was made to force the gods to react with magic, but rather a cooperation between god and man, in which the theurge opened himself to divine influence.

The concept of theurgy originated in the Roman Empire . Its main proponents were Neo-Platonists from the late antiquity , but the idea of ​​a ritual cooperation with the gods met with a fundamental rejection among the Neoplatonic philosophers.

The late antique theologian Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita , who was strongly influenced by Neo-Platonism, adopted the term “theurgy” in Christian theology.

Definition

The terms "theurgy" and "theurg" were coined in the 2nd century at the earliest, they were common from the late 3rd century. The word theourgia was composed of the components theo- (from theós “God”) and -ourgía (from érgon “work”). What is meant by the "work of God" - in contrast to theology as a philosophical theory - is the practical, ritual side of the relationship between the theurgically oriented philosophers and the gods they worship. The interpretation advocated in older research that it is etymologically and factually a matter of compulsion exerted by man on the gods is predominantly rejected today; only isolated evidence shows that some theurgists thought so. The "work" is both the action of the theurgeon and the act of the God responding to it.

In late antiquity, theurgy was primarily understood to mean the execution of the relevant instructions of the Chaldean oracles , a religious doctrinal poem in the Greek language that gives instructions for theurgic practice. The theological and cosmological teaching presented there, the theoretical basis of theurgical practice, was also part of it. The Chaldean oracles, which were usually briefly referred to as "the Proverbs", were very respected by the Neoplatonists. It was believed that they contained divine revelation knowledge. In addition, elements of traditional public cult and ideas of Egyptian origin were integrated into the concept of theurgy.

In modern religious studies , practices outside the ancient context that are reminiscent of ancient theurgy are sometimes referred to as theurgy.

Reason

All Neoplatonists agreed that the task of the philosopher was to emancipate himself from the material world and to turn to the intelligible (purely spiritual) world of Platonic ideas . To achieve this goal, the philosopher had to free himself from obstructive orientations. He should purify himself of lower desires and consistently direct his whole life towards the spiritual goal. A philosophical way of life in the sense of the Platonic tradition served this purpose . The aim was the redemption of the soul from its earthly existence and its ascent into the spiritual world, which is its true home.

However, the Neoplatonists were of different opinion about the path that should lead to this goal. Two main directions can be distinguished: a purely philosophical one, which renounced theurgical rituals, and a cult-oriented one, which proceeded from the indispensability of theurgical practices. The most prominent representative of the purely philosophical direction was Plotinus , the founder of Neoplatonism. Iamblichus created the theoretical basis of the theurgical direction .

The standpoint of the purely philosophical direction was that the salvation of the soul from its misery in the material world was a self-salvation. The soul is capable of doing this by itself thanks to its inalienable divine nature. It is in their power to rid themselves of their temporary ignorance and its consequences. Despite her descent into the physical world, she never completely lost contact with her spiritual home. Plotinus even said that the soul never descends completely. Her uppermost part always remains in the spiritual world even during her connection with the body and thus she has a constant share in its entire fullness, even if her embodied part suffers disaster. Therefore, according to this teaching, there is no need to seek help in the outside world. Rather, it is sufficient to practice a philosophical way of life and always contemplatively focus on the higher. Rituals are performed with material objects, so they cannot bring about spiritual liberation. The way to freedom leads through the self-knowledge of the soul.

The followers of theurgy, whose position Iamblichos established, turned against this view. Iamblichus considered a salvation of the soul on its own, only through virtue and insight, to be impossible. He started from a fundamental difference in essence between gods and human souls. Hence the soul cannot redeem itself. Iamblichus rejected Plotin's teaching that the uppermost part of the soul remains in constant communion with the divine realm. He argued that this claim could not be true, otherwise all people would be constantly happy. The philosophers who followed the theurgical line were relatively pessimistic about the faculties of the soul. They believed that the soul was trapped in its entirety in the material world and could not free itself without outside help. Therefore, man is dependent on the support of higher powers. This can be obtained by theurgically associating oneself with the gods. The rituals are indeed material actions, but also in the material realm there is healing divine power. The effect of the rituals on the soul is therapeutic and theurgy is the way that the gods showed people to heal and save. For Iamblichos, at the highest level of theurgy, worship of the gods becomes possible without material rites and offerings. The material cult is thus only a preliminary stage to the immaterial.

Teaching and practice

The principles and methods of theurgy set out in the Chaldean oracles presuppose a Platonic ontology and cosmology . In this worldview, matter has the lowest rank, it forms the most imperfect area of ​​the world. At the top stands the transcendent supreme God, who in theurgical texts is often called father and metaphorically referred to as fire. He is the source of emanations which are described as fiery or light-like and which are helpful for theurgic endeavors. The most significant emanation from the theurgical point of view is the world soul , which emerges from the nous (intellect) of the father. It is the invigorating principle of the cosmos. The goddess Hecate plays a central role in the theurgical cult . It mediates between the realm of the gods and the world of men by giving mortals divine benefits and enabling souls to ascend into the heavenly realm. The people owe their knowledge of many theurgic rituals to her. As the savior, Hekate helps the theurge to achieve his goal.

In addition to cleansing and initiations, theurgical practice included rituals that were supposed to enable the theurge to encounter a deity. The gods could appear in a physical form to the theurge who addressed them. In preparation, the Theurg usually let divine light flow into him. Externally, this happened, for example, through ritual inhalation of sunlight, because sunlight was regarded as a manifestation of divine light on the level of the sensually perceptible. The invocations of the gods with their true, secret names were important. Thanks to his knowledge of the true names, the theurg was given access to the namesake, because it was believed that the essence of the person named was contained in the name. Therefore the "barbaric" (non-Greek) god names could not be translated. The divine light was also invoked. The theurges also used symbols that they considered divine and suitable for mediating between gods and humans. The symbols were supposed to enable contact to the authorities whose representatives they were on the material plane. In addition, trance messages received as part of theurgic practice were considered communications from the gods.

From the point of view of the theurgists, theurgic acts were not mechanical processes that could be triggered independently of the dignity and intent of the executor and that had an ex opere operato effect as if following a natural law . Rather, it was in each case a divine show of grace that could only be bestowed on a worthy person. However, there is evidence for the opinion that God cannot arbitrarily withdraw from the theurge's wishes, but inevitably acts if the necessary conditions are met.

Through his cultic activity, which he combined with a philosophical way of life, the theurge achieved the purification of the evil passions that matter causes in man and liberation from the compulsion of fate ( heimarménē ), which human life is otherwise subject to. Thanks to the grace of Godhead, he qualified for ascension into a heavenly realm after his body died. But he could do without it and choose to remain in the earthly area in order to work there for the work of redemption.

history

Second and third centuries

Two legendary figures of the 2nd century, Julian the Chaldean and his son Julian the Theurg , who lived under Emperor Marcus Aurelius († 180) and supposedly worked as a miracle worker, were considered to be the original transmitters of the theurgical procedures revealed by gods . The record of the Chaldean oracles is said to be due to them or to one of them. The oracle book, which today is only available in fragments, may actually have been created in the second half of the 2nd century. Julian the Theurg and his father are possibly fictional figures, because in the period before the late third century there are no references to their existence in the sources. If the traditional attribution is wrong, the oracles may be dated to the 3rd century.

When Neoplatonism arose and spread in Rome from 244, the theurgic way of thinking initially met with rejection in the Neoplatonic milieu. Plotinus († 270), the founder of the new direction, taught self-redemption and for fundamental reasons refrained from all attempts to obtain divine help through cultic means. He did not take part in ritual sacrifices or cult festivals. He justified this with the words: "Those (the gods) must come to me, not I to them." Plotin's most famous students Porphyrios and Amelios Gentilianos, on the other hand, took a more positive stance on the cultic connection with the gods. Amelios was an avid sacrifice and visitor to services and festivals, Porphyrios dealt with the Chaldean oracles and wrote at least one work on this subject that has not been preserved. Porphyry shared Plotin's view that ritual rites are not a way of salvation and that a philosopher is not dependent on such means, because all that matters is the virtue and self-knowledge of the soul. But he conceded that theurgy had a beneficial effect on unphilosophical people.

Late antiquity

Porphyrios' pupil and philosophical adversary Iamblichus († around 320/325) raised theurgy to a central part of his teaching and religious practice. It is not intended, as Porphyrios believed, for the unphilosophical people, but still stands above philosophy and is reserved for a few particularly qualified people. Virtue is essential for the theurge, since the gods only have fellowship with good people. Philosophical training is necessary as a preliminary stage, but only theurgy leads to salvation. Iamblichus sharply demarcated theurgy from magic. He rejected magic or sorcery ( goēteía ) because it misses the divine and creates illusions. Besides, the magicians are bad, godless people. Among the superhuman beings with which the theurge can interact, Iamblichos counted not only the gods, who give the soul of the caller the divine eros and power ( dýnamis ), but also angels, benign demons and “cosmos rulers”.

The conception of Iamblichus largely prevailed in the following period, it formed the starting point for further development among religiously oriented philosophers. Most of the Neo-Platonists of late antiquity professed theurgy. Chrysanthios of Sardis , Sosipatra and Maximos of Ephesus were among the notable Neoplatonic theurges of the 4th century . With his assessment of the role of the theurge, Maximos took a different position than most of the Neoplatonists. For him the theurgic rite was not only a preparation of man for divine influence, but also an instrument with which the theurge can inevitably induce the gods to turn to him their favor, even if they originally did not want to. With his extremely self-assured demeanor, which he was chalked up as arrogance, Maximus aroused offense in philosophical circles.

Eusebios of Myndos , who was one of his fellow students and taught Neoplatonic philosophy in Pergamon , met with a decided opposition to Maximus's concept of theurgy . Like Plotinus, Eusebius was convinced that the liberation of the soul could not be achieved through external acts within the framework of cult practice, but only through a purely spiritual purification by means of reason. He thought that the effects of theurgy were not of divine origin, but that they were hallucinations produced by material forces. It is a wrong path that leads to madness. Instead, one should trust in the soul's ability to redeem itself through philosophical knowledge. Eusebios warned the future emperor Julian , who studied with him, about Maximus. With this, however, he achieved the opposite: Julian, who was fascinated by theurgy, broke off his training in Pergamon and went to Ephesus to see Maximus, whose direction he followed. A close friendship developed between the theurge and the future emperor.

Julian, who ruled from 360 to 363, confessed to the traditional gods and tried to drive back Christianity, relying on Neoplatonic and theurgic ideas. In his personal religiosity, theurgy in the variant that Maximus had imparted to him played an important role. Julian believed that the Jewish patriarchs, Abraham , Isaac, and Jacob, and King Solomon, were theurges.

After Julian's death, Christianity finally prevailed. Christians viewed pagan theurgy as a cult of idols. The church father Augustine believed that there were demons at work. Therefore, in the course of the Christianization of the Roman Empire, theurgy was increasingly marginalized and eventually eradicated.

A pagan niche long tolerated by the Christian emperors was the Neoplatonic school of philosophy in Athens , which was not closed until the early 6th century. Theurgy was held in high esteem in it to the end. The famous thinker Proklos († 485), who headed this school as scholarch (head of the school) for almost half a century , combined intensive philosophical work with devoted theurgical practice. He attached great importance to the ritual cleansing. He considered theurgy (by which he meant its highest level) to be "more powerful than all human wisdom and science". The last scholarch of the Athens School, Damascius († after 538), valued theurgy. However, he was of the opinion that one should not practice philosophy and theurgy at the same time and assume a theurgic competence as a philosopher. Among the proponents of a primacy of theurgy over philosophy was Damascius' younger contemporary Olympiodorus the Younger († after 565), a prominent teacher at the Philosophical School of Alexandria .

The late antique theologian Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita , whose Neoplatonic works were highly regarded in the Middle Ages, introduced the term “theurgy” into Christian theology. He referred to the work of the Holy Spirit and Jesus Christ and in particular the God-induced effectiveness of the sacraments .

reception

In the medieval Byzantine Empire in the 11th century, the scholar Michael Psellos dealt intensively with the sources on ancient pagan theurgy accessible to him. In the West, the Latin-speaking scholars of the Middle Ages did not know the main sources of pagan theurgy; they were only discovered by the humanists .

In the early modern times - at the latest in the 17th century - the assessment prevailed that theurgy was a form of " white magic ". In the relevant article of the Encyclopédie (1765) it was emphasized that the theurges had to meet high moral standards and that there was a great difference between theurgy and (black) magic.

Source collection

  • Richard Sorabji : The Philosophy of the Commentators, 200-600 AD. A sourcebook. Volume 1: Psychology (with Ethics and Religion). Duckworth, London 2004, ISBN 0-7156-3245-0 , pp. 381-390 (source texts on theurgy in English translation).

literature

  • Sarah Iles Johnston: Hecate Soteira. A Study of Hekate's Roles in the Chaldean Oracles and Related Literature. Scholars Press, Atlanta 1990, ISBN 1-55540-427-8 .
  • Sarah Iles Johnston: Rising to the Occasion: Theurgic Ascent in its Cultural Milieu. In: Peter Schäfer , Hans G. Kippenberg (Ed.): Envisioning Magic. Brill, Leiden 1997, ISBN 90-04-10777-0 , pp. 165-194.
  • Hans Lewy : Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy. Mysticism, Magic and Platonism in the Later Roman Empire. 3rd edition, Institut d'Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2011, ISBN 978-2-85121-243-6 (thorough investigation, published after the death of the author who died in 1945; partly outdated; with supplement Les Oracles chaldaïques 1891–2011 )
  • Georg Luck : Theurgy and Forms of Worship in Neoplatonism. In: Georg Luck: Ancient Pathways and Hidden Pursuits. Religion, Morals, and Magic in the Ancient World. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 2000, ISBN 0-472-10790-9 , pp. 110-152.
  • Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1995, ISBN 3-631-48926-9 .
  • Carine Van Liefferinge: La Théurgie. Of the Oracle Chaldaïques à Proclus. Center International d'Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique, Liège 1999 ( Open Access E-Book ).

Remarks

  1. ↑ Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich , Frankfurt am Main 1995, p. 116 and note 426; Beate Nasemann: Theurgy and Philosophy in Jamblichs De mysteriis , Stuttgart 1991, p. 49 and note 38; Sarah Iles Johnston: Hekate Soteira , Atlanta 1990, pp. 85-87, 131f. Georg Luck has a different opinion: Ancient Pathways and Hidden Pursuits , Ann Arbor 2000, pp. 118f. Cf. Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 89f. and on the conceptual history of Hans Lewy: Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy , 3rd edition, Paris 2011, pp. 461–464.
  2. ↑ For the definition of theurgy see Friedrich W. Cremer: Die Chaldean Orakel and Jamblich de mysteriis , Meisenheim am Glan 1969, pp. 19-23; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Late Antiquity , Stuttgart 2008, p. 38f.
  3. ↑ For example in Karl Erich Grözinger : Jüdisches Thinking. Theology - Philosophy - Mysticism , Volume 2, Frankfurt am Main 2005, pp. 147, 451, 596 (Theurgy in the Kabbalah ). On this use of the term, see Menachem Kallus : The Theurgy of Prayer in the Lurianic Kabbalah , Jerusalem 2002, p. 12 (note).
  4. ↑ On this doctrine see Thomas Alexander Szlezák : Platon and Aristoteles in the Nuslehre Plotins , Basel 1979, pp. 167–205.
  5. ^ Gregory Shaw: After Aporia: Theurgy in Later Platonism . In: John D. Turner, Ruth Majercik (eds.): Gnosticism and Later Platonism , Atlanta 2000, pp. 57-82, here: 67-79; Friedrich W. Cremer: The Chaldean Orakel and Jamblich de mysteriis , Meisenheim am Glan 1969, p. 23. For the justification of material resources, see Gregory Shaw: Theurgy as Demiurgy: Iamblichus' Solution to the Problem of Embodiment . In: Dionysius 12, 1988, pp. 37-59, here: 52-55.
  6. ↑ Beate Nasemann: Theurgy and Philosophy in Jamblichs De mysteriis , Stuttgart 1991, pp. 225, 228.
  7. ↑ Hans Lewy: Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy , 3rd edition, Paris 2011, pp. 316–394.
  8. ^ Sarah Iles Johnston: Hekate Soteira , Atlanta 1990, pp. 49-133, 153-163. For the cosmology of the theurge see Hans Lewy: Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy , 3rd edition, Paris 2011, p. 76ff. (on Hekate pp. 83-98, 353-366); Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 29–34.
  9. ↑ Gregory Shaw: Theurgy and the Soul. The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus , University Park (Pennsylvania) 1995, pp. 110f., 179-188.
  10. ↑ On light invocation (photagogy) see Friedrich W. Cremer: Die Chaldean Orakel and Jamblich de mysteriis , Meisenheim am Glan 1969, pp. 110–112.
  11. ↑ Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich. Frankfurt am Main 1995, pp. 101, 174-176, 230; Sarah Iles Johnston: Hecate Soteira. Atlanta 1990, pp. 85-87; Beate Nasemann: Theurgy and Philosophy in Jamblich's De mysteriis. Stuttgart 1991, pp. 132 f., 279; Carine Van Liefferinge: La Théurgie. Liège 1999, pp. 55-85.
  12. ^ Georg Luck: Ancient Pathways and Hidden Pursuits. Ann Arbor 2000, pp. 118 f. Compare with Sarah Iles Johnston: Hekate Soteira. Atlanta 1990, pp. 131 f .; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to philosophy in late antiquity. Stuttgart 2008, p. 41 and note 102, 47–49, 89 f .; Carine Van Liefferinge: La Théurgie. Liège 1999, p. 143 f.
  13. ↑ On the theurgen's conceptions of the afterlife , see Hans Lewy: Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy , 3rd edition, Paris 2011, pp. 211–226.
  14. ↑ Rowland Smith: Julian's Gods , London 1995, pp. 92–97, expresses skepticism about the historicity of father and son . Compare Henri-Dominique Saffrey: Les Néoplatoniciens et les Oracles Chaldaïques . In: Revue des Études Augustiniennes 27, 1981, pp. 209–225, here: 210–215; John Vanderspoel: Correspondence and Correspondents of Julius Julianus . In: Byzantion 69, 1999, pp. 396-478, here: 459-463.
  15. ^ John Vanderspoel: Correspondence and Correspondents of Julius Julianus . In: Byzantion 69, 1999, p. 396–478, here: 459–465 assumes origin in the period 280–305 and assumes that the author could be Iulius Iulianus , the grandfather of the emperor Julian. Disagrees Polymnia Athanassiadi : The Chaldaean Oracles: Theology and Theurgy . In: Polymnia Athanassiadi, Michael Frede (eds.): Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity , Oxford 1999, pp. 149-183, here: 150; she considers the attribution of the Chaldean oracles to Julian the Theurge to be credible.
  16. ^ Porphyrios, Vita Plotini 10.
  17. ↑ Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich , Frankfurt am Main 1995, p. 117f .; Andrew Smith: Porphyry's Place in the Neoplatonic Tradition , Den Haag 1974, pp. 128-140; Georg Luck: Ancient Pathways and Hidden Pursuits , Ann Arbor 2000, pp. 139-141.
  18. ↑ Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Konversion zur Philosophie in der Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 37–56, provides a comprehensive presentation .
  19. ^ Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich , Frankfurt am Main 1995, pp. 117–119; Ilsetraut Hadot: The position of the Neoplatonist Simplikios on the relationship of philosophy to religion and theurgy . In: Theo Kobusch , Michael Erler (Ed.): Metaphysics and Religion. On the signature of late antique thinking , Munich 2002, pp. 323–342, here: 324f .; Gregory Shaw: Theurgy and the Soul. The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus , University Park (Pennsylvania) 1995, pp. 85-87.
  20. ↑ Thomas Stäcker: The position of theurgy in the teaching of Jamblich , Frankfurt am Main 1995, pp. 119–121; Friedrich W. Cremer: The Chaldean Orakel and Jamblich de mysteriis , Meisenheim am Glan 1969, pp. 25-36.
  21. ^ Friedrich W. Cremer: The Chaldean Orakel and Jamblich de mysteriis , Meisenheim am Glan 1969, pp. 37-101.
  22. ↑ Silvia Lanzi: Sosipatra, la teurga: una “holy woman” iniziata ai misteri caldaici . In: Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 28, 2004, pp. 275–294.
  23. ↑ For the contrast between Eusebios' attitude and the direction represented by Maximos see Polymnia Athanassiadi: Julian. An Intellectual Biography , London 1992, pp. 31-37; Klaus Rosen : Julian. Kaiser, Gott und Christenhasser , Stuttgart 2006, pp. 95–97.
  24. ↑ On Julian's understanding of theurgy see Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike. Stuttgart 2008, pp. 135-141.
  25. ↑ Jay Bregman: Judaism as Theurgy in the Religious Thought of the Emperor Julian . In: The Ancient World 26, 1995, pp. 135-149, here: 146-148.
  26. ↑ On displacement into illegality, see Jean-Benoît Clerc: Theurgica legibus prohibita: À propos de l'interdiction de la théurgie. In: Revue des Études Augustiniennes 42, 1996, pp. 57–64.
  27. ^ Proklos, Platonische Theologie 1,25, edited by Henry D. Saffrey and Leendert G. Westerink: Proclus: Théologie platonicienne , Vol. 1, Paris 1968, p. 113, lines 6-10. For an interpretation of this passage see Anne Sheppard : Proclus' attitude to theurgy . In: The Classical Quarterly 76 (= New Series 32), 1982, pp. 212-224, here: 219-221. On the theurgy of Proklos see also Robbert M. Van den Berg: Towards the Paternal Harbor. Proclean Theurgy and the Contemplation of the Forms . In: Alain-Philippe Segonds, Carlos Steel (ed.): Proclus et la Théologie Platonicienne , Leuven and Paris 2000, pp. 425–443.
  28. ↑ Polymnia Athanassiadi (ed.): Damascius: The Philosophical History , Athens 1999, pp. 222f. (No. 88A) and 326f. (No. 150). Cf. Ilsetraut Hadot: The position of the Neo-Platonist Simplikios on the relationship between philosophy and religion and theurgy . In: Theo Kobusch, Michael Erler (Ed.): Metaphysics and Religion. On the signature of late antique thinking , Munich 2002, pp. 323–342, here: 329–332.
  29. ↑ On this reception of the term theurgy see Wiebke-Marie Stock: Theurgisches Denk. On the church hierarchy of Dionysius Areopagita , Berlin 2008, pp. 31f., 160–171 (with discussion of older literature).
  30. ^ Georg Luck: Ancient Pathways and Hidden Pursuits , Ann Arbor 2000, pp. 134, 144f .; Sarah Iles Johnston: Hekate Soteira , Atlanta 1990, pp. 7f.
  31. ^ Thomas Stäcker: Theurgy . In: Historical Dictionary of Philosophy , Volume 10, Basel 1998, Sp. 1180–1183, here: 1182.
  32. ↑ Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers , Volume 16, Neuchâtel 1765, p. 278.