Max Bondy

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Max Bondy (born May 11, 1892 in Hamburg , † April 13, 1951 in Boston , Massachusetts) was a German reform pedagogue of Jewish origin and a founder of rural education centers . After being expropriated and fleeing the Nazi German dictatorship in 1937, he emigrated first to Gland on Lake Geneva (Switzerland), then to the USA in 1939 and became a US citizen.

Childhood and youth

Max Bondy was born into an assimilated Jewish merchant family. His parents were Salomon Bondy (born May 18, 1856 - † September 4, 1932; he later called himself Siegfried), who came to Hamburg from Prague in 1888 and was accepted into the Hamburg State Association in 1902, and his wife Mary, née Lauer, who was next to Max had four other children: Nelly (* 1893), the twins Curt Werner Bondy and Walter Karl Bondy (* 1894) and Herbert Fritz Bondy (1902–1972). Walter Karl Bondy fell in Transylvania in 1916 during the First World War.

Max Bondy attended Wilhelm-Gymnasium in Hamburg until he graduated from high school in 1910. In the winter semester of 1910/11 he studied “Law and Economics” in Munich, but has already attended numerous courses in philosophy and art history. In 1911 he was officially on leave to Italy to study art history. In the winter semester of 1912/13 he studied history and art history in Freiburg. He first came into contact with the youth movement in Freiburg and eventually became a leading member of the German Academic Freischar (DAF). In the summer semester of 1914 he studied history and German in Göttingen. The outbreak of the First World War interrupted his studies. Max Bondy immediately volunteered because of his German-national attitude. He remained a soldier until the November Revolution of 1918, most recently as an officer in the artillery. He finished his studies in Erlangen in 1919 with a doctorate in art history. The topic of his dissertation was: “Baiersdorf. An art historical investigation. "

Bondy's founding schools in Germany

Advertisement in the spa lists of the State Mineral Baths in Brückenau 1920/21
Students and teachers of the Free School and Work Community Sinntalhof , around 1921

Together with Ernst Putz , a student of Martin Luserke from the Free School Community of Wickersdorf , he founded a school for the first time in 1920 at the Sinntalhof in Brückenau , the Free School and Work Community Sinntalhof . This school project, which Hedda Korsch also taught, failed because of irreconcilable differences between the two partners about the management function. In 1923 Max Bondy went to Gandersheim in Lower Saxony with some of the students and employees . In collaboration with his wife Gertrud Bondy , geb. Wiener (born October 7, 1889 in Prague, † April 30, 1977 in Detroit), with whom he had been married since 1916, he formed the school community of Gandersheim there .

Gertrud Bondy was similar to her husband and yet “completely different”. She grew up in Prague and Vienna, the strongholds of modern art and culture of the fin de siècle , and came from a very cultivated and highly educated family. Originally she wanted to become a concert pianist, but under the impression of experiences in the First World War, she decided to study medicine and also completed training as a psychoanalyst, where she got to know Sigmund Freud and Anna Freud personally. These prerequisites predestined them in a special way to help shape the concept of the school community and to give it a profile based on psychoanalytic pedagogy. "Her educational goal was to support young people to find their own way without making demands on them that did not correspond to their nature."

The school community in Gandersheim moved to Marienau in 1929, where it called itself the school community on Gut Marienau . From 1924 to 1930, Alfred Ehrhardt , who was exempted from school service in 1928/29 to study at the Bauhaus Dessau, also taught at both institutions .

The school community on Gut Marienau operates today as the Landerziehungsheim Schule Marienau .

Between youth movement and German national education

The progressive education was - at least until the announcement of the abuse scandal at the Odenwald School - "as the true, the good or even the best education. And the critical moments have been suppressed, the irrational, yes, one can almost say the anti-humanist elements that are also part of reform pedagogy, they have simply been negated, reinterpreted or somehow played down; or what you still find today: You just drop it under the table. ”With this in mind, Jürgen Oelkers created a much more critical picture of this“ actual pedagogy ”:“ German reform pedagogy before the First World War was largely a conceptual mixture Platonism, life reform and reactionary social theory. The 'new education' was linked to a rhetoric of redemption that constantly conjured up a pedagogical eros that should determine alternative practice. Theosophy and anthroposophy attracted the seekers of the 'new education' who could then envelop themselves in the 'spirit' of elite education. Democracy was only popular with the few socialists who only founded their own schools after 1918 and were forgotten after 1933. ”Parts of this criticism also apply to Max Bondy.

The sisterhood of the free share idea and the reform school idea

As mentioned above, Max Bondy came into contact with the youth movement during his studies in Freiburg and became involved in the German Academic Freischar . The fact that he had volunteered for military service did not distinguish him from most of the male members of the German youth movement, whose enthusiasm for war was often accompanied by criticism of Western culture , which was claimed to promote “a negative, egotistical focus on enjoyment and self-enrichment oriented individualism and go hand in hand with a tendency towards superficiality, cultural decay and lack of ties. This is contrasted with the deep, ethical 'culture' integrated into the national community, which is elevated to the essential characteristic of the German nation. ”For many student and intellectual enthusiasts, the dream of national community and an accompanying moral renewal came to nothing during the course of the war ; many became pacifists.

Bondy persevered as an officer; there is no sign of disillusionment with the war. Rather, it looks as if he was still clinging to the ideal of a “deep, moral, community-based culture”. In 1916, in the magazine Freideutsche Jugend, he described his idea of ​​a noble being , who remained formative for his educational ideas beyond the youth movement and in which a pronounced "elite consciousness of young people from the economically well-off educated bourgeoisie" manifested itself.

“That was exactly what made the best Free German associations so special, what made the difference to every other association: they could use the often deceptive, inherently unclear standards such as money, rank, race, which otherwise do not speak freely in any non-Free German community because they have a sense of the unconditioned, the instinct for the innermost, for the soul, for the adlíge. It is the unconsciously educable with the younger associations, the consciously educable with the older ones, that with each new admission the feeling for what is the essential thing in the human being, what is the noble part of his soul comes to life again. "

Manfred Kappeler points out in this connection that Max Bondy with his idea of ​​the nobility of the spirit - unlike his brother Curt, who turned to the working class youth movement - thus embraced the ideas of "the liberal-conservative upper middle class" and ultimately also those Lost view of social reality. In an essay from 1919, again for the Freideutsche Jugend , Bondy denied the connection between exploitation and “the economic system, for example from the capitalist economic order” and postulated: “It will never be possible to build a lively relationship between people on an economic basis. It has never succeeded so far; all previous attempts have been made on a religious basis. Even the able-bodied people who today believe that the wrong economy is to blame for all disaster have already shed their real spiritual depth. ”Instead, he appealed to the strong forces in the individual , whose awakening and emphasis alone overcome and strengthen the isolation of individuals human relationships between people.

This rhetoric of redemption (Oelkers, see above) was probably an essential foundation on which the Free School and Work Community Sinntalhof built, and it culminated in 1922 in Bondy's text on The New World View in Education , which among other things said:

“There is noise outside. You talk, agitate for political systems, “enlighten” - without style, without dignity. With few exceptions, the leading men in Germany today are a collection of blind, opinionated speakers and writers. Today more than ever public appearance is striving, plebeian work, and lack of style. - We have to work in silence in our way, consciously abstaining from all activity, not from weakness or anti-social aesthetics, but precisely from a consciousness of strength, from the will to only affirm the deed that appears to us as an 'inability to work', as it were, as an revelation. We know: for us this act is work on people of importance. (...) We are educated to act and through our sense of togetherness, through our sense of style, this act is given purity and consecration, the reflection of the unconditional. That is (...) the great German task of the present and future: It will depend on its solution whether everything will perish with the great German empire , or whether the essential - now only germinally - can be saved: a community with a similar sense of style that embraces the coming German people. "

In view of the economic and political situation of the Weimar Republic in 1922, one can read this quote as a rejection of any kind of political commitment (plebeian work) by a bourgeoisie concerned about his sense of style , or even as contempt for politics, or, like Barbara Kesken, the former director of the Marienau School Archive , as a “sisterhood of the free share idea and the reform school idea”, as a result of which a “new style school” emerged, “which contributed bravely and energetically to the creation of a better human society, albeit on a small, modest scale”. Against the background of the Bondy quote, however, Kersken's interpretation seems to be aimed at a transfiguration of Max Bondy's world of ideas, just like the statement by his son-in-law, George Roeper, who claimed that Bondy did not want a worldly strangeness, but an “affirmation of the present” in "contemporary" in every respect.

The concept of a school community as a “cultural school”, which Max Bondy conjured up in many of his morning languages , must also raise the question of which culture is used in it. Culture as an awareness of “a community with a similar sense of style” (see above) rather refers to an elitist awareness that is supposed to convey a “feeling of togetherness” to a selected group beyond the “noise from outside”. Bondy's concept of culture itself sounds pathetic; Culture is another “noble noun” (Kappeler), with which he operates verbatim without filling it with concrete content. In a morning devotional on October 1, 1928, Bondy stated:

“Our school here deliberately wants to be a culture school. She doesn't just want to impart knowledge. There is also a culture of thinking. The will to come to a certain clarity about ourselves. If it actually comes to the point that there is no longer a class in Germany that makes intellectual claims, that has a cultural will, then that is much worse than the lost war. Through him, Germany has lost its external reputation, its external power, but if Germany loses its cultural will, it loses itself. "

Who this "class with a will to culture" is initially remains unspoken, but in 1932 he postulates:

"Young people who come from us, insofar as our upbringing has really become effective, must act as leaven by bringing humanity back into the politicizing masses."

So it is this selected small class of children and adolescents who had the opportunity to participate in Bondy's goal of “the renewal of German society through the› new school ‹”, which the “politicizing masses”, the “blind, opinionated speakers” and scribes ”, in short to“ outside, where there is noise, talk, agitation and enlightenment ”. That is exactly the "spirit of elite education" which was already emphasized above in Oelker's criticism of reform pedagogy.

Max Bondy and National Socialism

If you follow Barbara Kersken, then in 1931/1932 Max Bondy was filled with a sense of the hard times ahead.

“In his speech at the 1931 summer festival, MAX BONDY rightly diagnosed that one was approaching 'a very hard life' and that the 'days of liberal individual independence were over'. He suspects - almost prophetically - an increasing 'strengthening of state power and the state idea', which is accompanied by a 'uniform effect in all areas of human life'. This assessment of the political situation, which also has the undesirable potential of an almost inevitable development in view, plunges MAX BONDY into an almost desperate perplexity, which he frankly admits because it approaches 'the very foundation of our particular way of upbringing'. "

Kersken quotes extensively from morning devotions and chronicles, attests Bondy an "almost seismographic [.] Perception of a political turning point" and sees him "on the threshold of the National Socialist state, still firmly convinced that he can mobilize his students against what he sees as negative development tendencies. He also believes that he can raise their awareness that they have a mission that goes beyond their own person. You have to show a time that has relativized everything, and which has finally also relativized the human as secondary, that there is and must be an unconditional, an absolute: just valid humanity '. "

But in these times of alleged perplexity, there are also statements by Bondy that show a dangerous, possibly unconscious proximity to ethnic thinking. In March 1932 he gave a morning address :

“When the war broke out I registered as a volunteer and was in the field until the end of the war. This time, in which the term 'people' came to life as a community of fate, in which - at least at first - all social differences in the service of the great common task were irrelevant, gave me the strongest impression of my life. "

In the same address, Bondy transferred this "strongest impression of his life" to everyday life in the school community and propagated service in the school community as an exercise in serving in a larger community:

"Only those for whom a small community has become a real experience will not use words like 'people, nation, fatherland' as a phrase in their mouths, but will perceive them as a task in whose service they are raised above their private self."

A former student of Bondy saw in Bondy's mind a fetishization of the community that was almost exaggerated. Kersken, on the other hand, sees this criticism as an extreme interpretation of Bondy, because his considerations of this kind “probably only [apply] as a politically necessary adjustment for a limited period of time, so [...] must not be made absolute”. Kappeler counters this: “It is downright tragic that after 1918 his thinking and language brought him closer and closer to the 'folkish', whom he initially rejected as uneducated people who did not meet the criteria of the 'German noble being' . ”Kappeler recognizes the youth movement's blindness to the National Socialist program, which led to Bondy's speeches“ in some passages sounding like criticism of the National Socialists, in other passages like approval ”. If, as already quoted, Kesken recognizes an "almost seismographic perception of a political turning point" in Bondy, then this takes on a completely different meaning against the background of a morning prayer from January 1933:

“I would also like to take this opportunity to say that there is not the slightest reason to fear that this human education will not have the same will to stand up for Germany that made us volunteers in 1914. I am convinced that no old Marienauer will stand back if a situation similar to that of 1914 should arise. "

At the end of that month, in which Bondy had given the morning devotion quoted earlier , Adolf Hitler's appointment as Chancellor took place. Max Bondy responded to this on May 3, 1933 with a speech entitled "Marienau and National Socialism", from which Kersken also quotes in great detail. It says, among other things:

“The reorganization of things can therefore only ask us the following question: Does what the current state wants essentially correspond to the essentials of our educational work up to now, can we make changes that become necessary without becoming unfaithful to ourselves? If we cannot answer this question in the affirmative, then nothing remains but to dissolve the home. However, I believe that, if I understand the government's intentions correctly, there is no need to change the points that seem to be decisive, and that our upbringing up to now has in part already anticipated what the government is demanding today . "

To what was already anticipated in Marienau, Bondy counts the equivalence of intellectual education and physical training, the latter now being supplemented by "war games, cross-country games, swimming, athletics, etc. If we now introduce military sport as an innovation, so this does not mean a fundamental change, but only an addition to our physical training. In connection with this, the appeals have also been changed somewhat. They are no longer taking place in the previous way, but in a tighter form, aligned with the military. ”Kersken cannot avoid noting that the“ special requirements for off-road sports [...] were clearly paramilitary in character ”, but is otherwise satisfied with to find it as "a still provocative question from today's perspective" whether the rural education centers, especially Marienau, had anticipated National Socialism.

For Kappeler, on the other hand, it is a consequence of Bondy's thinking that he welcomed National Socialism and affirmed the compatibility of the theory and practice of his reform pedagogy with the educational ideas of the Nazi state in all points. Similar to Kersken, Kappeler also points out that Bondy only wanted to see one radical change, namely the politicization of the school, which was previously deliberately avoided. "But since there are no longer any political parties, the reluctance that was previously necessary is no longer applicable:" Some of the teachers belong to the SA, the Hitler Youth has more and more members with us, their growth is supported. "" And so must Kersken also admit that for Max Bondy "on the purely educational level there seems to have been no starting point for fundamental disputes or a potential dissent with the new rulers". But it does not go far enough to locate the lack of “dissent with the new rulers” only on the educational level and thus to ignore Bondy's lack of political distance from the Nazi state. This is too reminiscent of a quote from Theodor W. Adorno's Minima Moralia : "The vague expression allows those who hear it to imagine what is acceptable to them and what they mean anyway."

Manfred Kappeler rules out that Max Bondy “wanted to ingratiating himself to the Nazis like a cuffed 'reversible neck' in anticipatory obedience”, but nonetheless asks the question “like his approval, his belief in the“ mission ”of the Nazis, with that of He repeatedly emphasized the ›formation‹ and the ›aristocratic style‹ of the free German man, which he claimed for himself and demanded of others to bring together ”. Kappeler assumes that Bondy, like many others with biographies similar to his, would have had the opportunity to see the political situation and its development differently, to judge it and to act accordingly. The many educators who came from the youth movement and reform pedagogy, who moved their schools into exile immediately after Hitler came to power, bear witness to this . Kersken also refers to the early emigrants, but then refers back to a zeitgeist fed from the experience at the front in World War I, to which Bondy was arrested, and in two ways: The idea of ​​the 'people's community of the trenches' is always a model for him was the state of the future to be created, and after Hitler came to power, his status as a front-line fighter became for him proof of his absolute national reliability and integrity vis-à-vis the National Socialist government. But in Bondy's case, Kappeler refuses to assume an automatism between zeitgeist and personal decision, since "such an assumption [...] would negate the dimension of personal responsibility for one's own thinking, speaking and acting". After him, Bondy could have acted differently. “But he didn't want to. A ›he couldn't do it‹ would mean denying him precisely what he has always propagated as an educational goal, ›getting to the bottom of things, not fooling yourself and not being fooled‹ and giving him responsibility for his own speech and with it not to be trusted for one's own actions. "

Forced emigration

It can be assumed that Max Bondy's front-line combatant privileges gave him a certain sense of security and actually granted him protection from direct persecution by the Nazi state for some time. Nevertheless, Kersken already refers to early considerations in the direction of emigration, which, however, can largely be ascribed to Gertud Bondy, who had a more realistic assessment of National Socialism.

“GERTRUD BONDY was the more 'cosmopolitan' of the two due to the milieu of her origin, she moved in her thinking more in international categories, she - in contrast to her husband - spoke six languages ​​fluently: German, Czech, English, French, Italian and Spanish. In his thinking, which was shaped by the youth movement, MAX BONDY preferably moved in a 'national' framework: the center of his emotional world was Germany, German culture, the German language. And for him the very thought of having to leave Germany at some point was a dream. "

Kerskens suggests that this world of emotions may have been the background for Max Bondy's “attempts at an arrangement with the new rulers that seem almost convulsive today”. Whether these attempts should therefore also be put into perspective, as they are formulated, seems more than questionable in view of the many similarities with the National Socialists cited above. In any case, from 1934 onwards, a “double strategy of political adjustment and resumption of emigration plans” prevailed. Kersken is also unable to say whether there have been "specific external impulses at MAX BONDY either". It should be certain, however, that the plans to emigrate were primarily driven by Gertrud Bondy, as Eva Michaelis-Stern's memories suggest.

“Gertrud was much more realistic. I remember that - when she visited me once in Berlin, during the Hitler era - she said: 'If Max can't decide to emigrate, I'll take the three children and go abroad with them alone.' And I had the impression that she had already made this decision. I assume that she was convinced inside that he would follow her sooner or later. "

Probably from 1934 onwards, Max Bondy corresponded with Paul Geheeb, who now lives in Switzerland, and his wife Edith about plans to emigrate to Switzerland. Bondy also mentioned Gland, where he later opened his first school in exile, Les Rayons . In September 1935, the Bondy couple went on a trip to Switzerland disguised as a recreational trip for the purpose of further exploration. At the same time, activities had already been started to find a potential successor for Max Bondy in Marienau. A move to Switzerland that was apparently imminent around the turn of the year 1935/1936 has not yet been realized. Instead, in 1936 Marienau, and with him Max Bondy, was increasingly targeted by the National Socialists. A Gestapo report from July 6, 1936 deals in great detail with the institution, which is already disreputable as a Jewish school in the surrounding area . Local party circles took offense “that Bondy takes part in the flag parade and gives the German greeting. Internal conflicts have arisen for the teaching staff because of their position in the boarding school, because on the one hand they have to carry out their educational tasks in the National Socialist state, but on the other hand they see themselves prevented from doing so by the supervision of the Jewish boarding school director. A conflict also arose because the SA called the boarding school a Jewish company and therefore forbade teachers to wear party badges within the school. "

There are no statements by Bondy about the increasing marginalization of Jews since 1933, not even about whether he felt threatened by it. With regard to Bondy's relationship to the Jewish problem, Eva-Michaelis-Stern speaks of “a certain Vogel-Straß policy”: “His non-Aryan descent never interested him, he knew nothing about Judaism and Jewish culture. […] Max had hoped to bring in a cultural leadership class for Germany, and he could not imagine that he who had fought for Germany could be expelled. ”In 1936 he was forced to reflect on his Jewish origins, because this is the central allegation in the Gestapo report.

“Neither MAX BONDY's German-national attitude nor the fact that he fought for Germany in the First World War make it seem justified and even only obvious that he will continue to perceive himself as German. The awareness of the - for him absolutely insignificant - Jewish origin is forcibly imposed on him as an actual and binding criterion of identity, in order to then derive a reproach from precisely this fact - a vicious circle. "

Kerskens notes that, against this background, the other allegations from the Gestapo report seem like sidelights for criticism, including those that concern Bondy's pedagogical approach. Kappeler takes this as an opportunity to counter the formation of legends that Max Bondy was ousted from Germany as a reform pedagogue.

“Max Bondy was not driven out of the country by the Nazis because of his pedagogy. One cannot - with a more precise and critical examination of their content - describe them as 'humane'. On the contrary, it largely agreed with Nazi pedagogy. The Nazi state, however, did not want to tolerate any of the teachers defined by him as 'racially inferior' or 'of Jewish origin' as headmasters who fell under the 'Aryan paragraphs' it had introduced. "

Kersken confirms this indirectly when she finally quotes from the Gestapo report that “a National Socialist education of the pupils is incompatible with the Jewish leadership”, and this point of view was mainly represented by the teaching staff.

At the beginning of July 1936, Max Bondy had submitted a proposal to sell Marienau to Georg Roeper, his future son-in-law. This contract did not materialize for unknown reasons. It is also unclear whether Gertrud Bondy was still in Marienau at the time, because she definitely went to Gland together with the two younger children in 1936, officially to reorganize the Les Rayons school there . Max Bondy and his eldest daughter Annemarie stayed in Marienau for the time being. At the end of 1936 the state announced that Bondy could only continue the school until April 1, 1937.

After Kersken Max Bondy end of 1936 has the former head of the country's home Schondorf , Ernst Reisinger , contacted to the question of succession for Marienau advance. Why Schondorf and why Reisinger, Kersken leaves open, but on Reisinger's recommendation, the Schondorf teacher Bernhard Knoop takes over the Marienau school on April 2, 1937, thus ensuring its continued existence. Knoop was the former teacher and, in his first marriage, brother-in-law of Christoph Probst . Bondy was supposed to receive 108,000 marks for the Marienau school community, a penalty payment that he did not receive. 58000 Mark of forced repayment of mortgages and served 50,000 marks were on a blocked mark account of Dresdner Bank set against access by the Jewish owner Bondy.

On April 5, 1937, Knoop wrote a letter to his parents and demanded that “after a few weeks it should show whether a new ghost had moved into Marienau” and that “the in every way neglected business should be organized and streamlined again , the overall education according to the will of the Führer and in the sense of the thoughts of Hermann Lietz in close contact with the Landerziehungsheim Schondorf am Ammersee had to be targeted ”. If Kersken thinks in this context that Koop has gone “beyond what is politically absolutely necessary” (there), however, she must be asked whether she is measuring two different standards in view of Bondy's expressions of loyalty to the Nazi state. And her assessment is also hardly comprehensible that through the change from Bondy to Knoop "there was a clear transition from the progressive 'left' wing of the rural education centers to the more conservative 'right' wing". Rather, it is more accurate to speak of a change from a Jewish German national leader to a non-Jewish German national leader.

In June 1937, Max Bondy paid a last visit to Marienau to pick up his furniture. He then followed his family to Switzerland.

In 1939 she continued her exile in the United States and founded first in Windsor (Vermont) and then in Lenox ( Berkshire County ) in the state of Massachusetts a new school.

After the Second World War

After the end of World War II tried Max Bondy to get as Victims of Nazism his former property, the school in Marienau back to the reeducation to devote the Germans and school after a matured in exile idea of One World Education align . He was refused to do so because he had meanwhile accepted American citizenship and foreigners were not allowed to acquire property in Germany at that time - in 1947. Bitter about this decision, he no longer saw the entry into force of the German reparation legislation . In 1951, Max Bondy died of leukemia in Boston at the age of 58 . He was buried in Mountain View Cemetery in Lenox.

Bernhard Knoop headed Marienau until 1969. Kersken also has to acknowledge that this was not exclusively a time of darkness .

“Despite his rather patriarchal style of leadership, a report by Minna Specht at the beginning of the 1950s praised the well-functioning student self-management. The foundation of a non-profit school association (1956) prepares the gradual transition of the private property in Marienau to the responsibility of a sponsoring association. In addition to the numerous high-level musical and school activities ('musical week' / 'natural science week'), the Knoop era is increasingly a phase of reflective self-reflection on the actual function of the rural educational institutions in the contemporary context: see the specific structure of these schools Knoop a special opportunity for an education in democratic behavior and political engagement, so an education in public virtues. "

Günter Fischer succeeds Knoop before Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever took over the school management in 1986 . It was under him, a founding member of the Baden-Württemberg Greens , to come to terms with the past. In 1989 an archive was created that was set up in the newly built Bondy House . With the turn to "ecological humanism", with German-Israeli exchange programs and an ecological movement of young schoolchildren, ideas for the "contemporary continuation of reform pedagogy in the Marienau tradition" were founded.

Works

  • Baiersdorf, an art historical investigation. Erlangen 1923
  • The new worldview in education . Diederichs, Jena 1922
  • “Then I always have to deal with it until I've told you.” Speeches to young Germans (1926–1947) . Marienau School, Dahlem-Marienau 1998

literature

  • Barbara Kersken: Gertrud and Max Bondy - pioneers of modern experiential education? Neubauer, Lüneburg 1991, ISBN 3-88456-086-7 .
  • Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau. The story of a repressed pedagogy. Dahlem-Marienau 2012 (self-published)
  • Oswald Graf zu Münster , Gesine Grafin zu Münster: Photo diary Volume 1 - Stay in the school dormitories School by the Sea on Juist and in Marienau 1931–1937. At the 1936 Olympics, Berlin . FTB-Verlag, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-946144-00-7 .
  • Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national educators , in: Sabine Hering, Harald Lordick, Gerd Stecklina (eds.): Jewish youth movement and social practice , Fachhochschulverlag, Frankfurt am Main, 2017, ISBN 978-3-943787 -77-1 , pp. 91-102.
  • Anke Schulz: Luruper real estate of the community of heirs Salomon Bondys. Documents of expropriation in Nazi Germany , BoD - books on demand, Norderstedt, 2013, ISBN 978-3-8482-6449-0 .
  • Eva Michaelis-Stern: In memory of Gertrud Bondy , in: Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever (Hrsg.): Pedagogy and Psychoanalysis , Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, 1990, ISBN 3-631-42995-9 .

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Anke Schulz: Luruper Immobilien der Erbengemeinschaft Salomon Bondys , p. 13
  2. ↑ Peter Dudek : "That I went my way out of innermost conviction." - The memories of the Free School Community Wickersdorf in the prison diary of the KPD Reichstag member Ernst Putz (1896-1933) , in: Contributions to the history of the workers' movement (BzG), 3 ( 2011), pp. 91–120, citation: pp. 99–100. See also: Peter Dudek: We want to be warriors in the army of light - Reformed pedagogical rural education homes in Hochwaldhausen , Hesse 1912–1927 , Julius Klinkhardt Verlag, Bad Heilbrunn, 2013, ISBN 978-3-7815-1804-9 , pp. 108, 114.
  3. ^ Leonhard Rugel: The higher school of Ernst Putz in the Sinntalhof . In: Annual report of the Franz-Miltenberger-Gymnasium Bad Brückenau , 1987/88 (1988), pp. 124-134.
  4. ↑ Hedwig Wallis : The educational work of Max and Gertrud Bondy from the perspective of an old school student. Lecture on the occasion of the 50-year graduation ceremony in Marienau on June 21, 1987. In: Marienauer Chronik. No. 40, September 1987, pp. 86-89.
  5. ↑ Eva Michaelis-Stern: In memory of Gertrud Bondy , p. 22. Eva Michaelis Stern is the daughter of William Stern and was an intern in Gandersheim.
  6. ^ Ehrenhard Skiera, quoted from Ulrike Köppchen: Die blind Flecken der Reformpädagogik , in: Deutschlandfunk Kultur, contribution from May 11, 2015
  7. ↑ Jürgen Oelkers: What remains of reform pedagogy? , in: Frankfurter Allgemeine , updated March 16, 2010
  8. ^ Carola Katharina Bauer: The ideologization of the First World War. About the 'creation of meaning of the meaningless' in the discourses of the intellectuals of the German Empire 1914 to 1918
  9. ↑ Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg vom Freideutschen Jugendbund zum German-National Pädagogen , p. 92
  10. ↑ Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national educators , p. 94
  11. ^ Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg vom Freideutschen Jugendbund zum German-National Pädagogen , p. 96
  12. ↑ Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg vom Freideutschen Jugendbund zum German-National Pädagogen , pp. 96–98
  13. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 19
  14. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 20
  15. ↑ George Roeper: Max and Gertrud Bondy found Marienau - the first years. In: Marienau. Fifty Years of the State Education Home 1929–1979. 1979, pp. 10-19.
  16. ↑ Max Bondy: "I always have to deal with it until I have told you." Speeches to young Germans (1926–1947). School Marienau, Dahlem-Marienau 1998. Cf. especially the morning language of October 1928, pp. 48–52.
  17. ↑ a b Max Bondy, quoted from Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 22
  18. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 22
  19. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 29
  20. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 32
  21. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 35
  22. ↑ Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg vom Freideutschen Jugendbund zum German-National Pädagogen , pp. 97-98
  23. ↑ Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg vom Freideutschen Jugendbund zum German-National Pädagogen , p. 98
  24. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 35
  25. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , pp. 34–35
  26. ↑ Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national educators , p. 98
  27. ↑ Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national educators , p. 99
  28. ↑ a b Max Bondy, quoted from Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondys Weg from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-National Pedagogue , p. 99
  29. ^ Max Bondy, quoted from Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , pp. 41–42
  30. ↑ a b c Max Bondy, quoted from Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 42
  31. ^ Theodor W. Adorno: Minima Moralia. Reflections from the damaged life , Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1970, p. 128
  32. ↑ a b Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national pedagogues , pp. 100-101
  33. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 46
  34. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 39
  35. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 51
  36. ↑ a b Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , pp. 52–53
  37. ↑ a b Eva Michaelis-Stern: In memory of Gertrud Bondy , p. 23
  38. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , pp. 54–55
  39. ^ Gestapo report, quoted from Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 57
  40. ^ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , pp. 57–58
  41. ↑ Manfred Kappeler: Max Bondy's path from Freideutschen Jugendbund to German-national educators , p. 101
  42. ↑ Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 59
  43. ^ A b c d e Barbara Kersken: Archive School Marienau on Historical Educational Research Online
  44. ↑ a b Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 61
  45. ↑ Quoted from Barbara Kersken: Max and Gertrud Bondy in Marienau , p. 66
  46. ^ Grave site of Gertrud and Max Bondy . On: findagrave.com
  47. ↑ Wolf-Dieter Hasenclever (ed.): Reform pedagogy today. Ways of Education in Ecological Humanism . Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1993.

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personal data
SURNAME Bondy, Max
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German reform pedagogue
DATE OF BIRTH May 11, 1892
PLACE OF BIRTH Hamburg
DATE OF DEATH April 13, 1951
Place of death Boston , Massachusetts