Susan B. Anthony

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Susan B. Anthony, photograph by SA Taylor, ca.1880
Susan B. Anthony (standing) and Elizabeth Cady Stanton , photograph, c. 1900, Library of Congress collection
Monument to the pioneers of the women's suffrage movement, created by Adelaide Johnson; Shown are (from left to right): Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott and Susan B. Anthony. It is in the rotunda of the Capitol.
The 19th Amendment to the United States Constitution (1920)

Susan Brownell Anthony (born February 15, 1820, in Adams , Massachusetts , USA; † March 13, 1906 in Rochester , New York State ) was an American social reformer and women's rights activist who had an outstanding role in the women's suffrage movement. Born into a Quaker family committed to social equality, she collected signatures for the “anti-slavery movement” at the age of 17. In 1856 she became the agent for the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York State.

In 1851 she met Elizabeth Cady Stanton , who became her lifelong friend and collaborator in social reform activities, primarily in the field of women's rights. In 1852 they founded the New York Women's State Temperance Society after Anthony was prevented from speaking at a temperance conference because she was a woman. In 1863 they founded the Women's Loyal National League , which carried out the largest collection of petitions to date in the history of the United States; 400,000 signatures were collected in support of the abolition of slavery. In 1866 they initiated the American Equal Rights Association , which fought for equality for both women and African Americans . In 1868 they started publishing a women's rights newspaper called The Revolution . 1869 they founded the National Woman Suffrage Association , which resulted from the division of the women's movement and in 1890 was "cured" formally again when her organization with the rival American Woman Suffrage Association merged to the National American Woman Suffrage Association to form . In her, Anthony was the driving force. From 1876 onwards, Anthony and Stanton began working with Matilda Joslyn Gage on the History of Woman Suffrage , which eventually became a six-volume work. Anthony and Stanton's interests diverged somewhat in their later years, but they both remained close friends.

In 1872 Anthony was arrested for voting in her hometown of Rochester , and she was convicted in a high-profile trial. Although she refused to pay the fine, the authorities did not take any further action. In 1878, Anthony and Stanton succeeded in having an "amendment" ( amendment to the United States Constitution ) put forward to give women the right to vote. It was introduced by Senator Aaron A. Sargent (R-CA) and is known to this day as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment . It was not ratified until 1920 as the 19th Amendment to the United States Constitution .

Anthony traveled extensively in support of women's suffrage; she gave between 75 to 100 speeches a year and worked on many state campaigns. She also worked internationally for women's rights and played a major role in creating the International Council of Women , which is active to this day. She also helped to bring about the "World Congress of Representative Women" during the World's Columbian Exposition (World Exposition in Chicago of 1893).

When she began her campaign for women's rights, Anthony was brutally ridiculed and charged with attempting to destroy the institution of marriage. However, during her long life, public opinion about her changed radically. Her 80th birthday was celebrated in the White House at the invitation of President William McKinley . She became the first real woman to be depicted on a United States coin when her portrait appeared on the 1979 dollar coin .

Early life

Birthplace of Susan B. Anthony in Adams

Susan B. Anthony was the second of seven children of Daniel Anthony and Lucy Read. It was named after her maternal grandmother Susannah and after her father's sister Susan. She later added the middle name Brownell (as B.) because her aunt had married a Brownell.

Anthony's father was an advocate of abolitionism and temperamentalists . As a Quaker, he had problems with his traditional church because he had married a Methodist . Anthony's mother raised her children in a more tolerant manner than Quaker tradition required. The father also encouraged all children to become independent and to look after themselves. He taught them the principles of business life and gave them responsibility from an early age.

When Anthony was six years old, her family moved to the small town of Battenville, now part of Greenwich, New York State, where her father ran a large cotton mill. When she was seventeen she was sent to a Quaker boarding school in Philadelphia , but felt uncomfortable there and was soon abandoned when her family was completely ruined by the economic crisis of 1837 . The family was saved from falling into misery by a maternal uncle. Anthony left home to work as a teacher at a "Quaker Boarding School".

In 1845 the family moved to a farm on the outskirts of Rochester that was bought in part by the inheritance of Anthony's mother. There they often met with a group of other Quakers who were also social reformers and in 1848 founded a new organization called "Congregational Friends". The farm became a Sunday gathering place for the local activists. Among them was Frederick Douglass , a former slave and noted abolitionist who became a lifelong friend of Anthony. The Anthony family began, as did many of their friends, to attend services at the First Unitarian Church of Rochester, which was also involved in social reform.

Rector Susan B. Anthony at the age of 28 (1848)

The Rochester Convention was held in this church in 1848, inspired by the Seneca Falls Convention , the first women's rights gathering that had been held in the neighboring city two weeks earlier. Anthony's parents and sister Mary attended this meeting in Rochester and signed the Declaration of Sentiments .

Anthony was unable to attend either of the two conventions because she moved to Canajoharie , New York State , in 1846 to be the rector of the Canajoharie Academy women's division. At that time, at the age of 26, she changed her dress style (away from boring Quaker clothing) and the way she spoke. She was interested in reforms, but above all she was disgruntled because she was paid far less than the men in the same position. When that academy closed in 1849, Anthony took over the management of the family farm in Rochester so the father could devote himself more to his insurance business. She did this for two years, but she was drawn more and more to reform work. Her parents supported her and soon she was fully absorbed in her reform work. Until the end of her life, she lived almost entirely on the fees she received as a speaker.

Early social activities

With energy and determination, Anthony began her career as a social reformer. She continued her education in reform matters, tending to be drawn to the more radical ideas advocated by the likes of William Lloyd Garrison , George Thompson, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton . Soon she also wore the controversial bloomer dress , which consisted of a type of Turkish bloomers that was worn under a knee-length dress. Although it was more sensible than the traditional heavy clothes (with corsets) that dragged across the ground, she gave it up after a year because it gave her opponents the opportunity to focus on their appearance rather than their ideas.

Partnership with Elizabeth Cady Stanton

Elizabeth Cady Stanton

In 1851, Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton met because they had a mutual acquaintance in Amelia Bloomer. They soon became close friends and team workers. They formed a close relationship that was memorable to both and to the women's movement as a whole. When the Stantons moved from Seneca Falls to New York City in 1861, there was always a room for Anthony in every home they moved to. One of her biographers estimated that, throughout her life, Stanton had spent more time with Anthony than with any other adult, including her husband. The women had skills that complemented each other. Anthony was good at organizing, while Stanton had a penchant for intellectual matters and writing. Anthony was dissatisfied with her own writing and wrote relatively little for publication. Quotes from her are almost only known from speeches, letters and diary entries. Because Stanton was home chained for her seven children, and Anthony was unmarried and had the freedom to travel, Anthony helped her care for their children while Stanton wrote. She was practically part of the family. Stanton himself once said about their collaboration: “I forged the thunderbolts, she fired them.” (German: “I forged the lightning, she fired them.”)

Activity as a temperer

The abstinence of alcoholic beverages was a big issue of women's rights movement at that time, because by law the husband had complete control over the family and their finances. A woman with a drunk man had few legal options, even when his alcoholism plunged the family into misery and tortured her and her children. If she managed to get a divorce, which was difficult, he could easily get the children to look after them.

While teaching in Canajoharie, Anthony joined the Daughters of Temperance and gave her first public speech at one of their meetings. In 1852 she was elected as a delegate to a "State Temperance Convention", but was not allowed to speak because women were only supposed to be there to listen and learn. Anthony and other women left the meeting and soon organized a Women's State Temperance Society in Rochester, with Stanton as president and Anthony as agent for the state.

Anthony and her staff collected 20,000 signatures on a petition for a law to ban the sale of alcohol in New York State. She organized a hearing on the law in New York Parliament, the first to be initiated by a women's group. At the organization's meeting the following year, Conservative members attacked Stanton's position that an alcoholic's wife should be given the right to divorce. Stanton was voted out of office, after which she and Anthony resigned from the organization.

In 1853, Anthony attended the World's Temperance Convention in New York City, which got bogged down for three chaotic days in an argument over whether women should be allowed to speak in it. Years later, Anthony stated:

"No advanced step taken by women has been so bitterly contested as that of speaking in public. For nothing which they have attempted, not even to secure the suffrage, have they been so abused, condemned and antagonized. "

(German: No step forward that has been taken by women has been so bitterly opposed as public speaking. For nothing they have tried, not even to secure the right to vote, they have been so abused, condemned and attacked. ")

After this episode, Anthony focused her energies on abolitionism and women's rights activities.

Teachers' congresses

When Anthony wanted to speak at the New York State Teachers' Association meeting in 1853, their attempt sparked a half-hour debate among men as to whether it was appropriate for women to speak in public. At the Teachers' Convention of 1857, she proposed a resolution requiring the admission of blacks to public schools and colleges. However, this was rejected because it was "not a proper subject for discussion" (German: not an appropriate subject for discussion). When she passed another resolution calling for boys and girls to be taught together at all levels, including colleges, the opposition was strong and it was firmly rejected. One opponent called the idea “a vast social evil ... the first step in the school which seeks to abolish marriage, and behind this picture I see a monster of social deformity.” (German: “a great social evil ... der first step in school trying to eradicate marriage, and behind this scenario I see a monster of societal misconduct. ”) Anthony continued speaking at the State Teachers' Conventions for several years, giving them the same wages over and over again for the teachers and that they should become involved within the organization as board members and committee members.

Early activities on women's rights

Anthony's work for the women's suffrage movement began at a time when that movement was already gaining some prominence. Stanton had helped organize the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, a local event that became the first Women's Rights Convention. In 1850, the first of a series of National Women's Rights Conventions was held in Worcester, Massachusetts . In 1852, Anthony attended her first National Women's Rights Convention, which was held in Syracuse, New York . There she was already one of the secretaries of the convention. Ida Husted Harper , Anthony's authorized biographer, said:

"Miss Anthony came away from the Syracuse convention thoroughly convinced that the right which woman needed above every other, the one indeed which would secure to her all others, was the right of suffrage."

(German: "Miss Anthony left the Syracus Convention with the fundamental conviction that the right that women needed more than any other, the one that would in fact secure everyone else for them, the right to participate in political Elections were. ")

However, women's right to vote was not the focus of their work for several years. A major obstacle to the women's movement was the lack of money. Few women at the time had their own source of income, and even those in employment were legally compelled to leave their wages to their husbands. Partly through the efforts of the women's movement, a law had been passed in New York in 1848 recognizing some rights for married women; but this law was limited. In 1853, Anthony worked with William Henry Channing, their active Unitarian pastor, to organize a convention in Rochester to launch a state campaign for improved property rights for married women. Anthony should lead them. She ran her public speaking and petitioning campaign in almost every county in New York State, that is, during the winter of 1855, despite the difficulties of horse-drawn carriage in snowy landscapes.

When she took the petitions to the New York State Senate Judiciary Committee, the members told her that men were currently the suppressed sex because they did things like giving women the best seats in the carriages. Finding that in some cases both husband and wife had signed (rather than just the husband signing for both, as was the standard), the committee sarcastically recommended in its official report that the petitioners want a law that authorized men in such marriages to wear petticoats and women to wear trousers. The campaign finally succeeded in 1860 when the legislature passed an improved Married Women's Property Act, which gave married women the right to own property, contract and take care of their children ( together with the father) gave. However, the legislature withdrew much of this law in 1862, at a time when the women's movement was largely inactive because of the civil war.

The women's movement at that time was loosely structured, there were few federal state organizations and no national organization, except for the coordinating committee that prepared the annual “conventions”. Lucy Stone, who had done a lot of organizing the national conventions, encouraged Anthony to take on some of the responsibilities. Anthony initially didn't want to because she believed she would be needed more in the anti-slavery movement. After organizing a series of anti-slavery meetings in the winter of 1857, she told a friend, “The experience of the last winter is worth more to me than all my temperance and woman's rights work, though the latter were the school necessary to bring me into the antislavery work. "(German: The experience of last winter is more valuable to me than all my temperance or women's rights work, although the latter was the necessary school to get me involved in this anti-slavery work.")

During a planning session for the 1858 Women's Rights Convention, Stone, who had recently given birth, told her that the new responsibility for the family would prevent her from organizing conventions until her children were older. Anthony assumed the chairmanship of the 1858 convention, and when the planning committee for the National Conventions was reorganized, Stanton became its chairman and Anthony became the secretary. At that time, however, Anthony continued to intensively take care of the anti-slavery work.

Activities against Slavery

Susan B. Anthony

In 1851 Anthony played a key role in organizing the Anti-Slavery Convention in Rochester. She was also part of the Underground Railroad . An entry in her diary from 1861 reads: “Fitted out a fugitive slave for Canada with the help of Harriet Tubman.” (German: “A volatile slave equipped with the help of Harriet Tubman.”)

In 1856, Anthony agreed to become an agent for the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York State, but with the mutual agreement that they could continue with their promotion of women's rights. Anthony organized “anti-slavery meetings” across the state under banners that read, “No compromise with slaveholders. Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation. ”(German: No compromise with the slave owners. Immediate and unconditional liberation.”) She developed a reputation for fearlessness for her ability to cold-bloodedly “stare down” the attempts to disrupt her meetings. But on the eve of the civil war, the opposition became overwhelming. In early 1861, mob actions prevented their meetings in every town from Buffalo to Albany. In Rochester, police had to move her and other speakers away from the lecture hall for their own safety. A local newspaper reports that in Syracuse, "rotten eggs were thrown, benches broken, and knives and pistols gleamed in every direction. "(German:" rotten eggs were thrown, benches were broken and knives and pistols were blinking in all directions. ")

Anthony developed the vision of a racially integrated society that was radical for a time when the abolitionists debated what should become of the slaves once they were freed, and individuals like Abraham Lincoln called on African Americans to move to the newly established colonies shipping in Africa.

In an 1861 speech, however, Anthony said:

“Let us open to the colored man all our schools… Let us admit him into all our mechanic shops, stores, offices, and lucrative business avocations… let him rent such pew in the church, and occupy such seat in the theater… Extend to him all the rights of Citizenship. "

(German: "Let us open all our schools to the colored ... Let us give him access to all of our craft businesses, shops, offices and lucrative business opportunities ... Let him rent a seat in the church and take a seat in the theater ... Grant him all civil rights . ")

The relatively small women's rights movement of the time was closely linked to the American Anti-Slavery Society, which was led by William Lloyd Garrison . The women's movement depended heavily on abolitionist resources for publishing articles in its newspapers and for some of the funding being provided by the abolitionists. However, there was also tension between women leaders and male abolitionists who, despite their support for expanded women's rights, believed that a powerful campaign for women's rights would override the campaign against slavery. In 1860, when Anthony was protecting a woman who had fled her abusive husband, Garrison insisted that the woman surrender the child she had brought with her. He pointed out that the law gave the husband complete control over his children. Anthony reminded Garrison that he allowed the slaves to escape to Canada in violation of the law and said: "Well, the law which gives the father ownership of the children is just as wicked and I'll break it just as quickly." German: "Well, the law that gives the father the property of the children is just as bad and I'll break it just as quickly.")

When Stanton passed a resolution at the National Woman's Rights Convention in 1860 advocating milder divorce laws, leading abolitionist Wendell Phillips not only opposed it, but tried to remove it from the agenda. When Stanton, Anthony, and others backed a bill to New York State Parliament to allow divorce if the woman was abandoned or treated inhumanly, Horace Greeley , an abolitionist newspaper editor, opposed it on the pages of his newspaper.

Garrison, Phillips, and Greeley had provided valuable assistance to the women's movement. In a letter to Lucy Stone, Anthony said, “The Men, even the best of them, seem to think the Women's Rights question should be waived for the present. So let us do our own work, and in our own way. "(German: The men, even the best of them, seem to think that the issue of women's rights should be dealt with wait and see. So let's do our own work and on our way. ")

Women's Loyal National League

Anthony and Stanton organized the Women's Loyal National League in 1863 , the aim of which was to fight for an “amendment” to the constitution of the United States that would eliminate slavery. It was the first national women's political organization in the United States. With one of the most extensive national petition procedures to date, the "League" collected around 400,000 signatures for the abolition of slavery. This petition process was instrumental in the passage of the 13th Amendment , which put an end to slavery. Anthony was the main organizer of the implementation that made it necessary to recruit and coordinate the 2,000 signature collectors.

The "League" was a kind of tool for the women's movement to combine the fight against slavery with the fight for women's rights by reminding the public that petitioning was the only "political tool" for women, one Time when only men were allowed to vote. It had around 5,000 members and helped develop a new generation of female leaders by providing experience and recognition not only for Stanton and Anthony, but also for newbies like Anna Dickinson , a gifted public speaker at a young age. The “League” clearly showed what value a formal club structure had for a women's movement that until then did not want to be more than loosely organized. The extensive network of active women who assisted the League expanded the pool of talent available for reforms, including the women's suffrage movement.

American Equal Rights Association (AERA)

Anthony spent eight months in Kansas with her brother Daniel in 1865 to help him with his newspaper project. She drove back east when she learned that an amendment had been proposed that would secure African American citizenship but would also introduce the word "male" into the constitution for the first time. Anthony supported black citizenship, but opposed any attempt to combine it with a reduction in the status of women. Your ally Stanton agreed and said: “If that word 'male' be inserted, it will take us a century at least to get it out.” (German: “If the word 'male' is inserted, we will at least cost a century to remove it. ")

Anthony and Stanton strove to revive the women's rights movement, which had almost fallen asleep during the Civil War. In 1866 they organized the eleventh National Women's Rights Convention , the first since the beginning of the war. The convention unanimously voted to become the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), thereby adopting a resolution by Anthony. The purpose of the new association was the fight for equal rights for all citizens, especially with regard to the right to vote. Among the leaders of this new association were such prominent activists as Lucretia Mott , Lucy Stone and Frederick Douglass . The desire for universal suffrage , however, was opposed by some abolitionist leaders and their friends in the Republican Party, because they wanted women to postpone their struggle for the right to vote until this right had been achieved for African-American men . Horace Greeley , a prominent newspaper editor, told Anthony and Stanton, "This is a critical period for the Republican Party and the life of our Nation ... I conjure you to remember that this is 'the negro's hour,' and your first duty now is to go through the State and plead his claims. "(German:" This is a critical period for the Republican Party and the life of the nation ... I implore you to remember that this is the 'hour of the negro' and it is your first duty to roam the country and defend your claims. ”) Anthony and Stanton refused to postpone their request and continued to campaign for universal suffrage.

In 1867, AERA ran a campaign in Kansas for referendums calling for the right to vote for both African Americans and women. Wendell Phillips, an abolitionist leader who opposed the mixing up of these two cases, blocked the funding AERA was expecting for its campaign. After an internal struggle, the Republicans in Kansas decided to only support black male suffrage and formed an "Anti Female Suffrage Committee". By the end of the summer, the AERA campaign had almost collapsed and its funding was exhausted . Anthony and Stanton caused a storm of argument when they accepted help from George Francis Train, a wealthy businessman who advocated women's rights, during the final days of the campaign. Train offended many activists for attacking the Republican Party and openly degrading the integrity and intelligence of African Americans. There is a reasonable assumption, however, that Anthony and Stone were hoping to turn the fickle Train away from the worst of racism, and that he was well on his way to it.

After the Kansas campaign, the AERA split increasingly into two wings, both of which sought universal suffrage, but with different approaches. One wing, represented by Lucy Stone, was willing to give black men the right to vote first, and wished to maintain close ties to the Republican Party and the abolitionist movement. The other wing, whose leading representatives were Anthony and Stanton, maintained that women and black men would be allowed to vote at the same time. They worked towards a politically independent women's movement that was no longer dependent on the abolitionists. The AERA actually dissolved in May 1869 after a bitterly led meeting, and two competing women's suffrage organizations were subsequently founded.

The revolution

"Printing House Square" in Manhattan (1868), The sign for the office of The Revolution is on the extreme right below The World and above Scientific American .

Anthony and Stanton began in New York City in 1868 to publish a weekly newspaper called The Revolution . It focused on women's rights, especially women's suffrage. But it also covered other subjects, including politics, the labor movement, and the financial world. His motto was: "Men, their rights and nothing more: women, their rights and nothing less." (German: "Men, their rights and nothing more: women, their rights and nothing less.")

One of his goals was to create a forum where women from different perspectives could share their opinions on key issues. Anthony managed the business side of the paper while Stanton was co-editor with Parker Pillsbury, an abolitionist and supporter of women's rights. The initial funding was provided by George Francis Train, the controversial businessman who supported women's rights but alienated many activists with his political and racist views.

In the post-civil war period, important journals associated with the radical reform movement had either become more conservative, or had ceased or threatened to appear. Anthony intended with The Revolution to partially fill this gap in the hope that it would eventually become a daily newspaper, with its own printing press and everything owned and operated by women. The budget Train had set up for the paper was less than Anthony had expected. In addition, Train sailed to England after the first issue of the paper and was soon a prisoner for having supported Irish independence. Train's funds were eventually used up. After 29 months, the growing debt forced Anthony to hand over the paper to Laura Curtis Bullard, a wealthy women's rights activist who made the paper more moderate. The publication stopped after less than two years.

Despite its brief existence, The Revolution provided Anthony and Stanton with an opportunity to express their views as the split in the women's movement continued to develop. It also helped promote their direction of the women's movement, which eventually became its own organization.

Alliance attempt with Labor Union

After the "National Labor Union" (NLU) was founded in 1866 - it had only a short existence - Anthony and Stanton sat as delegates in the NLU Congress of 1868. Anthony represented the recently founded "Working Women's Association" (WWA) ( German: Association of Working Women). The attempted cooperation did not last long, because Anthony supported a training program for women, which the NLU interpreted as support for strikebreakers, after which Anthony was no longer admitted as a delegate.

The WWA was also only a modest success. Initially it was an association of over a hundred working and money-making women. It developed more and more into an organization that consisted almost entirely of journalists, doctors and other working middle-class women. Its members formed the core of New York's stake in the national women's suffrage organization just being prepared by Anthony and Stanton.

Division in the women's movement

Susan B. Anthony (1870)

In May 1869, just two days after the last AERA meeting, Anthony, Stanton, and other women founded the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). In November 1869, Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, and others formed the competing American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The hostile nature of their rivalry created a partisan atmosphere that lasted for decades.

The immediate reason for the split was the proposed 15th Amendment, which was supposed to prohibit denial of the right to vote on the basis of racial affiliation. Anthony campaigned - one of her most controversial actions - against the amendment. She and Stanton demanded that women and African Americans should have the right to vote at the same time. They argued that by giving all men the right to vote while excluding all women, the amendment would create an "aristocracy of sex". It would give constitutional authority to the idea that men are superior to women.

In 1873 Anthony said:

"An oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor; an oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant; or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but surely this oligarchy of sex, which makes the men of every household sovereigns, masters; the women subjects, slaves; carrying dissension, rebellion into every home of the nation, cannot be endured. "

(German: “An oligarchy of property where the rich rule the poor; an oligarchy of education where the educated rule the ignorant; or even a racial oligarchy where the Anglo-Saxons rule the Africans, could be tolerated. But this can certainly be tolerated Oligarchy of the sex are not tolerated, which makes men rulers of the household, masters, but condemns women to subordinate and slave existence, which brings dissent and rebellion into every national home. ")

The AWSA supported the amendment, but Lucy Stone, who became the most famous chairperson, also made clear her view that the right to vote for women would be more useful to the country than the right to vote for blacks. The two organizations had other differences as well. The NWSA was politically independent, while the AWSA was at least initially looking for close ties to the Republican Party in the hope that the ratification of the 15th Amendment would lead to a Republican step forward for women's suffrage. The NWSA focused primarily on winning the national electoral system, while the AWSA pursued a "state-by-state strategy". The NWSA initially dealt with a wider area of ​​women's affairs than the AWSA, including divorce reform and equal pay for women.

Events soon removed the basis for the split. By 1870 the debate on the 15th Amendment had become irrelevant when the Amendment was ratified. In 1872 the government's revulsion for corruption led to a mass exodus of abolitionists and social reformers from Republicans to the short-lived "Liberal Republican Party". As early as 1875, Anthony began to urge the NWSA to focus much more on women's suffrage than on a wide variety of women's issues.

However, the rivalry between the two women's associations was so bitter that a merger seemed impossible for twenty years. The AWSA, which was particularly strong in New England, was the larger of the two organizations but began to lose strength in the 1880s. It was not until 1890 that the two associations merged to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), with Stanton as president, although Anthony was the actual leader. When Stanton stepped down from office in 1892, Anthony became President of NAWSA.

National suffrage movement

Letter from Susan B. Anthony to Congress in favor of women's suffrage

The historian "Ann D. Gordon" says about the development of Anthony:

"By the end of the Civil War, Susan B. Anthony occupied new social and political territory. She was emerging on the national scene as a female leader, something new in American history, and she did so as a single woman in a culture that perceived the spinster as anomalous and unguarded ... By the 1880s, she was among the senior political figures in the United States. "

(German: At the end of the Civil War, Susan B. Anthony gained new social and political influence. She stood out nationally as a female leader, something new in American history. And she achieved this as a single woman in a culture that was a spinster regarded as abnormal and endangered ... In the 1880s she was one of the veteran political figures in the United States. ")

After the formation of the NWSA, Anthony devoted himself fully to this organization and women's suffrage. She received neither a salary from this association nor from its successor, NAWSA, but on the contrary used the income from her lectures to support them. There was no national union office, the postal address was simply that of a member of the board.

The fact that Anthony had remained unmarried gave her an important business advantage in this work. A married woman at the time had feme covered legal status , which, among other things, excluded her from signing contracts (the husband could do this for her if he wanted). Having no husband, Anthony was a feme sole and was free to sign contracts for meeting rooms, printed matter , etc. With the help of the fees she received for her lectures, she repaid the debt that she had accumulated while supporting the newspaper The Revolution . She had great appeal as the press treated her as a celebrity. She estimated that in her career she had made an average of 75 to 100 speeches a year. The travel conditions in the early years were sometimes appalling. Once she gave a speech from the top of a pool table, on another occasion her train was held up by the snow for days and she survived by eating hard biscuits and dried fish.

Both Anthony and Stanton embarked on these lecture tours around 1870, usually traveling from mid-fall to spring. The timing was right as the nation was just beginning to discuss women's suffrage as a serious matter. Occasionally they traveled together, but mostly not. Lecture offices set their tours and took care of travel arrangements. This generally meant traveling during the day and making speeches in the evening, sometimes for several weeks in a row including weekends. Her lectures resulted in the entry of newcomers to the movement, strengthening women's suffrage associations at the local, state, and national levels. Her travels during this decade covered a distance no other reformer or politician could match. Anthony's other suffrage work included organizing national conventions, contacting and promoting in Congress and state legislatures, and participating in the endless series of suffrage campaigns across the states.

A special opportunity arose in 1876 when the United States celebrated its 100th anniversary as an independent state. The NWSA asked for permission to present a Declaration of Rights for Women at the official ceremony in Philadelphia, which was denied. Undaunted, five women, led by Anthony, stepped to the podium during the ongoing ceremony and presented their declaration to the surprised leader of the celebration. When they left, they gave copies of them to the crowd. Anthony spotted an unused music platform outside the ballroom, climbed up and read the declaration to a large crowd. In the end, she invited everyone to attend an NWSA meeting at the nearby Unitarian Church, where speakers such as Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were waiting for them.

US dollar coin with the head of Susan B. Anthony

Work in all segments of the women's suffrage movement began to show clear results. Women won the right to vote in Wyoming in 1869 and in Utah in 1870. Their lectures in Washington and four other states immediately led to invitations to raise their concerns before their respective legislatures. The “Women's Christian Temperance Union”, the largest women's organization in the state, also supported women's suffrage.

Anthony's commitment to the movement, her spartan lifestyle, and the fact that she was not seeking personal financial gain made her an effective fundraiser and won the admiration of many who were inconsistent with her goals. As their reputation grew, working and travel conditions improved. She could sometimes travel in the private railroad car owned by Jane Stanford, a sympathizer whose husband owned a large railway line. When she lobbied in Washington and prepared for annual meetings, she got a vacant suite at the Riggs Hotel, the owner of which supported her work.

To ensure continuity, Anthony trained a group of younger activists, known as her “nieces”, so that they could take on leadership positions within the organization. Two of them, Carrie Chapman Catt and Anna Howard Shaw , served as NAWSA presidents after Anthony left that position.

Process: United States v. Susan B. Anthony

A cartoon by Susan B. Anthony on the front page of the New York Daily Graphic that appeared on June 5, 1873 (days before her trial for participation in the election).

The NWSA Convention of 1871 decided on a procedure to be able to initiate lawsuits in federal courts. Women should try to vote and, if dismissed, file lawsuits in federal courts to test the laws that prevented women from voting. The legal basis for the test would be the recently adopted 14th Amendment, part of which reads: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” (German: “Kein Bundesstaat shall make or enforce any law that diminishes the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. ")

Following the example of Anthony and her sisters, a total of nearly fifty women in Rochester registered for the election, namely the presidential election of 1872. On election day, Anthony and 14 other women from their constituency convinced the electoral officers that they could vote. Women in other constituencies were turned away. Anthony was arrested on November 18, 1872 by a Deputy Marshal and charged with illegal election. When she was arrested, she insisted on being handcuffed. The other women who voted were also arrested but released until the outcome of Anthony's trial was determined. None of them were charged because only Anthony was a national celebrity. The Anthony trial created national controversy and became a major step forward in transforming the broader women's rights movement into the women's suffrage movement.

Anthony spoke throughout Monroe County, New York , where her trial was to take place and from which the judges were selected for her case. Her speech was titled: "Is it a Crime for a US Citizen to Vote?" (German: Is it a crime for US citizens to vote? ") She said:

"We no longer petition Legislature or Congress to give us the right to vote. We appeal to women everywhere to exercise their too long neglected 'citizen's right to vote.' "

(German: "We are no longer petitioning legislators or congresses to get the right to vote. We call on women everywhere to exercise their all too long neglected 'citizenship of choice'.")

The US prosecutor made sure that the trial was moved to the Federal Circuit Court, which was soon to sit in neighboring Ontario County, with a jury made up of residents of that county. Anthony responded by making speeches in that county as well before the trial began. The responsibility for this "Federal Circuit" was in the hands of Justice Ward Hunt , who had recently been appointed to the Supreme Court. Hunt had never worked as a normal judge; Originally a politician, he began his legal career after being elected to the New York Court of Appeals.

The trial, the trial of Susan B. Anthony , began on June 17, 1873 and was widely followed by the national press. Hunt refused to let Anthony speak until the verdict was passed because he was able to follow a common law rule of the day that forbade criminal defendants to testify in federal courts. On the second day of the trial, after both sides had presented their arguments, Justice Hunt put forward a lengthy assessment, which he also put down in writing. At the most controversial point in the process, he influenced the jury to pronounce a guilty verdict. On the third day of the trial, Hunt asked Anthony if she had anything to say. In response, she gave "the most famous speech in the history of the agitation for woman suffrage" (German: the most famous speech in the history of the advertising campaign for women's suffrage "), as Ann D. Gordon, a historian of the women's movement, thinks.

Repeatedly she ignored the judge's instruction to stop talking and to sit down, she protested against “this high-handed outrage upon my citizen's rights” and said:

"You have trampled under foot every vital principle of our government. My natural rights, my civil rights, my political rights, my judicial rights, are all alike ignored. "

(German: "They trampled every vital principle of our government with their feet. My natural right, my civil rights, my political rights, my rights in court have all been disregarded in the same way.")

She accused Justice Hunt of denying her a verdict from the jury. But she said that even if he had allowed the jury to discuss the case, she would still have been denied a trial with a “jury of her peers” because women were not allowed to be jurors. When Justice Hunt sentenced Anthony to a fine of $ 100, she replied, "I shall never pay a dollar of your unjust penalty" ("I shall never pay a dollar of your unjust penalty"). And she never did.

If Hunt had ordered her locked up until she paid the fine, Anthony could have taken her case to the Supreme Court. Hunt instead said he would not order her to be taken into custody, thereby preventing this legal route from being taken.

The United States Supreme Court in 1875 put an end to the strategy of achieving women's suffrage through the judicial system by ruling in the Minor v. Happersett “ruled that the United States Constitution does not grant anyone the right to vote. The NWSA decided to pursue the more difficult strategy. To campaign for a constitutional amendment to achieve the right to vote for women.

On August 18, 2020, Anthony was posthumously pardoned by US President Donald Trump . Susan Vahabzadeh, based on the White House press release, relates this to the fact that Susan B. Anthony voted for the Republicans at the time. She also puts a connection with the 2020 presidential election in the United States in the fall of 2020 : There is reason enough for the White House to affirm that Susan B. Anthony exercised a fundamental American right at the time.

History of Woman Suffrage

Life magazine cover in 1913. Entitled "Ancient History", it features a character resembling Anthony in classic robe leading a protest for women's rights

In 1876, Anthony and Stanton began a project to write a "History of Women's Suffrage". For years Anthony had collected letters, newspaper clippings, and other material of historical value for the women's movement. That year she moved into the Stanton household in New Jersey and brought several suitcases and boxes of these materials with Stanton to begin writing the History of Woman Suffrage.

Anthony hated that kind of work. In her letters she said about the project: “(It) makes me feel growly all the time… No warhorse ever panted for the rush of battle more than I for outside work. I love to make history but hate to write it. ”(German:“ (It) makes me feel uneasy all the time ... No war horse yearned more for the battle than I did for the work outside. I like to make history, hate it but write them down. ”) The work devoured much of her time for several years, yet she continued to participate in other women's suffrage activities. It also became its own editor, which posed several problems such as finding space to store the books.

Originally intended as a modest publication that could be produced quickly, “History” developed into a six-volume work of more than 5,700 pages, written over a period of 41 years. The first three volumes, covering the period of the movement up to 1885, were published between 1881 and 1886 and produced by Stanton, Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage. Anthony took care of the details of the book making and extensive correspondence with the staff. Anthony published Volume 4 in 1902, covering the period from 1883 to 1900, after Stanton's death with the help of Ida Husted Harper. who also became Anthony's predestined biographer. The last two volumes, which continue the story until 1920, were completed by Harper in 1922 after Anthony's death.

The "History of Woman Suffrage" is the accumulation of a great deal of material that might otherwise be lost forever. However, because it was written by the leaders of one wing of the divided women's movement - Lucy Stone, her main rival, refused to have anything to do with the project - it does not give a balanced account of events when it comes to the rivals. It overemphasizes the roles of Anthony and Stanton and it diminishes or ignores the roles of Stone and other activists when they don't fit into the narrative that Anthony and Stanton developed. Because she has been the primary source of documentation on women's suffrage for years, historians have had to research other sources in order to provide a more balanced account.

International women's organizations

In the last two decades of his life, Anthony had some notable international success. She was now known beyond the borders of the United States.

International Council of Women (ICW)

Anthony traveled to Europe for a nine month stay in 1883 and contacted Stanton, who had arrived a few months earlier. Together they met with leaders of the European women's movement and began to participate in the formation of an international women's organization. The National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) agreed to host the founding convention. The preparatory work was mainly done by Anthony and two younger colleagues in the NSWA, Rachel Foster Avery and May Wright Sewall . Delegates from 53 women's organizations in nine countries met in Washington in 1888 to form a new society called the International Council of Women (ICW). The delegates represented a variety of organizations, including suffrage groups, professional associations, literary associations, temperance unions, trade union associations and mission societies. The American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), which had rivaled the NSWA for years, attended the convention. Anthony opened the first session of the ICW and chaired most of the events.

The ICW found recognition up to the top level. President Cleveland and his wife hosted a reception in the White House for delegates to the ICW Founding Congress. The second ICW Congress was part of the Chicago World's Fair in 1893. At the third Congress in London in 1899, a reception for the ICW was given at Windsor Castle at the invitation of Queen Victoria . At the fourth congress in Berlin in 1904, Auguste Victoria , the German Empress, received the leaders of the ICW in their palace. Anthony played a prominent role at all four events.

The ICW is still active today, it is associated with the United Nations .

World Congress of Representative Women

"Woman's Building" at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago

The World's Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World's Fair, was held in 1893. It hosted several world congresses, each dealing with a specific topic, such as religion, medicine and science. Almost at the last moment, the US Congress decided that the exhibition should also recognize the role of women. After the world's fair ended, an organizer of the exhibition's women's convention revealed that Anthony had played a hidden but memorable role in the last-minute decision. She feared that a public campaign would provoke opponents, so she worked quietly and covertly to organize support for this project among the women of the political elite. Anthony added to the pressure by secretly initiating a petition signed by the wives or daughters of Supreme Court justices, senators, cabinet members, and other dignitaries.

A large building complex, called "The Woman's Building" and designed by Sophia Hayden Bennett, was built to provide the meeting and exhibition rooms for the women of this world exhibition. Two of Anthony's closest associates have been appointed organizers of the Women's Congress. They managed to have the upcoming International Council of Women meeting become a part of that exhibition by increasing its size and reach and then renaming it the World's Congress of Representative Women. This week-long congress had delegates from 27 countries as guests. Its 81 sessions, many held simultaneously, were attended by over 150,000 people. And women's suffrage was discussed in almost every meeting. Anthony spoke to many people during the exhibition. A nice episode was Anthony's invitation from "Buffalo Bill" Cody to his Wild West Show, which was set up on the fringes of the World's Fair.

International Woman Suffrage Alliance

After Anthony resigned as president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Carrie Chapman Catt , the chosen successor, began to work towards an International Women's Suffrage Association. This has been a goal of Anthony for a long time. The already existing International Council of Women could not be expected to support a campaign for women's suffrage because it was a broad alliance whose more conservative members would oppose it.

In 1992, Catt called a preparatory meeting in Washington, with Anthony as chair, which was attended by delegates from several countries. Mostly organized by Catt, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance was founded in Berlin in 1904. The inaugural meeting was chaired by Anthony, who was named Honorary President of the new organization and its first member. As Authorized Biographer Anthony puts it, "no event gave Miss Anthony such profound satisfaction as this". (English; "No event ever gave Miss Anthony such profound satisfaction as this one")

It was later renamed the "International Alliance of Women". The women's alliance is still active and linked to the “United Nations”.

Changed relationship with Stanton

Elizabeth Cady Stanton (seated) with Anthony

Anthony and Stanton worked together in a close and productive relationship. From 1880 to 1886 they were together almost every day working on the History of Woman Suffrage . They addressed each other as "Susan" and "Mrs. Stanton ”. Anthony submitted to Stanton in other matters too, she did not accept any office in any organization that would have placed her over Stanton. But she often did the main work. At Anthony's 70th birthday party, Stanton teased her by saying, “Well, as all women are supposed to be under the thumb of some man, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I shall not deny the patent fact of my subjection . "(German:" Well. Since it is assumed that all women are under the thumb of some Manes, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I will not deny the obvious fact of my submission. ")

As both got older, their interests began to diverge. Anthony began to form alliances with more conservative groups like the Women's Christian Temperance Union , the nation's largest women's organization and a supporter of women's suffrage. Such things irritated Stanton, who believed that as she got older she would become more radical and Anthony more conservative. In 1895, Stanton published The Woman's Bible , which attacked the Bible's habit of placing women in an inferior status. It became a very controversial bestseller. Anthony had refused to help prepare the book and said to Stanton:

"You say 'women must be emancipated from their superstitions before enfranchisement will have any benefit,' and I say just the reverse, that women must be enfranchised before they can be emancipated from their superstitions."

(German: They say 'Women must be emancipated from their superstitions before being allowed to vote is of any use', and I am saying exactly the opposite that women must first have the right to vote before they can be freed from their superstitions. ")

Despite such frictions, their relationship remained close. When Stanton died in 1902, Anthony wrote to a friend:

“Oh, this awful hush! It seems impossible that voice is stilled which I have loved to hear for fifty years. Always I have felt I must have Mrs. Stanton's opinion of things before I knew where I stood myself. I am all at sea ... "

(German: "Oh, this terrible silence! It seems impossible that this voice that I have loved to hear for fifty years has fallen silent. I have always felt that I had to have Mrs. Stanton's assessment of things before I knew myself where I stood. I'm alone on the high seas ... ")

Next life

The house that Susan B. Anthony shared with her sister in Rochester. Here she was arrested for her choice.

After years of living in hotels and with friends and relatives, Anthony agreed in 1891 to move into the home of her sister Mary Stafford Anthony in Rochester at the age of 71. Her energy and perseverance, which was sometimes too much for her co-workers, continued at a remarkable level. At the age of 75, she toured Yosemite National Park on the back of a mule. She remained chair of NAWSA and continued to travel extensively for her suffrage work. She was also involved in some local projects.

In 1896 she spent eight months in California during a women's suffrage campaign, sometimes speaking three times a day in over 30 locations. The last presidency at a NAWSA convention was in 1900, during the remaining six years of her life she spoke at six other NAWSA meetings and four congressional hearings, completed Volume Four of the History of Woman Suffrage , traveled around eighteen states and to Europe.

As Anthony became more and more famous, some politicians (certainly not all of them) were happy to be associated with her in public. Her 70th birthday was celebrated as a national event in Washington with prominent members of the House and Senate as guests, her 80th birthday was celebrated in the White House, invited by President William McKinley .

Anthony's beliefs

religion

Anthony grew up a Quaker , but her religious background was diverse. On the maternal side, her grandmother was a Baptist and her grandfather was a universalist . Her father was a radical Quaker who was being wiped out by the restrictions of his more conservative community. When the Quakers split into the Orthodox and the Hicksites in the late 1820s , her family was on the side of the Hicksites. In 1848, three years after Anthony's family moved to Rochester, a group of about 200 Quakers left the Hicksite Organization in western New York State, in part because they wanted to work on community reform projects without that organization interfering. Some, including the Anthony family, began attending services at the First Unitarian Church of Rochester. When Susan B. Anthony returned home from teaching in 1849, she joined her family and attended church services there; she stayed with the Rochester Unitarians until the end of her life.

Her first public speech, which she gave as a young woman at a temperance meeting, contained some references to God. She soon took a more detached stance. While in Europe in 1883, Anthony was helping a desperately poor Irish mother of six. When she noticed that God was about to add a seventh child to her band, she commented: “What a dreadful creature their God must be to keep sending hungry mouths while he withholds the bread to fill them!” (German: “Was für eine terrible creature must be their god, who constantly sends hungry mouths while at the same time holding back the bread that could fill them. ")

Elizabeth Cady Stanton said that Anthony was an agnostic , adding that for her the work was worship, her beliefs were not Orthodox but she was religious. Anthony himself said: “Work and worship are one with me. I can not imagine a God of the universe made happy by my getting down on my knees and calling him 'great.' ”(German: work and worship are one thing for me. I cannot imagine that a God of the universe would be happy about it is that I fall on my knees and call him 'big'. ") When Anthony's sister Hannah was on her deathbed, she asked Susan to tell her something about the great beyond. But Anthony could not, as she later wrote:" I. could not dash her faith with my doubts, nor could I pretend a faith I had not; so I was silent in the dread presence of death. ”(German:“ I couldn't burden your faith with my doubts, I couldn't have one either Pretending to believe that I did not have; so I remained silent in the oppressive presence of death. ")

Attitude to marriage

Susan B. Anthony

Anthony went to parties as a teenager, and she also got proposals for marriage when she was older. But there is no report that she ever had a love affair. However, she loved children and helped raise the children in the Stantons household.

Journalists repeatedly asked Anthony to explain why she never married. To one she said:

"I never felt I could give up my life of freedom to become a man's housekeeper. When I was young, if a girl married poor, she became a housekeeper and a drudge. If she married wealth she became a pet and a doll. Just think, had I married at twenty, I would have been a drudge or a doll for fifty-nine years. Think of it! "

(German: "I never had the feeling that I could give up my free life to become a man's housekeeper. When I was young, a girl, if she married poor, became a housewife and a work slave. If she married rich, it became a pet and a doll. Just think if I had married at twenty, I would have been a work slave or doll for 59 years. Imagine that! ")

Anthony was strongly against the laws that gave husbands complete control in marriage. Blackstone's comments , the basis of civil law in most states at the time, stated: “By marriage, the husband and wife are one person in law: that is, the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage "(German:" Through marriage, husband and wife become one person before the law; this means that the real being or the legal existence of the woman is abolished during the marriage, ")

Attitude to Abortion

Anthony's political position on abortion has been the subject of a dispute, not long ago. Some pro-life activists have claimed they support the pro-life position in the modern abortion debate. These activists quote certain words and phrases that they used but were often taken out of context.

Ann D. Gordon, a leading scholarly authority on Anthony, has criticized the effort to portray Anthony as someone who would support the modern pro-life movement: “The result is what historians call 'invented memory' — history without foundation in the evidence but with modern utility. "(German: The result is something that historians call" invented memory history ", without a source base but with modern use.")

Death and inheritance

Susan B. Anthony's headstone in Mount Hope Cemetery the day after the 2016 presidential election

Susan B. Anthony died of heart failure and pneumonia at the age of 86 on March 13, 1906 at her Rochester home. She was buried in "Mount Hope Cemetery" in Rochester. At her birthday party in Washington DC a few days earlier, Anthony had spoken of those who had worked with her for women's rights:

"There have been others also just as true and devoted to the cause - I wish I could name every one - but with such women consecrating their lives, failure is impossible!"

(German: "There were many others who were just as loyal and devoted to the cause - I wish I could name everyone - but with such women who sacrifice their lives, failure is impossible!")

“Failure is impossible” quickly became a slogan for the women's movement.

Anthony did not live to see women gain the right to vote at the national level, but she always expressed her pride in the progress that the women's movement had made. At the time of her death, women had gained the right to vote in Wyoming, Utah, Colorado and Idaho, with several larger states soon following. Legal rights for married women had been established in most states, and most professions had at least a few female members. 36,000 women attended colleges and universities, compared to zero a few decades earlier. Two years before her death, Anthony said: “The world has never witnessed a greater revolution than in the sphere of woman during this fifty years.” (German: “The world has never experienced a greater upheaval than that in the sphere of women during the last fifty years. ")

Part of the revolution, in Anthony's view, lay in thought patterns. In an 1889 speech, she noted that women had always been taught that their destiny was to serve men. But she added: “Now, after 40 years of agitation, the idea is beginning to prevail that women were created for themselves, for their own happiness, and for the welfare of the world.” (German: Well, after 40 years of Influencing, the idea is beginning to prevail that women were created for their own sake, for their own happiness and for the welfare of the world ")

Anthony believed that women's suffrage would be achieved, but she feared that people would forget how difficult it was to get to him as they were about to forget the victims of the recent past:

"We shall someday be heeded, and when we shall have our amendment to the Constitution of the United States, everybody will think it was always so, just exactly as many young people think that all the privileges, all the freedom, all the enjoyments which woman now possesses always were hers. They have no idea of ​​how every single inch of ground that she stands upon today has been gained by the hard work of some little handful of women of the past. "

(German: “We will one day be paid attention, and when we have our amendment to the United States Constitution, everyone will think that it has always been like that, just as many young people think that all the privileges, all the Freedoms, all the pleasures a woman now has that have always been hers, they have no idea how every inch of the ground she stands on today had to be won through the hard work of a small handful of women of the past. ")

The 19th Amendment , which guarantees the right of American women to vote, is still commonly known today as the "Susan B. Anthony Amendment". After it was ratified in 1920, the "National American Woman Suffrage Association", whose character and association goals were heavily influenced by Anthony, was transformed into the League of Women Voters , which is still an active force in United States politics today.

Honors and commemorations (selection)

Commemorative stamp issued by Susan B. Anthony, 1936

The US Post Office issued its first postage stamp in honor of Anthony in 1936. It was the sixteenth birthday of the 19th amendment that secured the right to vote for women. A second stamp was issued in April 1958.

Susan B. Anthony is one of the three women whose busts are part of the suffragette memorial The Portrait Monument in the rotunda of the United States Capitol .

The Susan B. Anthony dollar , a one-dollar coin issued in her honor, is still in circulation in the USA today .

Her former home, the Susan B. Anthony House in Rochester , is part of the Votes For Women Historic Trails .

It found its way into the visual arts of the 20th century. The feminist artist Judy Chicago dedicated one of the 39 place settings at the table to her in her work The Dinner Party .

Susan B. Anthony Day is a holiday celebrating the birth of Anthony and women's suffrage in the United States. The holiday is February 15th - Anthony's birthday. It is observed in some states.

See also

literature

  • Bacon, Margaret Hope (1986). Mothers of Feminism: The Story of Quaker Women in America . San Francisco: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-250043-0
  • Baker, Jean H. (2006) Sisters: The Lives of America's Suffragists pp. 55-92
  • Barry, Kathleen (1988). Susan B. Anthony: A Biography of a Singular Feminist . New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-36549-6
  • Cullen-DuPont, Kathryn (2000). 2nd Edition. New York: Facts on File. ISBN 0-8160-4100-8
  • Debs, Eugene V. Susan B. Anthony: Pioneer of Freedom, In: Pearson's Magazine, vol. 38, no. 1 (July 1917), pp. 5-7.
  • DuBois, Ellen Carol (1978). Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848–1869. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8641-6
  • Dudden, Faye E (2011). Fighting Chance: The Struggle over Woman Suffrage and Black Suffrage in Reconstruction America . New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-977263-6
  • Flexner, Eleanor (1959). Century of Struggle . Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-10653-6
  • Ann D. Gordon: The Trial of Susan B. Anthony . Federal Judicial Center (Ed.) 2005. Retrieved January 25, 2018
  • Griffith, Elisabeth (1984). In Her Own Right: The Life of Elizabeth Cady Stanton . New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-503440-6
  • Hewitt, Nancy A., (2001). Women's Activism and Social Change: Rochester, New York, 1822–1872 . Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland. ISBN 0-7391-0297-4
  • Hull, NEH (2012). The Woman Who Dared to Vote: The Trial of Susan B. Anthony . University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1849-1
  • Lutz, Alma (1959). Susan B. Anthony: Rebel, Crusader, Humanitarian . Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0-89201-017-7 . Text from the Gutenberg project
  • McKelvey, Blake (April 1945). Susan B. Anthony . In: Rochester History (Rochester Public Library) VII (2).
  • McPherson, James (1964). The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionists and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction . Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04566-6
  • Million, Joelle (2003). Woman's Voice, Woman's Place: Lucy Stone and the Birth of the Woman's Rights Movement . Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 0-275-97877-X
  • Ridarsky, Christine L. and Mary M. Huth, (Eds.) (2012). Susan B. Anthony and the Struggle for Equal Rights . Essays by scholars excerpt
  • Stanton, Elizabeth Cady; Anthony, Susan B .; Gage, Matilda Joslyn; Harper, Ida (1881-1922). History of Woman Suffrage in six volumes. Rochester, NY: Susan B. Anthony (Charles Mann Press).
  • Tetrault, Lisa. (2014) The Myth of Seneca Falls: Memory and the Women's Suffrage Movement, 1848–1898 . University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-1-4696-1427-4
  • Troncale, Jennifer M., and Jennifer Strain (2013). Marching with Aunt Susan: Susan B. Anthony and the Fight for Women's Suffrage. (= Social Studies Research & Practice 8 # 2).
  • Venet, Wendy Hamand (1991). Neither Ballots nor Bullets: Women Abolitionists and the Civil War . Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia. ISBN 978-0-8139-1342-1
  • Ward, Geoffrey C., with essays by Martha Saxton, Ann D. Gordon and Ellen Carol DuBois (1999). Not for Ourselves Alone: ​​The Story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony . New York: Alfred Knopf. ISBN 0-375-40560-7
  • Claus Bernet :  Susan B. Anthony. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 29, Bautz, Nordhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-88309-452-6 , Sp. 93-101.  ( Article / beginning of article in Internet archive  on 2009-06-27)
  • Jeanne Gehret: Susan B. Anthony. Verbal Images Press, Fairport NY 2006, ISBN 0-9625136-9-5 (English).
  • Deborah Hopkinson: Susan B. Anthony. Fighter for Women's Rights. Aladdin, New York NY 2005, ISBN 0-689-86909-6 (English).
  • Marie Sagenschneider: Processes. Famous legal cases from ancient times to today. 2nd, revised edition. Gerstenberg, Hildesheim 2005, ISBN 3-8067-2531-4 .
  • Maryann N. Weidt: Fighting for Equal Rights. A Story About Susan B. Anthony. Carolrhoda Books, Minneapolis MN 2004, ISBN 1-57505-609-7 (English).

Web links

Commons : Susan B. Anthony  - album with pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Www. britica.com: Susan B. Anthony. American suffragist .
  2. ↑ a b Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 11, 17, 24-31, 35, 39
  3. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 10, 37, 57
  4. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 45-46, 60
  5. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 59
  6. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 55-56
  7. ↑ Sherr (1995), p. 226
  8. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 60-61, 82
  9. ↑ Griffith (1984), pp. 108, 224
  10. ↑ Barry (1988), p. 64
  11. ↑ Stanton (1898) p. 165
  12. ↑ Flexner (1959), p. 58
  13. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 53
  14. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 64-68
  15. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, S: 81-82, 92-95
  16. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 101-02
  17. ^ Susan B. Anthony: Fifty Years of Work for Woman In: Independent , 52 (February 15, 1900), pp. 414-17, cited in Sherr (1995), p. 134
  18. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881-1922), Vol. 1, pp. 513-514
  19. ^ National Anti-Slavery Standard , August 15, 1857, cited in Sherr (1995), p. 18
  20. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 155-156
  21. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 221
  22. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 72
  23. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 81
  24. ↑ Dudden (2011), p. 17
  25. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 104, 122-128
  26. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 140-141
  27. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 136, 149
  28. ↑ Million (2003), pp. 109, 121
  29. ^ Letter from Anthony to Abby Kelley Foster and Stephen Symonds Foster, April 20, 1857, cited in Million (2003), p. 234
  30. ↑ Million (2003), pp. 235, 250-252
  31. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 216
  32. ↑ Barry (1988), p. 110
  33. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 208
  34. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, pp. 208, 209
  35. ^ The Post Standard, Syracuse, NY, Feb. 4, 1940, p. 18, cited in Barry (1988), p. 148.
  36. ↑ Manuscript of a speech from the "Susan B. Anthony Papers collection" in the Library of Congress. Quoted in McPherson (1964), p. 225
  37. ↑ DuBois (1978), p. 51
  38. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 204
  39. ↑ Dudden (2011), p. 36. The proposal for milder divorce laws was also judged controversially within the women's rights activists.
  40. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881-1922), Vol. 1, pp. 745-746
  41. ^ Letter from Anthony to Lucy Stone, October 27, 1857, quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 54
  42. ^ Judith E. Harper: Not for Ourselves Alone: ​​The Story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony . Public broadcasting system. January 21, 2014
  43. ↑ Venet (1991), p. 148
  44. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 153-154
  45. ↑ Venet (1991), p. 116
  46. ↑ Venet (1991), pp. 148-149.
  47. ↑ Flexner (1959), p. 105
  48. ↑ Venet (1991), pp. 1-2
  49. ^ Letter from Stanton to Gerrit Smith, January 1, 1866, quoted in DuBois (1978), p. 61
  50. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), pp. 152-153
  51. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), pp. 171-172
  52. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), p. 270
  53. ↑ Dudden (2011), p. 105
  54. ↑ Dudden (2011), pp. 124, 127
  55. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 93-94.
  56. ↑ Dudden (2011), pp. 137 and 246, footnotes 22 and 25
  57. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 80-81, 189, 196
  58. ↑ Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), p. 18
  59. ↑ Rakow and Kramarae (eds.) (2001), pp. 14-18
  60. ↑ Dudden (2011), pp. 69, 143
  61. ^ "The Working Women's Association", The Revolution , November 5, 1868, p. 280. Quoted in Rakow and Kramarae (eds.) (2001), p. 106
  62. ↑ Barry (1988), p. 187
  63. ↑ The role of The Revolution in the developing split in the women's movement is shown in Chapters 6 and 7 of Dudden (2011). An example of the support of your wing is on page 164.
  64. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 123, 133.
  65. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 133, 148-151, 161, 193
  66. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 173, 189, 196.
  67. ↑ Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), pp. 47-49
  68. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881-1922), Vol. 2, p. 635
  69. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881-1922), Vol. 2, p. 384
  70. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 197-200
  71. ↑ DuBois (1978), pp. 166, 200
  72. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 264-265
  73. ^ Gordon (2009). P. xxv, 55
  74. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 296-299, 303
  75. ↑ Gordon, Ann D .: Knowing Susan B. Anthony: The Stories We Tell of a Life . In: Ridarsky, Christine L. and Huth, Mary M., (Eds.) (2012). Susan B. Anthony and the Struggle for Equal Rights . Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press. Pp. 202, 204. ISBN 978-1-58046-425-3
  76. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 226-227
  77. ↑ Flexner (1959), p. 241
  78. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 57-58, 259
  79. ↑ Gordon (2003), pp. Xxi
  80. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 123-124, 132-133
  81. ^ Ward (1999), Taking Possession of the Country by Ann D. Gordon, pp. 163-169
  82. ↑ Flexner (1959), pp. 163-164
  83. ↑ Bacon (1986), pp. 132-133
  84. ↑ Flexner (1959), pp. 173-174, 210
  85. ↑ Sherr (1995) pp. 226-227
  86. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 85, 122
  87. ↑ Flexner (1959), pp. 229-232
  88. ^ Gordon (2005), p. 2
  89. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 249-251
  90. ↑ a b c d e f Susan Vahabzadeh: Proudly Condemned. Trump pardons suffragettes. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung No. 191, August 20, 2020, p. 8.
  91. ^ Gordon (2005), pp. 11, 13, 29
  92. ↑ Hewitt (2001), p. 212
  93. ↑ Gordon (2005), pp. 67, 63
  94. ^ Gordon (2005), p. 34
  95. ^ Hull (2012), pp. 115-116, 158
  96. ↑ Gordon (2005), pp. 5, 6, 13, 48
  97. ^ Gordon (2005), p. 46
  98. ^ Gordon (2005), p. 47
  99. ^ Gordon (2005), p. 18
  100. ↑ Gordon (2005), pp. 18-19
  101. ^ The New York Times: On Centennial of 19th Amendment, Trump Pardons Susan B. Anthony , August 18, 2020, accessed August 18, 2020; https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/18/us/politics/trump-susan-b-anthony-pardon.html
  102. ^ Statement from the Press Secretary Regarding the Pardon of Susan B. Anthony. Retrieved August 21, 2020 (American English).
  103. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 480
  104. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, p. 602
  105. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 3, p. 1277
  106. ^ Cullen-DuPont (2000) p. 115 History of Woman Suffrage
  107. ↑ Tetrault (2014), pp. 125–140. Tetrault says she describes the Seneca Falls story as a "myth" not to indicate that it is false but in the technical sense of "a venerated and celebrated story used to give meaning to the world." See Tetrault (2014), p. 5
  108. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, pp. 546, 578-79
  109. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 283-287
  110. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 287, 328-29, 349. Queen Victoria had the reception held at Windsor Castle, but was not present.
  111. ^ History of the founding of the ICW accessed on January 27, 2019
  112. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881-1922), Vol. 4, pp. 232-233. The official who revealed this information was Rachel Foster Avery, an employee of Anthony who served on the Organizing Committee for the Women's Congress.
  113. ↑ Sewall, May Wright, ed. (1894). The World's Congress of Representative Women . New York: Rand, McNally, pp. 46-48
  114. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 748
  115. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881-1922), Vol. 6, pp. 805-811
  116. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 3, p. 1326
  117. ^ History of the IAW accessed on January 27, 2919
  118. ^ Griffith (1984), p. 182
  119. ↑ a b Barry (1988), p. 297
  120. ^ Gordon (2009). P. 242
  121. ↑ Griffith (1984), pp. 182, 194
  122. ↑ Griffith (1984), pp. 210-213
  123. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, p. 857
  124. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 3, p. 1264
  125. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 262, 300
  126. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, p. 831
  127. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 320-321, 120
  128. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 265-270, 310
  129. ↑ Barry (1988), pp. 331-332
  130. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 5
  131. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 1, p. 58
  132. ^ Gordon (1997). P. 135
  133. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, p. 594
  134. ↑ Stanton (1898) p. 161.
  135. ^ New York World , February 2, 1896, cited in Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2. pp. 858-860
  136. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 2, p. 516
  137. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. 5, 13
  138. ↑ Gordon (2000), p. 41
  139. ↑ Ann D. Gordon: Knowing Susan B. Anthony: The Stories We Tell of a Life, In: Ridarsky, Christine L. and Huth, Mary M., (Eds.) (2012): Susan B. Anthony and the Struggle for Equal rights . Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press. P. 224. ISBN 978-1-58046-425-3
  140. ↑ Harper (1898-1908), Vol. 3, p. 1409
  141. ↑ Sherr (1995), pp. Xxiv-xxv, 310
  142. ^ New York Sun, February 21, 1904, cited in Sherr (1995), pp. Xxvi
  143. ^ The New York Times, August 31, 1889. Quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 58
  144. ↑ Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881-1922), Vol. 4, p. 223
  145. ↑ Sherr (1995), p. 328
  146. ↑ Brooklyn Museum page on the artwork, accessed April 15, 2014.
personal data
SURNAME Anthony, Susan B.
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Anthony, Susan Brownell
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Pioneer of the US women's rights movement
DATE OF BIRTH February 15, 1820
PLACE OF BIRTH Adams , Massachusetts , USA
DATE OF DEATH March 13, 1906
Place of death Rochester (New York)