Servants

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Servant serving (Liotard: The Chocolate Maiden, 1743/45)

In the broader sense, a servant is an employed helper who lives permanently in the household for work in the house and agriculture . In the narrower sense, it is a household worker. The 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century are considered to be the heyday of servants in Western Europe . The employment of at least one maid was an essential characteristic of their own class for middle-class households of the time. Servants are still widespread today in countries with large income gaps and where the employment situation differs widely between urban and rural areas.

tasks

Maid in the hall

In Western Europe, servants were typically female. According to a survey in 1882, 96.8% of the servants in Berlin were female. The employment of male servants was restricted to upper class and noble households, as these received higher wages. Maids were typical service staff in well-off bourgeois , but also petty bourgeois households . This is where maids differ from maids - female servants who do the "lower" and physically harder jobs, typically on farms ("scrubbing maid", "cow maid"). The classic maid of the 19th century was responsible for all housework . The working time was up to 16 hours a day, the food and accommodation were considered sparse. For women who were not permanently employed, the term “hour maid” was common at the end of the 19th century; if several maids were employed in a household, there were “second maids” who, for example, did not cook or look after the children, but instead cleaned, tidied up, washed and sewed the laundry.

Feminization and Urbanization in the 19th Century

With industrialization , a major structural change set in in Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. In the first two decades of the 19th century, the agricultural and commercial servants were predominant in numbers. Industrialization created employment opportunities that enabled the male rural population in particular to find work outside of agriculture . At the same time, an urban educated and property bourgeoisie consisting of doctors, bankers, civil servants, pastors, professors, lawyers and entrepreneurs achieved prosperity.

Neither their housing nor their financial resources allowed this class of the bourgeoisie to accommodate and employ a multi-headed servant. Instead, it became customary to employ one or more maids to do all the household chores. In the 1880s, between 30 and 40 percent of all women registered as employed in Europe were employed in private households. This is confirmed by detailed figures from individual European countries. In 1851 every third British woman between the ages of fifteen and 24 was employed as a maid. This was true of more than one in six British women, regardless of age. Overall, the proportion of servants among the female workforce was 40 percent. The portion of women who contrast with factory work earned their living, was in the early industrialized Britain already some 1,851 more. By 1900 the number of servants had only fallen slightly. Of the four million working British women, around one and a half million worked as servants.

Conversely, between 1851 and 1871, out of 100 British households, 35 employed one servant and 25 had two. Some of the remaining 40 households had more than two servants, but the majority had none. The employment of servants was not necessarily an indication of wealth. The British actress Sybil Thorndike , who grew up at the end of the 19th century and whose father was a canon at Rochester Cathedral , repeatedly emphasized in interviews how poor her childhood and youth had been. Nonetheless, her family employed no fewer than four servants. In EM Delafield's predominantly autobiographical novel Diary of a Lady in the Country , which tells the life of an upper- middle-class British family in the 1930s, a cook and a maid are employed and the daughter of the house is employed by one despite the family's financially strained situation French governess educated.

The historian Judith Flanders argues on the basis of the available statistics that contrary to today's notions in numerous bourgeois households of the 19th century women who belonged to the bourgeois middle class either did housework together with their maids or many bourgeois women had to get along without any help. Counselors around 1900 actually advised lower middle class households against employing servants. It was considered more sensible for these households to occasionally employ laundresses and servants by the hour for rough work . Only the wealthiest households could afford to employ such a large number of servants that the female part of the employer did not take on any part of the housework.

Origin and mediation

Edouard John Mentha : Maid Reading in a Library , ca.1915

Some of the maids and male servants were orphans . In Great Britain, the workhouse and orphanage were the source of the cheapest domestic help. However, children and young people who grew up in such facilities had neither seen the inside of a contemporary modern house nor were they equipped with such facilities as running water or facilities prior to their first employment Gas familiar. The historian Flanders points out that the same also applied to girls from the working class who started their first job.

Most of the maids came from the country. Her parents were typically small artisans , day laborers and farm workers. When they grew up in large families, it was often part of their early life experience to assume duties and responsibilities in the family. The move of a daughter of such a family to another household was considered an acceptable advancement. It corresponded to the role model shared by many non-bourgeois families that women only had a field of activity within a household. Factories, in which women increasingly found employment in the course of the 19th century, were, not least influenced by a bourgeois press, considered a refuge of immorality and immorality.

The placement of jobs was often done by relatives or acquaintances who had already found work in an urban environment and knew through their contacts of vacancies in the area of ​​their own rule. The historian Budde, however, points to mediation by local clergymen. They made use of contacts with municipal officials to place their daughters from their parish in decent families. In this way employers hoped to find hard-working and, above all, virtuous maids. Advertisements were another way of finding a suitable workforce. If the applicant had already held a position, she had to submit a certificate . However, most counselors recommended that the experienced employer should not rely solely on the written word. Instead, they should go to the previous agency and find out about the applicant's health, honesty, virtue, skills and knowledge in a personal interview.

In contrast, the private placement offices that emerged in larger cities in the course of the 19th century had a bad reputation. From the 1860s onwards, charities became active in this area. In Great Britain in particular, there were professionally run registry offices or servants agencies in numerous cities towards the end of the 19th century, trying to bring together suitable servants and employers. Some of these agencies achieved fame - servants were considered to be listed in such an agency's file as an honor.

working conditions

CL Becker : The latest from loved ones . A maid lights a fire in the background

Both the beginning and the end of work were determined solely by the employer. A maid usually worked from six in the morning until ten in the evening. When it was washing day , work often started at three or four in the morning. The end of the working day wasn't certain either:

“In summer you had to stay up very often when the gentlemen sat in the garden late into the night. Then you had to carry glasses, bottles, blankets and other things into the apartment. You often had to wait until midnight when the gentlemen were invited elsewhere, so you had to be very careful when the car stopped so that the gentlemen did not have to close or ring the bell. "

In theory, a British maid was given half an hour each for breakfast, lunch and tea, and one hour for evening meal. They should also spend an hour and a half in the afternoon patching up where they could sit and rest. Even under such ideal conditions, however, a maid would do twelve hours of hard physical labor. In a small household that only had running water on the bottom floor, a single maid carried around three tons of hot water up the stairs to provide her employers with washing water.

Twelve hours of work was two hours more than a factory worker, and comparable to the working hours of a saleswoman at the time. Maids also rarely had Sundays off - at best, their workload was a little less. In Germany, going out on Sundays every 14 days was a customary law for servants. However, this customary law was not enforceable and the wishes of servants had to be neglected when the demands of the household made this impossible. However, it was generally accepted that maids were allowed to attend Sunday services.

Maids often changed employers, usually at their own request. In the UK, servants stayed in one job for an average of three years. However, in households with only one maid, the change was more frequent. For example, during the 32 years that Jane Carlyle lived in Cheyne Row, she employed 34 different servants. Younger maids in particular changed employers more frequently, as their increasing experience with changing jobs enabled them to earn a higher wage.

Reward

A maid's salary consisted of three components: wages, meals, and accommodation in her employer's home. The equivalent of food and accommodation clearly exceeded the wages. In London around 1900 the cost of a maid was estimated at about £ 60 to £ 70 a year; About a third of this went to wages, the rest to their food and accommodation, but also expenses for cleaning their aprons, hoods and uniforms.

wage

Friedrich Wahle : The service staff , 1927
Heinrich Zille : Maid at the exit

The monetary wages a maid received depended on her age, position on the maid, and professional experience. The historian Budde names the following salaries:

  • An experienced worker received 180 marks at the beginning of the 1870s
  • Around 1900 half of the maids in Berlin received less than 200 marks a year. In London the annual wage was £ 20, in St. Petersburg, Russia, between 36 and 72 rubles.

Budde estimated that that would give a maid about one-thirtieth of the employer's income.

Judith Flanders gives figures for Great Britain that differ slightly from those of Gunilla Budde. By the mid-19th century, servants with work experience and good credentials could expect an annual salary of between £ 16 and £ 60. On the other hand, things looked different for the children and young people who came straight from the workhouse . The pre-Raphaelite painter Ford Madox Brown paid a child who was taken over from the workhouse just £ 5 a year. In his novel Bleak House, Charles Dickens mentions the orphan Guster's salary as just £ 2 and 10 shillings. Young people from the work house or from working-class families often worked just for board and lodging in order to gain the necessary experience as well as to receive an initial reference. Both should enable them to take better paid jobs.

A factory worker who worked in a spinning mill in the 1890s earned around 600 marks, about three times as much as a maid. But that did not mean that a maid was materially much worse off. The wages of a maid also included room and board, for which a factory worker had to spend a large part of her salary. Maids could also count on special gifts for Christmas or birthdays. Occasionally they also received tips for running errands as well as discarded items of clothing from their masters. As a rule, the monetary reward only made up a quarter to a third of a maid's salary.

Catering

According to research into maid service towards the end of the 19th century, poor food was the most common complaint among maids. In 1883, the British Eliot James, in her guide The Servants, Their Duities to us and Ours to Them, pointed out to her contemporaries that servants were more likely to be dissatisfied with the much poorer food they received compared to their employers. She advised that the servants also receive some of the meat served in the stately dining room. However, this only happened in the rarest of cases. Hannah Cullwick , who worked as a maid for decades and whose diaries give an unusually detailed insight into the life of a maid, ate poultry for the first time at the age of 40 and replied to her husband's astonished question that as a maid she only got bones to eat .

Lodging

In the 18th century in Great Britain it was still quite common for servants to sleep in the same rooms as family members of their employer. The increasing prosperity of a broad middle class changed this drastically. The typical middle-class house of the Victorian era in Great Britain was in a suburb and had several floors. It provided for a strict separation between the individual areas and, due to its structural structure, also gave the possibility of having separate bedrooms for maids. These were either under the roof or on the lowest floor in close proximity to the kitchen.

In Germany and France, well-to-do middle-class families also lived closer to the city center in apartments. These apartments offered far fewer opportunities to accommodate the maid necessary for civil status. The unheated attic room was the exception. They often turned down their bed in the evening in the kitchen, bathroom or hallway. In all major European cities, maids also slept in the loft . These were small spaces that were created by adding an additional ceiling over the pantry, over the bathroom or over the hallway in the high living rooms. One of the most apt descriptions of a loft is given in Theodor Fontane's novel Der Stechlin (1899), which has a maid report:

“There are always [the lofts] in the kitchen, sometimes close to the stove or directly across from it. And now you climb a ladder and if you are tired you can fall down. But mostly it works. And now you open the door and push yourself into the hole, just like in an oven. That's what they call a bed. And I can only tell you: it's better in a hayloft, even if there are mice. And it's worst in summer. It's thirty degrees outside and the stove has been on fire all day; it's like being put on the grill. "

The social difference: clothing and rules of conduct

Unknown painter: After Drilling , Kensington scene, 19th century

At the beginning of the 19th century, uniforms were not common for maids. The difference between cheap and expensive fabrics was so obvious and the fashion requirements for appropriate clothing so elaborate that the maid and employer were unmistakable due to their different clothes. This changed in the 1850s and 1860s when, due to industrialization, fabrics became cheaper and, at the same time, inexpensive cotton fabrics came from India to the European market. The British satirical magazine Punch repeatedly printed cartoons showing maids in clothes that were too elegant for their stand. The humor in these drawings was so evident to Victorian contemporaries that text was usually not commented on.

Uniforms were increasingly used to emphasize the difference in class. Many British cities had Servants' Bazaars selling uniforms in the second half of the 19th century . Liverpool department store Lewis also sold ready-made gift packages for Christmas for employers to give to their servants. Among other things, they contained a striped blouse and black wool from which the maids could tailor their uniform. Rules of conduct also ensured that the employer and the maid were unmistakable. Servants were not allowed to speak on their own initiative, but had to wait to be spoken to. They had to stand in the presence of their employers and walk behind them on the street.

Even a maid's name could be found inappropriate. The authors Augustus and Henry Mayhew caricature in their satirical novel The Greatest Plague of Life, or, the Adventures of a Lady in Search of a good Servant (The greatest plague in life or the adventures of a lady in search of a good servant, published in 1847 ) the horror of their main character, whose maid goes by the name of Rosetta. From the narrator's point of view, this is a name that is only appropriate for a duchess. The maid in her household is called Susan for this.

Servant hierarchies

Heinrich Zille: Water Carrier , 1929

Most households employed no more than one maid who did all of the heavy lifting in the household. In households with no or inadequate sanitary facilities, regular tasks included supplying the bedrooms with warm water and disposing of the chamber pots. No less strenuous was doing the laundry, which often took up a day or two a week, or supplying the stoves with coal. Households with slightly higher incomes usually employed a cook as their second servant. The other servants employed depended on the family's specific situation. If there were smaller children in the house, a nanny was usually employed. In Great Britain, a distinction was made between the “nanny” and the “nursery maid”, with the “nursery maid” relieving the “nanny” of all physically heavy work. In Great Britain, with the establishment of the Norland Institute in 1892, the nanny profession became more professional and increasingly took on the character of an educator . The training at the Norland Institute was based on the teachings of Friedrich Fröbel, and the founder of the facility advised her graduates not to share their meals with other servants.

Households that did not raise young children usually employed a kitchen maid or a second maid as their third servant. Valets and chambermaids who were directly assigned to one of the persons in the service were possible further additions to the persons employed in a household. Among other things, extensive sewing skills were expected from a chambermaid. She should also be able to put on a hat. Counselors from this period occasionally pointed out that skilled maidservants paid for themselves in such matters with what was saved in tailor and hat maker bills. The employment of a servant or lackey signaled a very wealthy household, which often included a coachman or chauffeur. All female servants in a house were subordinate to the housekeeper. In Great Britain it was customary for such a housekeeper to always wear black silk clothes with a bunch of keys on the belt with the keys to the pantry and the cupboards with linen. Her superior was the butler , who was responsible for the smooth running of the household and to whom all male servants reported directly. Only in households with an unusually large number of servants was there a caretaker to whom the butler was also subordinate.

The governess played a special role in this hierarchy of servants . In 19th century Britain, governesses were common in households where either boys grew up between the ages of five and eight or girls who grew up around the age of 14. In France and Germany, the employment of governesses was far less frequent and largely limited to upper-class or aristocratic families due to earlier schooling in bringing up girls. In Great Britain, the right of a governess to the guidance of her pupils was for a long time derived solely from the fact that she herself came from a middle-class family and had received a proper upbringing there. In terms of her social status, she corresponded to that of her employer and her financial situation alone was the reason why she was employed.

Legal situation

Service book of Anna Schöfmann (1850-1852)

The historian Gunilla Budde points out that servants were an anachronism across Europe as early as the 19th century because of its pre-bourgeois regulations. The working and living conditions of the maids, and in particular their legal situation and their position in participatory budgeting, contradicted the fact that the world of feudal law was considered obsolete, especially among the emerging bourgeoisie. This unsatisfactory situation was discussed in public at an early stage. A British newspaper article from 1849, for example, points out that the working conditions of factory workers can be regulated through parliamentary resolutions. A parliamentary resolution that could regulate the relationship between employer and servant for private households, however, was not feasible.

At a time when housekeeping and domination were largely replaced by market economy and wage labor and at the same time there was legal equality of citizenship at least for the male population, servants were still subject to legal relics of bygone times. According to the German servants ' regulations, servants were legally involved in the household of their employers, whose orders they had to obey in accordance with the servants' regulations. Conversely, the employers were obliged to take care of the physical as well as the moral well-being of the servants subordinate to them. Great Britain is considered to be the first country to abolish the legal inequality between servants and employers with the Employer and Workman Act in 1875 and change it into a modern employee relationship. In other countries of Western Europe, the first reforms of the servants' ordinances took place towards the end of the 1860s, in Germany, however, the servant orders lasted until 1918.

The servants' service books are characteristic of the German servant orders . They were introduced in Prussia in 1846 and became mandatory in the entire German Empire in 1872. They gave the maid's name, place of origin, age and external characteristics and were issued by the local police authorities. Such service books provided information about the servant's fields of activity, how long they had worked for a master, stated the reasons why the service was terminated and should also be used to store all certificates. Maids were required to present this service book to the local police department when starting a new job.

During the reign of Frederick the Great had a termination of the service with a notice period of three months depending on the region on the Michaelmas ( September 29 ) to Jacobi ( July 25 ), on St. Bartholomew ( August 24 ) or to the St. John's ( 24 June ). In the case of absence of rule or servants (in the case of the latter only in the case of absence due to duty) the period was extended to 8 days after the return of the absent. If the deadline was not met, the service continued for another year.

Housemaid school

Classified ad with a job offer for a cook and a "second girl" for washing and ironing jobs (1881)

Towards the end of the 19th century, the idea of ​​introducing an apprenticeship in the household in order to solve training problems was discussed several times. A practical apprenticeship was advocated by housewives, women's associations and also by the church, while they saw the advanced training schools only as a supplement. In Munich, the commission arranged a two-year apprenticeship in the household for 14 to 15-year-old girls, which accommodated housewives because of the time-regulated contract conclusion and saved them from quickly changing jobs. These institutions met with little response from the girls. The school of the Fröbel-Oberlin-Verein trained nannies, maids and maids. The courses for nannies and maids lasted three months and for housemaids two and a half months and in 1898 cost between 25 and 30 marks. For the training of housemaids, the curriculum provided for the teaching of decency and courtesy, the acquisition of good manners , serving and tablecloths, hairdressing , polishing , tailoring, laundry care and lamp cleaning. Women's and servants' associations also offered appropriate courses that were free of charge.

For example, a maid school with a two-year training was located in the now listed building Waldstrasse 32 in Radebeul-Oberlößnitz in Saxony.

Known servants (chronological)

For male occupations see the article Servant .

literature

  • Gunilla Budde : The maid. In: Ute Frevert, Heinz-Gerhard Haupt: The man of the 19th century. Campus, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-593-36024-1 .
  • Eva Eßlinger: The maid, the family and the sex. On the history of an irregular relationship in European literature. Fink, Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-7705-5491-1 (Dissertation University of Munich 2012).
  • Judith Flanders: The Victorian House. Harper Perennial, London 2003, ISBN 0-00-713188-7 .
  • Gotthardt Frühsorge (Ed.): Servants in the 18th century. Meiner, Hamburg 1995, ISBN 3-7873-0915-2 .
  • Claudia Harrasser: From servants and farm workers. A bibliography on (almost) forgotten professions. Studien-Verlag, Innsbruck 1996, ISBN 3-7065-1147-9 .
  • Sabine Hess: Globalized housework: au pair as a migration strategy for women from Eastern Europe (= Gender & Society , Volume 38). VS, Verlag für Sozialwissenaschaft, Wiesbaden 2004, 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15677-4 (dissertation University Frankfurt am Main 2004 under the title: Au pairs as postmodern maids ).
  • Lucy Lethbridge : Servants - A Downstairs View of Twentieth-century Britain. Bloomsbury, London 2013, ISBN 978-1-4088-3407-7 .
  • Heidi Müller: Servant spirits. Life and working world of urban servants. Reimer, Berlin 1985, ISBN 3-496-01030-4 .
  • Dagmar Müller-Staats: Complaints about servants. An investigation into servants and their masters. Insel, Frankfurt am Main 1987, ISBN 3-458-32383-X .
  • Oskar Stillich : The situation of female servants in Berlin. Edelheim, Berlin / Bern 1902, DNB 363662375 .

Web links

Wikisource: Servants  - Sources and Full Texts
Commons : Servants  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files
Wiktionary: Servants  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

Individual evidence

  1. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 149.
  2. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 152.
  3. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 153.
  4. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 92.
  5. ↑ Cecilia Wadsö Lecaros: The Victorian Governess Novel . Lund University Press, Lund 2001, ISBN 91-7966-577-2 , p. 16.
  6. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 9.
  7. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 9.
  8. ↑ EM Delafield: Diary of a Lady in the Country . Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag, Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-641-08045-7
  9. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 92.
  10. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 15
  11. ↑ Cecilia Wadsö Lecaros: The Victorian Governess Novel . Lund University Press, Lund 2001, ISBN 91-7966-577-2 , p. 15.
  12. ↑ L. Braun: The women question. 1st edition. European Literature Publishing House, Bremen 2011, ISBN 978-3-86267-422-0 .
  13. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 95.
  14. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 153.
  15. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 154.
  16. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 155.
  17. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 97.
  18. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 155.
  19. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 101.
  20. ↑ quoted from G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 161.
  21. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 27
  22. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 100 and p. 101.
  23. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 161.
  24. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 96.
  25. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 17
  26. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 159.
  27. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 95.
  28. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House . 2003, p. 96.
  29. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 159.
  30. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 159.
  31. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 158.
  32. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House. 2003, p. 112 and p. 113.
  33. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House. 2003, p. XXV - p. XXVIII
  34. ^ Theodor Fontane : The Stechlin , 1899.
  35. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House. 2003, p. 113.
  36. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House. 2003, p. 113.
  37. ^ J. Flanders: The Victorian House. 2003, p. 114.
  38. ↑ Augustus Mayhew, Henry Mayhew: The Greatest Plague of Life, of, The Adventures of a Lady in Search of a good Servant . 1847.
  39. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 13
  40. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 39
  41. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 16
  42. ^ Lethbridge: Servants . 2013, p. 16
  43. ↑ Ruth Brandon: Other People's Daughters - The Life and Times of the Governess , pp. 14-15
  44. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 149 and p. 150.
  45. ↑ Cecilia Wadsö Lecaros: The Victorian Governess Novel . Lund University Press, Lund 2001, ISBN 91-7966-577-2 , p. 16.
  46. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 150.
  47. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 151.
  48. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 151.
  49. ^ G. Budde: The maid. In: U. Frevert, H.-G. Haupt: Man of the 19th century. 1999, p. 151.
  50. ↑ directory of judgments given in the 1769sten years edicts, patents, mandates, RESCRIPTen and main regulations. According to the order of the time . No. 12 , 1771, pp. 5345–5346 ( Codex Fridericianus , collection of laws from the year 1771 by Frederick the Great ; Austrian National Library, stock number + Z18610830X; digitized in the Google book search).