Judenhaus

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Weimar, Belvederer Allee 6, memorial plaque

In the official language of the National Socialist German Reich, residential buildings from (formerly) Jewish property , into which only Jewish tenants and sub-tenants were forcibly assigned, were referred to as Judenhaus . Who was considered a Jew in this context was regulated in Section 5 of the First Ordinance on the Reich Citizenship Act of November 14, 1935; so-called privileged mixed marriages were excluded .

This freed up living space for the so - called German - blooded population at the expense of the Jews . The measure eased discrimination against the Jewish residents and suppressed growing neighborly relationships.

The term Judenhaus was adopted in everyday language during the Third Reich. As an alternative to the National Socialist term, the term ghetto house is also used today.

Relaxation of tenant protection

Memorial plaque on the house at Brühl 6 in Weimar

The ordinance on the use of Jewish assets ( RGBl. I, p. 1709) of December 3, 1938 obliged Jewish homeowners to sell their properties. On December 28, 1938, Hermann Göring stated that the " Aryanization " of businesses and businesses was a priority, and that the "Aryanization" of property should "be placed at the end of the overall Aryanization". Namely, it is desirable:

"... in individual cases, if possible, proceed in such a way that Jews are brought together in one house, provided the tenancy agreements would allow this."

The law on tenancy agreements with Jews (RGBl. I, p. 864) of April 30, 1939 relaxed tenant protection for Jews. In legal commentaries on the "special housing law for Jews" it was stated as justification:

"It contradicts National Socialist legal sentiments if German national comrades have to live with Jews in a house."

Jewish tenants could be terminated by the "German-blooded" landlord, provided replacement living space was proven. A contractually agreed long-term rental period could be reduced to the statutory periods. Jewish tenants could be instructed to take other Jews into their apartment as sub-tenants . The local authority was able to determine the rental agreement and the amount of the rent.

In anticipation of this, an “Ordinance on the Reorganization of the Reich Capital Berlin and the Capital of the Munich Movement” (RGBl. I, p. 159) of February 8, 1939, introduced a compulsory registration for Jewish apartments in Berlin and Munich that became vacant; these should serve as replacement living space for "German-blooded tenants". When the efforts to concentrate in the big cities of Berlin, Munich and Vienna did not show the desired success, tenant protection there was also restricted for Jewish tenants and subtenants there on September 10, 1940, if the building had passed to an "Aryan" owner or from the religious community or administered by the Reich Association of Jews in Germany . An example is the history of the house of beer published by the city of Cologne in Hülchrather Strasse 6 in Cologne, for which the artist Gunter Demnig first laid a stumbling block for an aryanized residential building in 2012 .

Briefing and living situation

Immediately after the November pogroms in 1938 , Hermann Göring was already considering the establishment of ghettos . Reinhard Heydrich , however, considered police surveillance there difficult; he recommended accommodation in Jewish houses and expected a check "by the watchful eye of the entire population".

Beginning in autumn 1939 (in Vienna and in the Sudetengau also earlier), but also much later, such as Hamburg from April 1942, all Jews who were required to be labeled were placed in " Jews ' houses" on the instructions of the Gestapo and partly with the forced participation of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany instructed and housed there very cramped. Numerous buildings had been assigned to the Reich Association of Jews in Germany because smaller religious communities could no longer finance their maintenance or they were dissolved. Jews were often admitted to these facilities: kindergartens and schools that were poorly rededicated for residential purposes, old people's homes and hospitals, offices and assembly rooms, prayer rooms and cemetery halls.

In addition to ideological reasons, tangible material interests also determined this measure. In autumn 1941 , for example, the Düsseldorf Stapo headquarters demanded that several Jewish families be merged into one apartment; it was "to be taken for granted that the Jews only left the most unhealthy and worst housing". Housing would be made available for the German-blooded population, "without any financial burden on the Reich or the communities." The residential buildings, however, should "not all be placed next to each other (ban on ghettos)".

The general housing shortage in large cities was continuously exacerbated by air strikes. By the end of 1941, more than 1,000 apartments had been destroyed by bombs in Hamburg . In a confidential transcript it said:

“The original plan to concentrate the Jews in several places in the city has been abandoned. At the request of the Reich Governor, the Führer has now decided that the Jews living here, except for the very old and sick, should be evacuated to the east. [...] It is expected [soon] that around 1,000 free apartments will be added due to this measure. "
The "Judenhaus", on Bonehauerstraße 61 (left), was inspected by the chairman of the Jewish community in Hanover , Max Schleisner
photo from 1898, picture archive at the Historical Museum Hanover

In Hanover , the “resettlement campaign” was already completed in September 1941: around 1,500 Jews were clustered in fifteen buildings; In addition to residential buildings, former offices, a community center with a school and the Israelite hospital were also occupied. Jewish houses in Braunschweig existed from 1939 to the middle / end of 1943. After that, all Jewish residents had either emigrated, deported or died. In Hamburg, since April 1942, all bearers of “ Jewish stars ” who had not yet been deported were forcibly committed to Jewish houses; From autumn 1942 onwards, partners from “non-privileged mixed marriages” were also affected . From 1943 on, partners from “privileged mixed marriages” also had to move to Jewish houses in some Reichsgau .

In Hamburg six to eight square meters of living space were allowed per person. An employee of the Reich Association reported from Hanover in 1941: “Bed next to bed, no space for corridors. [...] Tables and chairs are missing due to lack of space. [...] Less than 3 square meters. ” Victor Klemperer noted about a Dresden Jewish house:“ Cohns, Stühlers, we. Bathroom and toilet together. Kitchen shared with the Stühlers, only half separated - a water point for all three [...] It's already half barrack life, you stumble over each other, messed up. "

According to an instruction from the Reich Main Security Office, the Jewish houses and apartments had to be marked with a black Jewish star printed on white paper on the entrance door by March 15, 1942 and were under the control of the Gestapo Klemperer writes in his diaries several reports about him as well as “house search pogroms” he experienced himself “In which the residents were insulted, spat at, slapped, kicked, beaten and robbed by Gestapo officers. “On waking up: will 'they' come today? When washing ...: What to do with the soap if 'they' come now? Then breakfast: fetch everything from the hiding place, carry it back to the hiding place. [...] Then the bell ... Is it the postwoman, or is it 'she'? "

Planning for Berlin

From January 1941 and increasingly from the end of March 1941, numerous Jews in Berlin had to leave their apartments to make room or to free up replacement living space because the Reich capital was to be redesigned on a large scale according to plans by General Building Inspector Albert Speer . In August 1941 alone, over 5,000 “Jewish apartments” were to be cleared.

Plans discussed in connection with the introduction of the Jewish star in the Reich Propaganda Ministry in August 1941 were not implemented. Thereafter, more than 70,000 Berlin Jews were to be expelled from their homes and concentrated in barracks camps. Since the deportations of Reich German Jews to Litzmannstadt ( Łódź ), Minsk and Riga began in the autumn of 1941 , numerous evictions and housing mergers remained.

So-called collective apartments in Vienna

Using the example of the entire house and especially Sigmund Freud's apartment at Berggasse 19 in Vienna , the system of "Aryanization" of home ownership was extensively researched and presented.

Hungary

After the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944, from May 1944 the Jews in Fejér County were crammed into houses of Jews by the intact Hungarian municipal administration, which were then marked with a yellow star.

literature

  • Karin Guth: Bornstrasse 22. A memory book. "... we had to go to the Jewish house, into a small hole." Dölling and Galitz, Hamburg 2001, ISBN 3-935549-06-7 .
  • Roland Maier: The persecution and deportation of the Jewish population , in: Ingrid Bauz, Sigrid Brüggemann, Roland Maier (eds.): Die Geheime Staatspolizei in Württemberg and Hohenzollern , Schmetterling, Stuttgart 2013, ISBN 3-89657-145-1 , p. 259-304.
  • Guy Miron (Ed.): The Yad Vashem encyclopedia of the ghettos during the Holocaust , Yad Vashem, Jerusalem 2009, ISBN 978-965-308-345-5 , there: Judenhäuser in Germany. Bases on excerpts from articles by Marlis Buchholz and Konrad Kwiet , pp. 999-1001.
  • Willy Rink: The Judenhaus: memories of Jews and non-Jews under one roof . Active Museum Spiegelgasse for German-Jewish History , Wiesbaden 2008, ISBN 978-3-941289-02-4 .
  • Willy Rink: Stolpersteine: Late thoughts about life in the Jewish house. Epubli GmbH, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-7375-4758-1 .
  • Susanne Willems : The evacuated Jew. Albert Speer's housing market policy for the Berlin capital construction. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-89468-259-0 ( publications of the Memorial and Educational Center Haus der Wannsee Conference 10, also a dissertation at the University of Bochum 1999 under the title: Urban modernization, housing market and persecution of Jews in Berlin 1938 to 1943. ).
  • Renate Hebauf: Gaußstraße 14, A ghetto house in Frankfurt am Main, The story of a house and its Jewish residents between 1912 and 1945 , Cocon-Verlag Hanau 2010.
  • Jan Oestreich et al: Displaced - Persecuted - Forgotten. The "Judenhaus" Weender Landstr. 26 and its residents, in: Writings of the Göttingen Society for Christian-Jewish Cooperation, Issue 6, Göttingen 2016.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Angelika Schwarz: From the dwellings to the “Jewish houses” ; in: Angelika Ebbinghaus , Karsten Linne (ed.): No closed chapter: Hamburg in the "Third Reich" ; Hamburg 1997; ISBN 3-434-52006-6 ; P. 246.
  2. ↑ Printed as Document 215 in: Susanne Heim (Ed.): German Reich 1938 - August 1939, (Documents, Series: The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 Volume 2) Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3 -486-58523-0 , p. 583 / also as PS-069 in: IMT: The Nuremberg Trial against the Major War Criminals , Volume XXV, p. 132f.
  3. ↑ Angela Schwarz: From the dwellings to the 'Jewish houses' . in: No closed chapter: Hamburg in the 3rd Reich , edited by Angelika Ebbinghaus and Linne Karsten, Europäische Verlagsanstalt (eva), Stuttgart 1997, p. 238, ISBN 978-3-434-52006-1 .
  4. ^ Ordinance on the reorganization of the Reich capital Berlin and the capital of the Munich Movement of February 8, 1939 (RGBl. I, p. 159)
  5. ↑ Wolf Gruner : Persecution of Jews in Berlin 1933–1945. A chronology of the measures taken by the authorities in the Reich capital. Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-89468-238-8 , pp. 66 and 75.
  6. ↑ The Bier House on Hülchrather Strasse. In: Website of the city of Cologne. City of Cologne, accessed on August 22, 2018 .
  7. ↑ Aachener Anwaltverein: Hülchrather Straße 6 - a Cologne ghetto building as a waiting hall for death. Seven stumbling blocks at the OLG remind of murdered Jewish citizens. In: Mitteilungen des AAV, issue 17, March 2015, p. 25. Aachener Anwaltverein e. V., Aachen, March 2015, accessed on August 22, 2018 .
  8. ↑ The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933-1945. Volume 2: German Reich 1938 - August 1939. Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-486-58523-0 , Document 146: Review at Göring ..., p. 432.
  9. ^ The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933-1945 (collection of sources), Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate September 1939 - September 1941 (edited by Andrea Löw), Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58524 -7 , p. 43.
  10. ↑ Ina Lorenz: The life of Hamburg's Jews under the sign of the “Final Solution”. In: Arno Herzig and Ina Lorenz (eds.): Displacement and extermination of the Jews under National Socialism. Hamburg 1992, ISBN 3-7672-1173-4 , p. 215.
  11. ^ Konrad Kwiet : After the Pogrom: Levels of Exclusion. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): The Jews in Germany 1933-1945. Munich 1988, ISBN 3-406-33324-9 , p. 633.
  12. ^ Konrad Kwiet: After the Pogrom: Levels of Exclusion. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): The Jews in Germany 1933-1945. Munich 1966, p. 634.
  13. ↑ Quote from Ina Lorenz: The life of Hamburg's Jews under the sign of the “Final Solution”. In: Arno Herzig and Ina Lorenz (eds.) In collaboration with Saskia Rohde: Displacement and extermination of the Jews under National Socialism . Hamburg 1992, ISBN 3-7672-1173-4 ; P. 214 f. In fact, 1,900 apartments had been vacated by July 1942.
  14. ↑ VEJ 3/215 = The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933-1945 (source collection), Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate September 1939 - September 1941 (edited by Andrea Löw), Munich 2012, ISBN 978- 3-486-58524-7 , pp. 527-529.
  15. ^ German-Jewish Society Hamburg (ed.): Guide to former Jewish sites in the districts of Eimsbüttel / Rotherbaum ; Hamburg 1985; P. 140.
  16. ↑ VEJ 3/215 = The persecution and murder of European Jews by Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945 (collection of sources), Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58524-7 , S. 528th
  17. ↑ Victor Klemperer: I want to give testimony to the last. Diaries 1942–1945 ; Berlin 1995; ISBN 3-351-02340-5 ; P. 459 (December 14, 1943).
  18. ↑ Joseph Walk (ed.): The special right for the Jews in the Nazi state. 2nd edition Heidelberg 1996, ISBN 3-8252-1889-9 , p. 366 / white star by Ina Lorenz: The life of Hamburg's Jews under the sign of the “Final Solution”. In: Arno Herzig and Ina Lorenz (eds.): Displacement and extermination of the Jews under National Socialism . Hamburg 1992, ISBN 3-7672-1173-4 ; S. 214 and 226 / Document VEJ 6/95 in: Susanne Heim (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews ... Volume 6: German Reich and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia October 1941 – March 1943. Berlin 2019, ISBN 978-3-11-036496-5 , p. 299.
  19. ↑ Beate Meyer: Glossary ; in: Ulrike Sparr: Stolpersteine ​​in Hamburg-Winterhude ; Hamburg: State Center for Political Education, 2008; ISBN 978-3-929728-16-3 ; P. 290.
  20. ↑ Victor Klemperer: I want to give testimony… Diaries 1942–1945 ; ISBN 3-351-02340-5 ; P. 215 (August 20, 1942), see also pp. 92-98 and 119-124.
  21. ^ Wolf Gruner: Persecution of Jews in Berlin 1933–1945… ; Berlin 1996; ISBN 3-89468-238-8 ; P. 79. More precisely with Susanne Willems: The evacuated Jew ; Berlin 2002; ISBN 3-89468-259-0 ; P. 374.
  22. ↑ Wolf Gruner: Terra incognita? The camps for Jewish labor (1938–1942)… ; in: Ursula Büttner (Ed.): The Germans and the persecution of the Jews in the Third Reich ; Frankfurt am Main 2003; ISBN 3-596-15896-6 ; P. 175.
  23. ↑ Freud museum wien online presence (PDF; 122 kB) Exhibition 2003 Freud's missing neighbors
  24. ^ Online presence judentum.net exhibition 2003 Freud's missing neighbors , with photos.
  25. ↑ Article Mór , in: Guy Miron (Ed.): The Yad Vashem encyclopedia of the ghettos during the Holocaust . Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2009 ISBN 978-965-308-345-5 , pp. 497f.