Wallenstein (Roman, Döblin)

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Wallenstein is a historical novel by Alfred Döblin , written between 1916 and 1919, and finally published in 1920 by S. Fischer Verlag in Berlin. The author's third novel covers almost the entire Thirty Years War , beginning with the victory of the imperial league over the winter king Friedrich V of the Palatinate in the Battle of the White Mountain , beyond the murder of Generalissimo Wallenstein , ending with the fictional death of the emperor Ferdinand II. In terms of content, the mental development process of the emperor stands in opposition to the diverse war events, which are militarily promoted by the mercenary leader Peter Ernst II von Mansfeld , the lawyer Tilly and the Swedish king Gustav Adolf, but are embodied in Wallenstein. As a renewer of the financing of war, the generalissimo assumes monstrous traits, without being able to cross the boundaries of finance and warfare, and ultimately fails due to a political intrigue, while the lack of interest and inability to use the war entrepreneur as a political instrument for imperial politics, the Catholic side or also to use Habsburg power, Ferdinand is driven into complete resignation.

Emergence

From 1915 to 1916 Döblin looked for historical material for a new novel. First he looked for material on the fall of Byzantium, then on the uprising of the common man and the revolution of 1848, until he finally struck gold in the Thirty Years War. In the months of July to August 1916 he visited the Franconian spa town of Bad Kissingen because of a stomach ailment . There he came across a newspaper advertisement for the Gustav-Adolf Festival, which finally inspired him to write a novel. The writer borrowed most of the historical literature that became necessary for this from Strasbourg. Most of the novel was written while Döblin was stationed as a hospital doctor in Lorraine. The end was made in Berlin.

The Iliad by Homer , Salambo by Gustave Flaubert , Thyl Ulenspiegel by the Belgian Charles de Coster and the fifth chapter from The Brothers Karamazov by Fyodor Michailowitsch Dostojewski formed the most important narrative stimuli for Döblin's historical novel. Steffan Davies sees structural and thematic parallels between Schiller's drama and Döblin's novel. In the first book of the novel, as in Schiller's prelude, the necessity for Wallenstein's appearance is presented. The Taoist doctrine of Wu knows , which the author already dealt with in his first novel The Three Jumps of Wang-lun , is taken up again in the polar characters Ferdinand and Wallenstein. Natural philosophical considerations and Döblin's examination of theorems from Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy such as the will to power and the Eternal Coming also form the basis of the novel.

content

The novel is divided into six books: Maximilian von Bayern, Böhmen, Der Krieg, Kollegialtag zu Regensburg, Sweden, and Ferdinand.

interpretation

characters

Döblin enriches the real characteristics, sometimes even the development of the characters with fictional elements, for example Emperor Ferdinand died a natural death, Maximilian von und zu Trauttmansdorff was not physically deformed and Peter Ernst II von Mansfeld did not kill a priest before his death, who had just made his confession from him. Eleonora Gonzaga did not commit suicide, but survived the death of her beloved husband by almost two decades. Phillip Ludwig von Pfalz-Neuburg was already dead in 1614 and therefore could not work in the Thirty Years' War. Armin Arnold names Ferdinand, Wallenstein and Prince Maximilian as the most important characters in the novel. The Swedish king, considered the most dangerous enemy of the emperor and his general in history, is integrated into the history of Wallenstein after Erwin Kobel. Female characters play a subordinate role, although their gender roles have been reinterpreted. The characters stand in a rival relationship to one another, which is represented by their actions, the parallel point in time of their death and their affiliation to the respective elements.

Ferdinand the Other

Ferdinand II (around 1624)

Emperor Ferdinand II is consistently called the other , the contemporary designation for the second bearer of the name. He is referred to as a melancholy weirdo , whose piety often slips into mental confusion. He is neither able nor really willing to intervene politically in the turmoil of war. The relationship with his wife Eleonora Gonzaga is unhappy because she is overwhelmed by his changeable mood. Wallenstein's death leads to his withdrawal from politics and flight into the wilderness, where he finds death. His wife had recently taken her own life because of her husband's escape.

According to Steffan Davies, Ferdinand represents a complementary character to Wallenstein. As a counterpoint to Wallenstein, despite his house power and position of power, he is dependent on his generalissimo and Duke Maximilian. The omission of the ordinal number is interpreted in research as a mark of its realpolitical absence. The barreness of his dwellings identify him as an ascetic, but his search for dispersion shows that it is a reflection of emotional distress, a decision made rationally. Here he resembles Maximilian, who, however, can escape his own paralysis through diligence. According to Davies, he neither succeeds in shaking off his dependence on the Wittelsbach family after he has a capable military commander in Wallenstein, nor is he able to expand his power later. According to Erwin Kobel, Ferdinand's absence from the earthly, which culminates in the fantastic murder, identifies him as a melancholic.

According to his own statement, Döblin actually wanted to call his novel Ferdinand. During the work, the author's interest shifted more and more to the figure of Ferdinand and the novel also closes with his fantastic death. For chronological reasons, the namesake Wallenstein appears later than the emperor and the Catholic protagonists Tilly and Maximilian I, but he is the center of gravity of the novel. In contrast to the sheer violence of Wallenstein, whose life of its own is almost completely abolished in external movements, Ferdinand is drawn as a character and not just as a type, but as the latter he is a counter-image of Friedlander, which is why he died close to the day of Wallenstein's murder .

Wallenstein

Wallenstein

Wallenstein is the beneficiary of the war, who amassed a fortune with the help of financial speculation in order to invest it profitably in the war. The Friedlander took a strategic approach, expanded his palace on the Hradschin and acquired further goods, although he suffered from gout and was badly marked by his illness. In contrast to the Swedish king, Wallenstein knows about the importance of money in war. As a general he is aware of the dangers of a battle among troops of equal rank, so his plan against the Swedes is aimed solely at weakening the enemy. Unlike Ferdinand II, the parvenu Wallenstein is aware of the power he has gained , which allows him a privileged position among the great.

According to Erwin Kobel, the character belongs to the Homo Faber type. His organizational talent, the will to always move forward and to be creative and destructive in the process, characterize the entrepreneurial character Wallenstein. According to Kobel, Döblin and Wallenstein linked the hope of a modernizer in Germany who could have set the process of national development in motion analogous to France or England. Roland Links also believes that Döblin's Wallenstein figure is “Germany's fate”. Adalbert Wichert, on the other hand, criticizes a careless equation of the figure with a corrective of German history, even a pioneer of the bourgeois revolution, because Wallenstein only differs from his competitors in his greater efficiency, and he also benefits from the early death of his rich wife. According to Wichert, the investor Wallenstein is less of a political alternative than an intensification of exploitation. Josef Quack points out that not only the national but also the Jewish question depends on the role of Wallenstein. His deposition coincides with the cruel execution of two Jews and the pogrom in Prague with the absence of the imperial troops. In contrast to Kobel, Wichert states that Wallenstein is highly affective, vacillating between “lust for power and hurt vanity” and that the only mode he knows is creative destruction, which is equivalent to his accumulated wealth. The partially correct statement by the economic strategist Wallenstein must, however, be supplemented by the mythological figure of Prometheus . According to Quack, Wallenstein unites untamed nature and strength. The Jewish projection to find at least one advocate in Wallenstein also makes him appear as a cultural bearer. According to Kobel, the symbol of the self-minted coin combines the elements fire and earth, which reflect the spiritual and material nature of the Friedlander. The dependence of his outbursts of anger and hardly considered actions on the gout illness suggest a psychophysical model which, in contrast to the Cartesian model, does not provide for the mind to be brought into alignment with the body.

Maximilian of Bavaria

Maximilian I (1598)

As the Bavarian elector, Maximilian I represents Catholic interests in the empire. He also regards the war against the Protestant imperial estates as a possibility of conversion or annihilation of the Lutherans. His religious zeal is shown in his flagellation. He has great distrust of Wallenstein and sees him as a future despot. Piety, melancholy and family ties unite Bavaria and Ferdinand, but the former is driven by great ambition and pursues a dynastic policy at the expense of the Empire and Habsburg.

Maximilian is the most energetic Catholic representative. Like Ferdinand, he is not a warrior, but primarily a politician. Tilman Kasten sees a tension in the relationship between the Bavarians and Ferdinand, because Ferdinand wrests political decisions from the emperor, some of whom are unwilling to govern and some who are incapable, which only increase his lack of drive. Ferdinand can seemingly break away from his dependency on his cousin through a new dependence on Wallenstein. His rivals for political power in the empire are, on the one hand, the Habsburgs, whom he presses off the electoral dignity in the Munich Treaty like the Friedlander. In Wallenstein, the prince thinks he recognizes an instrument used by the emperor to suppress the interests of the imperial class, although it was precisely his demand for the imperial promise to be kept that urged Ferdinand to drastically intervene in the structure of the empire. Reiner Niehoff characterizes the figure as "father-fixated, morally masochistically structured", who wants to escape the "unresolved instinctual claims that have clearly homosexual connotations" by self-punishment. After the defeat in the Battle of Breitenfeld , he lets his court jester tear up a stork. The masochistic act of self-tearing - according to Simonetta Sanna, the stork symbolizes the virtue of piety - like the sadistic pleasure in tormenting the dwarf, are expressions of his instinctual structure.

Gustav II Adolf

Gustav II of Sweden.jpg

Gustavus Adolf's appearance resembles a force of nature. He justified his entry into the war as an intervention for the oppressed religious relatives in the empire. His self-conception as the head of evangelical Christianity requires the smashing of the Catholic faith. Nevertheless, he accepts 400,000 Reichstaler annually from the Catholic French in order to continue his fight against the emperor. The evangelical imperial estates perceive the Swedish king as their messiah and avenger. The fat monarch dies historically right in the battle of Lützen.

The imposing entry of the Swedish fleet shows, according to Kobel, the violation of Gustav Adolf's own law, with which the great military success is equal to a growing "self-alienation" and ultimately the cause of his defeat. The failure caused by the transgression corresponds less to a consequence from the violation of a fixed essence or the transgression of mediocrity than to a lack of assertion of the will to power over reality. According to Josef Quack, the religious motives for his actions are minor and are only addressed before the decisive battle against Wallenstein in a warning to the soldiers about arrogance. In fact, it is unclear what induced Gustavus Adolf to leave his empire at all, because every attempt to attribute this to a motive is deconstructed by his actions, such as the narrator's comments. For military reasons, he does not prevent the destruction of Magdeburg and thus accepts the death of his fellow believers in order not to endanger the expansion of Sweden. He accepts large financial resources from a French envoy, although he positions himself as an opponent of the Catholics. In contrast to Ferdinand, the narrator withholds the practice of the Protestant faith on the part of Gustav Adolf and thus denies any private religious motivation. His rigorous action against the Catholics does not lead to a milder treatment of his allies, whom he knows how to use for his actions. According to Quack, as an "energetic statesman and military man, he is superior to the emperor in terms of political reflective ability as long as he gives in to his reluctance to govern". The king experiences a strong demythologization. The ironization as “the silly clever block from Upsala”, alienations like “Gotenkönig” or the moralizing equations with Wallenstein in “other barbarian” as well as the fact that his death together with the death of a further thousand Protestant and Catholic soldiers in a single line reported to deconstruct the myth of the lion from midnight.

Tilly

Tilly is portrayed as a religiously motivated general who sees Maria as his "high commander". In contrast to Protestant historiography, which sees Tilly as the person responsible for the destruction of Magdeburg , the narrator leaves open the question of who was responsible for the devastating fire. Ursula Kocher notes that Tilly's death scene is one and a half pages. This surpasses Wallenstein's death scene and the report about the fallen King of Sweden. According to Albert Wichert, in the detailed scene that includes the departure of the soul, personal greatness is attributed to the horrors for which the crowd is responsible. In contrast to Ferdinand, who would like to dissolve his person in nature, the counter-image Tilly represents the hardening of the individual.

Wilhelm Slawata

The Prague lintel survivor is an enemy of the Bohemians and their uprising. Slawata is a personal enemy of Wallenstein, but is stylized by the narrator as his mortal enemy, who ultimately gives the final impetus for his murder in Eger. The relationship with Wallenstein is at the beginning a political one, insofar as Slavata wants to use Friedländer as an instrument of his revenge, but develops into an almost pathological dependency in the course of the novel. Tilman Kasten judges that "for Slawata the murder [..] is in a contradicting way at the same time a self-centered aesthetic game, the satisfaction of his thirst for revenge and the highest form of a homosexual connotation of the generalissimo". For these reasons, his death is placed parallel to that of his cousin, although historically correct he only died in old age. According to Quack, he is the “prototype of the irrational doer who is incapable of any reasonable consideration”.

Other minor characters

Numerous secondary characters appear around the main characters Wallenstein and Ferdinand. The financier of Generalissimo Hans de Witte takes a back seat compared to the Prague Jews, Bassewi . Josef Qauck explains this with the importance of the Jewish theme in the novel. Paul Michna , a Serb who is called a Bohemian because of his consent to ruthless business conduct like de Witte and Wallenstein, in order to mark them topographically as foreigners, admires his master's determination. In contrast, the benevolence of the imperial diplomat Maximilian von und zu Trauttmansdorff is based on his curiosity about the Wallenstein phenomenon. Lamormain , Jesuit and Ferdinand's confessor, is portrayed as a skilled political advisor.

shape

Quotes and Montage

Döblin has added “numerous quotations from contemporary letters and reports” to his novel, which contribute to the authenticity of the story. The use of language is partly noticeable in the voice of the narrator, for example, the narrator takes over Wallenstein's crude term for rebellious farmers.

style

“Six of the trumpeters blared down from the choir, from the golden cage of the balcony, the army drummer thumped. Between the music, the Emperor sat behind the roast boar in pepper, a white hat with the heron feather on his slightly bald head, his ears not prevented by the rasping of his teeth from following the clatter. Sansoni, Zinkenmusikus, practices his high work; hidden descantists and castrati whistled rolled whirled; they played around the little turning calm of the bass, which a soft voice spoke to, conjured up. "

According to Walter Delabar, the language in the novel differs significantly from the written language of the Baroque era in terms of writing style, choice of words and vocabulary , but the "solid vocabulary, the use of unusual, sometimes anachronistic terms, [the] beginning of the sentences or the character guidance and - characterization ”evoked the idea of ​​the historical period. This deviation can be shown within the selected text excerpt. The term balcony was only borrowed from French between the 17th and 18th centuries, the onomatopoeia bum , which is effectively placed at the end of a sentence and the causal reproduction of the tone direction through word setting (trumpeter to choir), are hardly conceivable without the renewal of the language of Futurism . The use of onomatopoeia vulgarizes the written language and at the same time has an archaic effect. In the third movement, the name of the concertmaster Giovanni Sansoni (1593–1648), which ends in a light vowel, serves as the beginning of the movement, while the dark vowel of the following word already leads on to the musicians. For this the author uses the archaic neologism Zinkenmusikus (horn player). Döblin thus evokes music through the written language, which is discharged in the climax - leaving out commas. According to Josef Quack, the “rich variation in the melody and tone of voice” characterizes the language of the novel. The doubling of words at the end of the last sentence reminds the reader of baroque diversity such as abundance and linguistic mannerism, but can be recognized as the expressionist stylistic device of word variation. "The rhythmic structure is in fact the most original of all the original features of the prose of this novel," Quack continues.

subjects

violence

The Thirty Years' War was experienced by contemporaries as an epoch of violence and terror, and as such it had determined memories. In the narrative literature, violence was received differently. In Grimmelshausen Simplicissimus , the attack on a farm heralds the beginning of the main character's wandering life in terms of content, as the horror of war is aesthetically marked as a barely tangible delimitation. In The Great War in Germany Ricarda Huch focuses on the war-suffering population and supplements the political-historical perspective with an everyday historical dimension. In Döblin's novel, on the other hand, the violence is staged in perspective, which means that the strict moral distinction between a supposedly solely guilty military and innocent civilians is omitted. The aestheticization of violence is the result of an authorial indifference in view of the permanence of violence. In contrast to a position that pursues the restraint of ethical considerations in order to aestheticize violence, gaps are granted for an examination of violence and its constructive-deconstructive dynamics are made visible.

The violent demise of the characters ostensibly serves to deconstruct their heroization, as the accumulation of violence into the bodies of the political and military actors shows. Ferdinand's attempt to counter his political indifference by turning away from court and fleeing into nature ends fatally. The overweight King of Sweden does not die as a hero, but reports of his death and that of the soldiers a thousandfold. Mansfeld killing a priest by hand opposes the idea of ​​a humanization of the person through one's own imminent death and makes the violence self-referential. The unreliable narrator uses the animal metaphor to underline the bestiality of the individual types, similar to Homer. Unlike Homer, who illustrates a qualitative shift in the aggression of his heroes through the metaphor of the lion , the bestizing and demonizing metaphors in Wallenstein serve to show quantitative differences in order to undermine this, of all things, through the analogy of Wallenstein with Saint Gregory.

The horrors of war are emphasized by the contrast between the powerful depiction of violence and a sober narrative attitude, the hunt for people with dogs, the car dairy , injuries from cutting weapons and the horrors of war stand next to the fictional crucifixion, a type of execution rarely practiced in Christian areas, to the ambassador of the Electoral Palatinate, Johann Joachim von Rusdorf. The historian Stefanie Stockhorst refers to descriptions of mutilations that are reminiscent of the war injuries of the First World War. In addition, the disciplined violence in exhibition matches, scuffles and demonstrations by the traveling people is shown.

The opinion advocated by Klaus Schröter that violence is portrayed in the novel as an “outbreak of original driving forces” has been repeatedly rejected in recent research. There is also no moral abstention in order to aestheticize the violence, for example the execution of the Jewish couple is clearly recognizable as a parody of the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem and reveals the anti-Jewish motive behind the religious zeal, like the inscription of Tilly's war undertakings in his crumbling Body shows a connection between author and deed. Quack points out that the narrator also addresses violence against animals.

Physicality

The rejection of a split between body and mind leads to a simultaneous mention of physical and mental properties in the character description. Furthermore, the figurative dynamization and depersonalization contribute to the preponderance of body representations. Tilman Kasten notes that Döblin "always tries [...] to provide a clear and concrete description of the physical symptoms". According to Kasten, the interaction of body, mind and soul prevents the actions from being reduced to individual motives and thus their historical reconstruction, such as the effects on the body and the changes that develop from it clarify the psychophysical unity of the subject.

De-heroization

“Note the word statue for your report home, statua in Latin. Emperors only appear in such a state after death, ”the narrator lets his Wallenstein instruct a diplomat from Wittelbach. Unsightly everyday scenes such as Ferdinand's marital disputes or his loss of control in the wine cellar, the helplessness of Maximilian after the defeat against Gustav Adolf and the pleading with his war council Küttner or Wallenstein's outbursts of anger, which further endanger his health and his own political success, allow insights into an idealized image of a ruler, which run counter to heroization.

Numerous figures are marked by physical deformations. According to Tilman Kasten, Wallenstein does not do justice to his desired role as a hero, because only in the medium of the image does he succeed in succeeding ancient warriors, but he fails to match the image of rulers on horseback in realitas. Adalbert Wichert also sees a deconstruction of heroism in the dying and death scenes. The death of the two most important military leaders of the Thirty Years' War is hardly worth considering. According to Joseph Quack, Wallenstein's death is described as a manslaughter and, according to Wichert, can easily be overlooked: "He fell backwards in front of the chamber, smashed across the head by a terrible partisan blow." The Swedish king dies as a participant in a battle without any emphasis and Idealization. The description of their corpses is similar. Wallenstein's corpse is literally disposed of, while the laid-out corpse of the king is "a dripping hundredweight mass of flesh and bones [...] a puffy, thick, flowing mass that had a blue-black face, on which arms and legs hung, something that looked like flesh." remembered “is described. Monique Boussart interprets the violent demise as showing the limits of the striving for political power. Quack sees this as a reflection of his own atrocities during his lifetime.

According to Wichert, the term hero is used as a term of derision in the novel . Ironizing surnames, such as Tilly as “old wretch” or “the little mastiff” and Gustav Adolf as “Glotz von Upsalla” such as “King of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals” mock the warriors, while the failed Bohemian king of all people is a memory as a hero after his death of Protestantism.

religion

The role of religion in the novel is undisputed. The main question arises as to the religious motivation of the warring parties. If a figure-centered approach is followed, this cannot be confirmed for the majority of generals. According to Reiner Niehoff, Wallenstein awarded the ranks in his army regardless of denomination. He demands to recruit evangelical mercenaries despite higher pay in order to shift the denominational dispute out of the multi-causal conflict. Gustav Adolf, who, according to Roland Links, spreads the “fairy tale about the war of religion and then really believes it”, sees the Kaiser as a suitable enemy to justify his expansion because of the denominational differences. The Danish king Christian is only looking for fame and consequently recognizes the cause of his involvement in the war in megalomania. Maximilian and Ferdinand are shown as pious, at least in their religious practice; the Duke through the practice of mortification, while Ferdinand regularly has confession taken. The sphere of religion is inextricably linked with politics, so the emperor's confessor is also his political advisor and the duke asks for his clergy in times of political need. Jesuits form the strongest opposition party against Wallenstein at the Viennese court, although his entry saved them from annihilation by the Swedes. Josef Quack sees the spheres of religion and politics mixed up differently. In Wallenstein's case, they are most distant from one another, and in Maximilian's case they are most closely interwoven, but without ever being separate or congruent. In the self-image of the persecuted Bohemia and in the mobilization of the faithful by Catholic and Protestant preachers, the community-building potential of religion is evident.

The religious and political debate is carried on in scenic dialogues and fables. The actors encounter the relationship between power and spirituality with pragmatism, ethical rigorism, theocratism, quietism or the imitation of Christ. Wallenstein reacts to the challenge to do justice to religious concerns in the political sphere with pragmatism, which brings him the enmity of the Jesuits. Ferdinand vacillates between the fulfillment of reasons of state and mysticism. His wife, on the other hand, pursues an ethical principle that turns into actionism. The Munich preacher and Jesuit Contzen calls for the persecution of all unbelievers and shows in his demand not to spare even princes his theocratic disregard of the class boundaries. The interpretation of current events as distant from God leads a nameless Jesuit priest to give up all efforts of virtue such as ethical indifference in order to arrive at the vision of God through the opposition of divine absoluteness and one's own nothingness. According to Quack, the pious Jeremias represents the imitation of Christ. His search for God draws on torture such as isolation and the premonition of a presence of Jesus that has been gained thereby. The compatibility of both spheres is shown in the figure of the Jesuit Lamormain. The power of the church is based on spirituality and is therefore limited in the empire insofar as political goals can only be achieved indirectly by influencing the religious attitudes of the great. In return, it is not completely subject to political laws and, unlike Protestants, can assert itself against political instrumentalisation by third parties. On the other hand, the fable of the sheep, which a Jesuit tells a young novice, expresses the church's claim to power, insofar as it is praised as the sole authority over the princes. As territorial ruler, Pope Urban VII uses spirituality as a means of power.

Quack, Tilman Kasten and Simonetta Sanna refer to an eschatological, natural-philosophical and life-philosophical dimension behind the various religious attitudes of the figures, which are directly related to the complex of individuation. The relationship between church and state, as drawn by the Pope, is certainly conveyed a criticism of religion, which denounces the indifference to the sufferings of the believers, the administrative apparatus and the interests of capital in the church, but points out the conviction of secular lords as representatives of a corrupted state of nature in contrast to ecclesiastical authority, on counter-Enlightenment ideologems and thus represents an anachronism in the history of ideas. Quack therefore correctly calls the Pope's claim "total, the purest ideology." Adalbert Wichert sees it as a criticism of the turning away from the creatures and the escape of the Pope in an "unnatural one." Aesthetics ".

Motifs

Element symbols

The four elements fire, water, air and earth symbolize the mental and physical constitution of the individual figures, the limits of their claims to power against reality and their interdependence. Emperor Ferdinand has the elements earth and air, Wallenstein earth and fire and Gustav Adolph earth and water. The motifs are varied several times, so the emperor's heron feather signals that he belongs to the two elements. When Ferdinand throws himself on the grass on a journey, he begins to rave about the possible victorious naval battles of his general, which indicates that the political goal cannot be achieved. A look out of the castle window precedes the drinking scene with his fool Jonas in the wine cellar.

Digest

The novel opens with a banquet scene on the occasion of the victory over the Bohemians. Food intake is designed analogously to the annihilation of the rebels, while the choice of drinks refers to Ferdinand's domains. According to Reiner Niehoff, the leitmotif of "greedy stomach and voracious mouth" is varied several times in the novel. In addition to the thirst for conquest, which are metaphorically described with individual processes of ingestion such as biting, tearing, crunching, devouring and swallowing, the stomach represents an abbreviation of domination.

According to Niehoff, it is a self-reflective motif in which the poetics of the novel and the author's working method are expressed.

Animal comparisons

The catchy formulas such as "head-hanging buffalo" for Girolamo Caraffa or "cheekless goat face" for Karl von Lichtenstein , which on the one hand vividly depict the appearance of the protagonists and on the other hand they are always remembered by the reader through repetition, were taken over by Döblin from Homer , who was nicknamed and accumulations of attributes characterized the figures in his epics. At the same time, animal comparisons caricature the political actors, says Paul Michna, who is compared to a “blind boar” to characterize his behavior after he has become liquid again because of the repayment of his debts. The bellicose Pope Urban VII is unmasked as a "panther". In military society, animal comparisons also serve to vividly depict rivalry, Maximilian von Bayern calls Ferdinand “the fat wild boar that he hunted all his life” and the diplomat Trautmansdorf uses the phrase “You shoot a sparrow and mean the hawk “To the Bavarian envoy. Regardless of their specific function in the text, the animal comparisons always represent a connection to nature and thus refer to the instinctual nature of human action.

genre

For Döblin's narrative, the novel involves playing with several novel schemes. On the one hand, the main character Ferdinand is a character who goes through an unstable development process, as is typical in the anti- Bildungsroman , on the other hand, Wallenstein and the military as types are the same as characters in epics. As an (anti) war novel it ostensibly deals with the Thirty Years' War, but the First World War and the turmoil of the revolution are also present. The material from the past makes it a historical novel, although the negation of a teleological meaning through history, the demythologization of historical magnitudes such as multiple perspectives in order to disavow a reduction of historical processes to causal explanations, history continually deconstructs.

reception

The compositional and linguistic innovative strength of the novel was recognized early on. The reviewers Moritz Goldstein , Karl von Perfall , Otto Ernst Hesse and Max Krell drew attention to the novelty of the presentation. Peter de Mendelssohn judged the novel: “Wallenstein got into the eighth thousand, but he cleared up eight thousand epigonal historical novels.” Gottfried Benn not only recalled Döblin's historical novel in his inaugural address at the Berlin Academy, but also said that it was by Döblin apart from “there is no German poet who is able to write ten or twenty pages without a single internal monologue, without a single conversation”, Bertolt Brecht and later Lion Feuchtwanger found less praiseworthy words . The former openly recorded his disappointment in his diary: “It's a shame that there is so much hysteria and hardship in it and that so much externals are presented here in a colossal style! That baroque! This (non-party) panorama! What a dangerous (ideological) thing "Feuchtwanger said with approval," Döblin's 'Wallenstein' is something completely new, different, absurd. Perhaps this work will remain unique, perhaps it will be the fashion of tomorrow, ”but in 1957 he led Ricarda Huch's less narrative work against Döblin's novel. Kasimir Edschmid believed that he recognized the author's moral abstention and the stylization of Wallenstein as a superman, which was more like a self-interpretation of his Timur . In contrast, in his novel Perrudja , published in 1929, Hans Henny Jahnn took up the stylistic renewals in Wallenstein .

In 1933 the National Socialists banned Döblin's work, with the exception of the Wallenstein . On the one hand, this was due to the importance of Wallenstein since Schiller and Ranke as a provisional unifier of the empire, which is why the novel was not banned despite the origin and political positioning of the author. On the other hand, the seizure of power drew greater interest in the historical figure, which was reflected in numerous works that Wallenstein misused simply as a foil for the Führer cult. Adalbert Wichert declares the National Socialists' agreement with the focus on the superman Wallenstein and the selective fading out of de-heroization. In his comparative study published in 1934, Paul Wallenstein saw not only a continuity in the figure drawing (Wallenstein as heightened Wang-Lun), but also expressly praised the representation: “Wallenstein is the monster, and the means of creation, the images and the language that Döblin used to bring it to life. "

In 1945 the writer distanced himself from his novel and had his own work censored. Unlike the futuristic novel lun Wang The three jumps , or the subsequent utopian novel mountains, oceans and Giants , the stories , the murder of a buttercup and the two friends and their poison murder , even Doblin meistrezipiertes work Berlin Alexanderplatz , was the novel Wallenstein of younger fellow writers enthusiastically received. "I love the Wallenstein, consider it one of the greatest German novels, moreover a historical one, which are mostly boring," said the writer Wolfgang Koeppen . and Günter Grass in his speech About my teacher Döblin , especially the author of the Wallenstein . The depictions of violence are considered unsurpassed, which is why WG Sebald accused the author of justifying the violence in an affirmative style.

In the “blatant genre-historical break”, according to literary scholar Hugo Aust, the literary aesthetic significance of the novel lies. According to Hans Vilmar Geppert, modernism only begins within the historical novel with Döblin's historical novel. Helmut Kiesel notes that the historical novel as an art form experienced a "fundamental renewal" through the Wallenstein . Rudolf Radler determines the meaning of the novel, not just a major work by the author, but of the modern novel in general. Gabriele Sander comments: “Döblin unfolds the panorama of an inhumane time that is determined by excesses of violence, religious delusions, social and ideological contradictions.” Josef Quack is enthusiastic and calls Döblin's novel one of the “most significant historical novels in world literature” The meaning of the historical Not least of all, Romans lies in his narrative criticism of historicist historiography.

literature

Text output

  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel. S. Fischer, Berlin 1920.
  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel . Walter, Olten u. Freiburg in Breisgau 1965.
  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel. ed. by Walter Muschg. dtv, Munich 1983, ISBN 978-3-423-10144-8 .
  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel. ed. by Erwin Kobel. Patmos Verlag, Munich 2001, ISBN 3-530-16714-2 .
  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel. ed. by Erwin Kobel. dtv, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-423-13095-4 .
  • Alfred Döblin: Wallenstein. Novel. Works Volume IX. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-10-015559-7 .

Advanced writings

  • Alfred Döblin: Origin and meaning of my novel Wallenstein , in: Döblin, writings on life and work. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2015, pp. 182–184.

Secondary literature

  • Carl Gelderloos: “Stifling in the material”. Characters as Collectives in Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein and his Theoretical Writings , in: The German Historical Novel since the Eighteenth Century. More than a bestseller , ed. by Daniela Richter. Cambridge Scholars, Newcastle 2016, ISBN 1-4438-9766-3 , pp. 97-126.
  • Ulrike Harnisch: Social psychological studies on Alfred Döblin's novel "Wallenstein" . Dissertation. Berlin 1971.
  • Axel Hecker: history as fiction. Alfred Döblin's “Wallenstein” - an exemplary critique of realism . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1986, ISBN 3-88479-248-2 .
  • Ulrich Dronske: History as a natural state. To Döblin's novel Wallenstein. In: Trends in the historical drama and historical novel of the 20th century. Zagreb 2004, pp. 145–155.
  • Yalin Feng: "The war is a gravedigger". Staging of violence and its mechanisms in Alfred Döblin's historical novel Wallenstein. In: Feng Yalin et al. a. (Ed.): Literaturstrasse. Volume 15, Würzburg 2014, pp. 97-106.
  • Daniel Fulda: The mess is common, the roast unusual. Döblin's cannibalistic anthropology. In: Annette Keck u. a. (Ed.): Tangled boundaries anthropophagy in literature and cultural studies. Tübingen 1999, pp. 105-136.
  • Hans Vilmar Geppert: The historical novel: History retold, from Walter Scott to the present . Francke, Tübingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-7720-8325-9 , pp. 216-225.
  • Tilman Kasten: criticism of historicism versus salvation history. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, ISBN 978-3-412-50333-8 .
  • Erwin Kobel: "Sometimes in the air, sometimes in the cellar, never on earth". Emperor Ferdinand the Other in Döblin's Wallenstein. In: Yearbook of the Free German Hochstift. 2001, pp. 237-262.
  • Ursula Kocher: Total War. On Alfred Döblin's novel Wallenstein. In: Closed forms. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-2722-1 , pp. 61-76.
  • Thomas Lehr: In death and ruins-find. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein novel as the highlight of literary war reporting. In: New Rundschau. S. Fischer, 2009, ISBN 978-3-10-809076-0 , pp. 112-121.
  • Waltraud Maierhofer: On the representation of women and the feminine in Döblin's 'Wallenstein'. In: Gabriele Sander (Ed.): International Alfred Döblin Colloquium. Leiden 1995, pp. 95-114.
  • Dieter Mayer: Alfred Döblins Wallenstein. On the conception of history and on the structure . Fink, Munich 1972.
  • Harro Müller: War and Novel: Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein and November 1918. In: Bernd Hüppauf (Ed.): War, Violence, and the Modern Condition. Berlin 1997, pp. 290-299.
  • Reiner Niehoff: stomach grief. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. In: International Alfred Döblin Colloquium Münster. Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-03911-148-5 , pp. 227-250.
  • Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's "Wallenstein" . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, ISBN 3-8260-2710-8 .
  • Wolfdietrich Rasch: Döblin's Wallenstein and the story. In: On German literature since the turn of the century. Collected Essays. Stuttgart 1967, pp. 228-242.
  • Simonetta Sanna: Ars aurifera. The transformation of the king into Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. In: Hartmut Eggert, Gabriele Prauß (Eds.): Internationales Alfred-Döblin Colloquium. (= Yearbook for International German Studies, Congress Reports. Volume 69). Berlin 2001, pp. 247-269.
  • Klaus R. Scherpe: City. War. Strangers. Literature and culture after the disasters . Francke, Tübingen / Basel 2002, pp. 77–98.
  • Stefanie Stockhorst: But why mirror it and conjure up memories of it while the thunder from Verdun struck? On the aesthetic construction of historical parallels in Alfred Döblin's novel Wallenstein (1920). In: Fabian Lampart u. a. (Ed.): The Second Thirty Years War. Struggles for interpretation in modern literature. (= Classical Modern. Volume 38). Ergon, Baden-Baden 2019, ISBN 978-3-95650-491-4 , pp. 129-148.
  • Paul Robert Wallenstein: The poetic design of the historical personality, shown on the Wallenstein figure. An attempt to illuminate the problems of poetry and history from the point of view of the encounter of values . Konrad Triltsch, Würzburg 1934.
  • Regina Wegner: Story told. Literary representation of history - its relationship in the appearance of three representative examples from the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries (= Studium Litterarum, Vol. 4). Edited by Knut Kiesant and Hans G. Roloff. Weidler Verlag, Berlin 2001.
  • Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel . (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Matthias Prangel: Alfred Doblin. (= Realia for literature. Volume 105). 2nd Edition. Stuttgart 1978, p. 37.
  2. ^ Peter Sprengel: History of the German-language literature 1900-1918. From the turn of the century to the end of the First World War . Volume 12, Beck, Munich 2004, p. 153.
  3. ↑ Steffan Davies: Historical novel: Wallenstein. In: Sabina Becker (Ed.): Döblin Handbook. Life - work - effect. Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-476-02544-9 , p. 190.
  4. ↑ Ulrike Scholvin: Döblin's metropolises. Remnants and imaginary cities and the travesty of desires. (= Results of women's research. Volume 2). Weinheim / Basel, Beltz 1985, p. 113.
  5. ^ Armin Arnold: Alfred Döblin . Morgenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1996, p. 36.
  6. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 200.
  7. ↑ Steffan Davies: The Wallenstein Figure in German Literature and Historiography 1790-1920. London 2009, ISBN 978-1-906540-28-9 , p. 184.
  8. ↑ Steffan Davies: Historical novel: Wallenstein. In: Sabina Becker (Ed.): Döblin Handbook. Life - work - effect. Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-476-02544-9 , p. 80.
  9. ↑ Steffan Davies: Historical novel: Wallenstein. In: Sabina Becker (Ed.): Döblin Handbook. Life - work - effect. Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-476-02544-9 , pp. 80-81.
  10. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 218.
  11. ↑ Steffan Davies: Historical novel: Wallenstein. In: Sabina Becker (Ed.): Döblin Handbook. Life - work - effect. Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-476-02544-9 , p. 80.
  12. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 204.
  13. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 204.
  14. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 205.
  15. ↑ Roland Links: Alfred Döblin. Life and work . Berlin 1965, p. 37.
  16. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 63.
  17. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 65.
  18. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 108.
  19. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 65.
  20. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 348.
  21. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 204.
  22. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 114.
  23. ↑ Reiner Niehoff: stomach grim. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. In: International Alfred Döblin Colloquium Münster. Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-03911-148-5 , pp. 240-241.
  24. ↑ Simonetta Sanna: Self-death and becoming whole. Alfred Döblin's great novels . Peter Lang, Bern a. a. 2003, p. 137.
  25. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism . To Alfred Döblin's "Wallenstein". Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 124.
  26. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 199.
  27. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 218. Kasten recognizes this in the case of Wallenstein's advance against Stettin. Ultimately, the collision of the element of water (swell) with earth (Lützen) marks the failure of the will.
  28. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 78.
  29. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 78.
  30. ↑ Ursula Kocher: Total War. On Alfred Döblin's novel Wallenstein. In: Closed forms. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-2722-1 , p. 73.
  31. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 136.
  32. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 237.
  33. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 236.
  34. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 92.
  35. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 36.
  36. ↑ The abuse of sons of bitches corresponds to Wallenstein's usage. Andreas Weigl: Vienna in the Thirty Years War. Population, society, culture, denomination Böhlau, Vienna a. a., p. 592.
  37. ^ Walter Delabar: Baroque reception as self-staging. Some reflections on the reception of early modern literature after 1945. In: Christiane Caemmerer, Walter Delabar (Ed.): Oh, inclination to fullness. On the reception of 'baroque' literature in post-war Germany. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2001, p. 253.
  38. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein . Würzburg 2004, p. 55.
  39. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein . Würzburg 2004, p. 55.
  40. ^ Gerhard Nebel: Homer . Klett, Stuttgart 1959, pp. 161-162.
  41. ↑ Gaetano Mitidieri: Science, technology and media in the work of Alfred Döblin in the context of the European avant-garde . Dissertation. Potsdam 2015, p. 419.
  42. ↑ Stefanie Stockhorst: But why reflect that and conjure up memories of it while the thunder from Verdun struck? On the aesthetic construction of historical parallels in Alfred Döblin's novel Wallenstein (1920) . In: Fabian Lampart et al. (Ed.): The Second Thirty Years War. Struggles for interpretation in modern literature. (= Classical Modern. Volume 38). Ergon, Baden-Baden 2019, ISBN 978-3-95650-491-4 , p. 136.
  43. ↑ Klaus Schröter: Alfred Döblin . Rowohlt, Hamburg 1978, p. 75.
  44. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 218.
  45. ↑ Gaetano Mitidieri: Science, technology and media in the work of Alfred Döblin in the context of the European avant-garde . Dissertation. Potsdam 2015, p. 418.
  46. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein . Würzburg 2004, p. 124.
  47. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's "Wallenstein" . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 41.
  48. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych. Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 224.
  49. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych. Böhlau, Cologne 2016, pp. 224–225.
  50. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 122.
  51. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych. Böhlau, Cologne 2016, p. 217.
  52. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 63.
  53. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 123.
  54. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 122.
  55. ↑ Monique Boussart: Alfred Döblin. His religiousness in personality and work . Vol. 1, Bouvier, Bonn 1970, p. 46.
  56. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 62.
  57. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 123.
  58. ↑ Reiner Niehoff: stomach grim. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein . In: International Alfred Döblin Colloquium Münster. Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-03911-148-5 , p. 242.
  59. ↑ Roland Links: Alfred Döblin. Life and work . Volkseigener Verlag, Berlin 1965, p. 55.
  60. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 104.
  61. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 97.
  62. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 104.
  63. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 103.
  64. ↑ Heidi Thomann Tewarson: Alfred Doblin. Basics of its aesthetics and their development 1900-1933 . Lang, Bern 1977, p. 79.
  65. ^ Tilman Kasten: Critique of Historicism versus Salvation History. The Wallenstein novels by Alfred Döblin and Jaroslav Durych . Böhlau, Cologne 2016, pp. 111–114.
  66. ↑ Heidi Thomann Tewarson: Alfred Doblin. Basics of its aesthetics and their development 1900-1933 . Lang, Bern 1977, p. 79.
  67. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Würzburg 2004, p. 104.
  68. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel . (= Germanistic treatises . Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 76.
  69. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, pp. 200–202.
  70. ^ Erwin Kobel: Alfred Döblin. Narrative art in upheaval . Berlin / Boston 2015, p. 212.
  71. ↑ Reiner Niehoff: stomach grim. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. In: International Alfred Döblin Colloquium Münster. Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-03911-148-5 , pp. 230-234.
  72. ↑ Reiner Niehoff: stomach grim. Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. In: International Alfred Döblin Colloquium Münster. Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-03911-148-5 , p. 235.
  73. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 41.
  74. ↑ Compare the "cow-eyed Hera" in the Iliad.
  75. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 41.
  76. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's Wallenstein. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 42.
  77. ↑ Stefanie Stockhorst: But why reflect that and conjure up memories of it while the thunder from Verdun struck? On the aesthetic construction of historical parallels in Alfred Döblin's novel Wallenstein (1920). In: Fabian Lampart et al. (Ed.): The Second Thirty Years War. Struggles for interpretation in modern literature. (= Classical Modern. Volume 38). Ergon, Baden-Baden 2019, ISBN 978-3-95650-491-4 , pp. 133-137.
  78. ^ Armin Arnold: Alfred Döblin. In: Heads of the 20th Century. Morgenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1996, p. 33.
  79. ↑ Benn, quoted from Leo Matthias, Complete Works Volume 3, Prose I, 2nd edition, ed. by Gerhard Schuster, Stuttgart 2009, p. 569.
  80. ↑ Bertolt Brecht: Journale I. ed. by Werner Hecht. Berlin 1994, p. 181.
  81. ^ Adalbert Wichert: History and their language. The renewal of historical narration by Alfred Döblin . (= Dissertation). Metzler, Stuttgart 1978, p. 62.
  82. ↑ Armin Leidinger: Whore Babylon: Big City Symphony or Attack on the Landscape? Alfred Döblin's novel Berlin Alexanderplatz and the city of Berlin: an approach from a cultural-historical perspective. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2010, p. 183.
  83. ↑ Adalbert Wichert: Alfred Döblin's historical thinking. On the poetics of the modern historical novel. (= Germanistic treatises. Volume 48). Stuttgart 1978, p. 122.
  84. ↑ Paul Robert Wallenstein: The poetic design of the historical personality, shown on the Wallenstein figure. An attempt to illuminate the problems of poetry and history from the point of view of the encounter of values . Konrad Triltsch, Würzburg 1934, p. 71.
  85. ↑ Paul Robert Wallenstein: The poetic design of the historical personality, shown on the Wallenstein figure. An attempt to illuminate the problems of poetry and history from the point of view of the encounter of values . Konrad Triltsch, Würzburg 1934, p. 73.
  86. ^ Wolfgang Koeppen: The wretched scripts . (Ed.) Marcel Reich-Ranicki. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt 1981, p. 147.
  87. ↑ Döblin's portrayal of the mercenary leader Mansfeld was the inspiration for Koeppen's character Judejahn from Death in Rome . Josef Quack: Wolfgang Koeppen. Narrator of time . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 1997, p. 246.
  88. ↑ Winfried Georg Sebald: The myth of destruction in Döblin's work . Dissertation. Stuttgart 1980, p. 160.
  89. ^ Hugot Aust: The historical novel. Heidelberg 1994, p. 116.
  90. ^ Hans Vilmar Geppert: The historical novel. History untold - from Walter Scott to the present day . Francke, Tübingen 2009, p. 4.
  91. ^ Rudolf Radler: Major works of German literature. From pre-March to contemporary literature. Individual presentations and interpretations. Volume 2, Munich 1999, p. 381.
  92. ^ Gabriele Sander : Wallenstein. In: Heinz Ludwig Arnold (Hrsg.): Kindlers Literatur Lexikon . 3rd, completely revised edition. 18 volumes. Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2009, ISBN 978-3-476-04000-8 , Volume 4, p. 666.
  93. ↑ Josef Quack: History novel and historical criticism. To Alfred Döblin's "Wallenstein" . Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2004, p. 381.
  94. ↑ Wolfdietrich Rasch: Döblin's Wallenstein and the story. In: On German literature since the turn of the century. Collected Essays. Stuttgart 1967, p. 242.