Quintus Marcius Philippus (Consul 186 BC)

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Quintus Marcius Philippus (* around 229 BC) came from the Roman noble family of Marcier and was 186 and 169 BC. Chr. Consul .

Lineage and Early Career

According to the testimony of the Fasti Capitolini, Quintus Marcius Philippus was the son of a Lucius and grandson of a Quintus . The latter is likely to be the consul of 281 BC. BC, Quintus Marcius Philippus .

Since Marcius in 169 BC BC was older than 60 years, its year of birth must be about 229 BC. Be set. Accordingly, he probably took part in the second half of the war of the Romans against Hannibal . As praetor he administered 188 BC The province of Sicily .

First consulate 186 BC Chr.

Only two years after the praetur, Marcius came to the consulate, which he held in 186 BC. BC together with Spurius Postumius Albinus . Allegedly on the basis of the complaint that a Publius Aebutius filed with the consul Postumius, the secret cult of the Bacchanalia , which was spread throughout Italy and originated in the Greek cultural area, was uncovered, whose numerous followers were supposed to celebrate orgies and commit serious crimes. Extraordinarily entrusted with the investigation of the events and the punishment of the participants in the cult, both consuls traveled across Italy on this mission. The Roman historian Titus Livius reports in detail about the discovery and opposition of the cult by the consuls, and the orders they issued to the Italian allies in Ager Teuranus (now Tirioli) in Bruttium in this matter are communicated by a preserved Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus .

Marcius was able to complete his educational work faster than his colleague. Thereupon he set out for Liguria , which had actually been assigned to both consuls as a province. He advanced against the Apuans , but was lured by them into a lonely and narrow forest ravine and attacked there. In doing so, he had to take a sensitive blow and withdraw. To keep his losses of 4,000 soldiers secret, he had the rest of the troops under his control return to their camps and stayed away from the capital until the end of his consulate. Yet he evidently failed to cover up his defeat, and the place where he suffered it was called Marcius Saltus .

Envoy activity

At the request of the Senate , Marcius undertook at the beginning of 183 BC A legation trip to King Philip V of Macedonia and the Peloponnese . According to Livius, Marcius' father had already established a relationship of hospitality with the Macedonian king; This was probably the reason for the dispatch of Marcius to Philip V. The latter had to comply with previous and new demands of world power by order of the Roman ambassador and withdraw his soldiers from the coastal cities of Thrace in order not to risk another war. Arrived in the Peloponnese, Marcius could not get the Achaeans to distance themselves from their planned war against Messene and instead let the Senate decide the dispute. After returning to Rome at the beginning of 182 BC, he reported. BC on his assessment of the situation in the countries of Macedonia and Greece he visited . After his diagnosis, the Senate's replies were directed to the envoys of the Achaeans, Spartans and the Macedonian king, whose plans the Romans were very concerned about. Obviously he had already effectively prevented these intentions of Philip V through secret activities.

Marcius became the Decemvir sacris faciundis in 180 BC. Elected. Probably some members of this college died soon afterwards, because it was already in 174 BC. At its head and in this function made a solemn oath for the extinction of a serious plague epidemic according to the sayings of the Sibylline books .

Marcius went two years later at the head of an embassy - the other members of which were Aulus Atilius Serranus and three younger Romans, namely Publius and Servius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius - back to Greece. At that time Rome had to fight against the since 179 BC. Ruling Macedonian king Perseus decided, without, however, already having enough armament. The historian Friedrich Münzer dates this diplomatic journey of Marcius more precisely to the last quarter of the year 172 BC after combining the information provided by Polybius and Livius. The five Roman envoys first traveled to Kerkyra together with a thousand soldiers . There their ways parted. Decimius was sent to King Genthios in Illyria , the two Lentuli via Kephallonia in the south of Greece, during the northern and central part of which was visited by Atilius and Marcius, who should then meet the two Lentuli again in the Peloponnese .

Perseus protested against the appearance of the envoys with military escort in Greece; his complaint reached her in Kerkyra, but was quickly answered orally. Atilius and Marcius conducted positive negotiations with three federal assemblies of different Greek states, which they visited at Gitana in Epirus , at an undisclosed location in Aetolia and at Larisa in Thessaly . In the latter country, the Roman diplomat also received ambassadors of Acarnanians and Roman kind-hearted Boeotians and put them in the case of future conduct a good relationship with Rome prospect. A personal conversation with the Romans, granted to the Macedonian king, which took place at the lower Peneios , was then carefully prepared . The course of this encounter is well known, as both sides reported about it later: Marcius to the Senate and Perseus in letters to the Rhodians . The embassy leader presented the Roman accusations and reasons for a military confrontation to the Macedonian king (about which he informed Delphi and other Greek powers at the time ), then Perseus defended his position and it was agreed that he would again send Macedonian diplomats to Rome for talks and shouldn't take hostile steps in the meantime. As a clever and thoughtless negotiator, Marcius had given his compatriots a decisive gain in time for the necessary armaments with his false pretenses that Perseus had a chance for peace. He boasted of his cunning, but had to take criticism from some of the senators for it. After his onward journey with Atilius from Thessaly to Boeotia, he worked there just as scheming and was able to take advantage of the various positions of the individual parties so skillfully that the Boeoter League of Cities practically disintegrated. With his colleague he then set out for Argos , where he was able to persuade the Achaeans to station a garrison of 1,000 men in Chalcis until the Roman forces arrived . Then Atilius and Marcius returned to Italy.

Although some senators disapproved of Marcius' actions, the majority of them approved of it and sent the skilled diplomats very soon after his return, around the beginning of 171 BC. BC, with a small navy back to Greece, where he was largely allowed to act at his own discretion. He captured Alope, then wanted to occupy Larissa Kremaste and ended up in Chalkis, where other allied fleets also gathered. Apparently he did not take part in the war against Perseus for the next two years, or only to a small extent, until he died in 169 BC. Because of political changes in Rome could take up his second consulate.

Second Consulate 169 BC Chr.

While the other consul, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, was given Italy to the province, Marcius was given the command of the land war, his cousin Gaius Marcius Figulus, as praetor, the command of the sea war against Macedonia. The Romans built on Marcius' skills after the Third Macedonian-Roman War had so far turned out to be disappointing for them. The consul sent to the east was also given the power to intervene according to his ideas in the war between the Ptolemies and Seleucids .

As early as possible at the beginning of 169 BC Marcius traveled with reinforcement troops from Rome to Brundisium , from where he sailed with his cousin Marcius Figulus in three days to Actium in Akarnania. From Ambrakia the consul reached Thessaly on a land march, where he met the consul of the previous year, Aulus Hostilius Mancinus , in Palaipharsalos , to take command of his troops and those of the Roman allies. Turning to his army, he accused Perseus of alleged atrocities, listed the reasons for the war and pointed out that Rome's power was significantly greater than that of Macedonia. In a council of war it was decided not to remain in Thessaly any longer, but to advance with the land forces to Macedonia, which the naval commander Marcius Figulus, who was also present at the meeting, was to attack at sea at the same time. Ten days after taking over the troops of his predecessor, the consul Marcius set out in the direction of Perrhaebien and set up a camp between Azoros and Doliche on the upper Europos .

At that time, the later historian Polybios came to the Roman camp in his function as head of a delegation of the Achaean League to inform Marcius of the readiness of the League for military support. But the consul first began the attack on Macedonia before Polybius was allowed to make him the offer of the league. Although Marcius said that he no longer needed this military aid, Polybius - after the emissaries had withdrawn - participated at his side in the Roman attack on Perseus. His credible eyewitness account was used in particular by Livy and Appian and enabled an accurate reconstruction of the course of the war, including the clarification of geographical issues. The Greek historian was able to report from his own knowledge that Marcius put up with the same efforts as his soldiers with tireless energy, although he was already a good 60 years old and quite heavy. In addition, according to Polybios, the consul admitted that only a few attackers would have been enough to completely defeat his army on the arduous descent from Olympus . The historian F. Münzer does not share the view of some researchers that Polybius would have deliberately judged the consul unfavorably because of an insult.

The strategic achievement of the consul cannot be judged as outstanding, but at least he was able to carry the war into Macedonia himself. He achieved this by advancing from Perrhaebien over difficult mountain paths of Mount Olympus to southern Macedonia. 4,000 soldiers under the command of Quintus Marcius Philippus, son of the consul, and legate Marcus Claudius Marcellus formed the vanguard. They took the route over a pass near the Askuris Lake (now Lake Nezero) and set up camp on a mountain east of the lake, opposite the 12,000-strong Macedonian army under the command of Hippias. Then the consul was informed and advanced with the main army. But because the battle between the steep and rugged mountains did not allow the Romans to take advantage of their military superiority, they could not drive the Macedonian army from its position even after two days. Therefore, the consul tried to cope with the descent in a different direction, whereby he first had to let pioneers pave the way. To secure the descent, the consular and military tribune Marcus Popillius Laenas was left with a contingent on the ridge. The way down to the plain turned out to be very difficult because the Romans had to climb down steep and densely overgrown slopes. Artificial bridges were even built for the elephants to facilitate the descent in very steep terrain. According to Marcius, his army would have been wiped out if an enemy attack took place in this precarious situation. Eventually the Romans reached lower regions, and after the arrival of Popillius the reunited army continued on its way, reaching the area between Herakleion and the throne four days after the beginning of its descent . A camp was set up there. The information that the legions had actually succeeded in descending into the plains of southern Macedonia perturbed Perseus accordingly.

Nevertheless, Marcius could hardly take advantage of the successful penetration into South Macedonia. He took Dion without a fight, then advanced a little in Pieria and tried to give the Macedonians a favorable impression by treating them carefully. Due to serious supply difficulties, however, he soon turned back, evacuated Dion and took up position again at the mouth of the Peneios. There he was able to secure supplies from Thessaly and also by sea. He worked more with diplomacy than military action to cope with the tense situation.

Marcius seems to have behaved very insidiously towards some Greek states. The consul advised a delegation from Rhodes, which was led by Agepolis , as a neutral state to offer both Rome and its war opponent Perseus a mediating role. The observance of this suggestion had to be viewed with suspicion by Rome, so that the advice of Marcius can only be regarded as malice. In addition, on his departure he gave Polybios the order that the Achaeans should not bring the 5000 soldiers required to Appius Claudius Centho , who was operating in Epirus at the time. A little later, in the winter of 169/168 BC. BC, he sent letters to the Achaeans, informing them that they should take over the mediation of the conflict between Antiochus IV and the Ptolemies, which falls within his own competence . Carrying out both requests would only have alienated the Achaeans from Rome. Contrary to his main source, according to the report of the Roman annalist Valerius Antias , Livius reports that Marcius also had a bad relationship with his ally Eumenes II of Pergamon.

Nevertheless, the Achaeans erected a statue of Marcius at Olympia to honor his services. On the other hand, a golden laurel wreath was a consecration gift from the consul to Delos .

At the end of his tenure, Marcius handed over at the beginning of 168 BC. Chr. The new consul Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus the order for the further war against Macedonia; but the exact course of this change of command is not known due to a gap in the 44th volume of the Histories of Livy. However, since the new commander was able to end the war victoriously very quickly, the inactivity of Marcius after his successful invasion of South Macedonia, as well as his hapless military action in his first consulate against the Apuans, does not paint a good picture of his general talent.

Censorship 164 BC Chr.

Despite his not exciting military achievements, Marcius received in recognition of his services for the Republic of 164 BC. Together with the victorious Conqueror of Perseus Aemilius Paullus the high office of a censor . It is known that in this function he took care of beautifying the public places. The year of his death is unknown.

literature

Remarks

  1. Livius 44, 4, 10 after Polybius ; Appian , Macedonica 14.
  2. Livy 38, 35, 2 and 10.
  3. Fasti Capitolini ; Livy 39, 6, 1; 39, 8, 1; 39, 19, 1; among others
  4. Livy 39, 8, 1--20, 1.
  5. CIL I² 581.
  6. Livy 39, 19, 1 and 3; 39, 20, 1 and 4f.
  7. Livy 39:20, 5-10; 39, 23, 1.
  8. So the chronology of Livius; Polybios apparently dated this trip a year earlier, but most modern researchers do not share his approach (F. Münzer (see lit.), col. 1573).
  9. Polybios 23, 2, 10; 23, 4, 16; then Livy 39, 47, 11; 39, 48, 5.
  10. Livy 42, 38, 8f.
  11. Polybios 23, 8, 1; then Livy 39, 53, 10f.
  12. Polybios 23, 9, 8f .; 24, 11, 12f.
  13. Polybios 23, 9, June 4, 8; then Livy 40, 2, 7; 40, 3, 1.
  14. Livy 40, 42, 12.
  15. Livius 41, 21, 10f.
  16. F. Münzer, Sp. 1574.
  17. Livy 42, 37, 1-5.
  18. Livius 42, 37, 5f.
  19. Livy 42, 38, 1-7.
  20. Livy 42, 38, 8–39, 8.
  21. Livy 42, 46, 1-3; 42, 47, 1-4.
  22. Livy 42, 40, 1-43, 2.
  23. Livy 42, 43, 3; 42, 47, 1-9; Diodorus 30, 7, 1.
  24. Polybios 27, 1, 1-2, 10; then Livy 42, 43, 4-44, 6.
  25. Polybios 27, 2, 11f .; then Livy 42, 44, 6-8.
  26. Livy 42, 47, 9.
  27. Livy 42, 47, 9; 42, 56, 7.
  28. Fasti Capitolini; Livy 43:11, 6; 43, 12, 1; among others
  29. Polybios 28, 1, 9.
  30. Livy 43:15, 3; 44, 1, 1-8.
  31. Livy 44, 2, 1-6.
  32. Polybios 28, 13, 1-7; 29, 24, 1f.
  33. Livy 44: 4, 10; 44, 5, 8; Appian, Macedonica 14.
  34. F. Münzer, Sp. 1577.
  35. Livy 44, 2, 9–3, 9.
  36. Livy 44, 3, 10–4, 6.
  37. ^ Livy 44: 4, 7-5, 13; among others
  38. Livy 44: 6, 1-3; Diodorus 30, 10, 1-11, 2; among others
  39. Livy 44, 7, 1-9, 11; among others
  40. Polybios 28, 17, 1ff .; Appian, Macedonica 17.
  41. Polybios 28, 13, 7-14.
  42. Polybios 29, 25, 2 and 5.
  43. Cf. Livius 44, 13, 10 (main report) with Livius 44, 13, 12f. (after Valerias Antias).
  44. ^ Wilhelm Dittenberger , Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum , 3rd edition 1915–1924, 649 = inscriptions from Olympia 318 .
  45. Inscriptions de Délos 3, 1429 , lines 31f.
  46. F. Münzer, Sp. 1578.
  47. Fasti Capitolini; Cicero , de domo sua 130; Pliny , Natural History 7, 214; 26, 5; Plutarch , Aemilius Paullus 38, 7.