Theophilos of Edessa

Theophilos von Edessa (* 695 ; † mid-July 785 ) was a Syrian scholar in the 8th century. Although a staunch Christian, he worked at the court of Caliph al-Mahdi in Baghdad as court astrologist and important scholar. Theophilos was well educated and had a good knowledge of Greek literature. He was apparently familiar with some Persian and perhaps Indian astrological scriptures. Theophilos wrote numerous works, including translations of Greek scripts into Syriac , astrological treatises and a chronicle that reached until the middle of the 8th century. His activity points to the lively intellectual milieu of Syrian Christians even under Islamic rule. His works were used by several later authors, but they are not fully preserved. It is certain that his now lost chronicle was used by the Syrian bishop Dionysius von Tell Mahre and other historians and was an important source for the history of the 7th and early 8th centuries in the Middle East . It is very likely that some of their material - mediated by an intermediate source - was also available to the Byzantine chronicler Theophanes .

Life

The Islamic expansion until 945 (based on Gustav Droysen's hand atlas , 1886)

Very little is known about the life of Theophilos. He was the son of a certain Thomas (hence the Arabic name Thawafil ibn Tuma ) and came from the important Syrian city of Edessa , which was under the control of the caliphate . As early as the 30s and 40s of the 7th century, the Muslim Arabs had conquered the eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire and even smashed the second great power of late antiquity , the New Persian Sāsānid Empire . Until the early 8th century, North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula were added in the west, while the border with India was reached in the east (for details see Islamic Expansion ). Byzantium, which was simultaneously oppressed by Avars , Slavs and Bulgarians from the north and Arabs from the southeast and across the sea, withdrew to the coastal fringes of the Balkans and defended Asia Minor. From 674 to 678 and again from 717 to 718 the capital Constantinople was besieged by the Arabs before the situation between the empire and the caliphate, where the Abbasids ruled from the middle of the 8th century , stabilized.

The vast majority of the population in the Middle East and North Africa was still Christian at that time. Like many other Christians in the Caliphate Empire, Theophilos seems to have come to terms with the political situation, especially since Byzantium had long since lost control of the Syrian-North Mesopotamian region when he was born. Theophilos was a well educated scholar and spoke fluent Greek in addition to his Syrian mother tongue. He was considered an excellent astronomer, but by which he meant his astrological activity. As is evident from his works, he was a staunch Christian; Later reports said it was maronite , but it is unclear whether this is the case. Due to his good reputation, he was perhaps already active in the time of al-Mansur (754–775) at the court of the caliphs in Baghdad . Obviously Theophilos did not see his work for a Muslim ruler as a contradiction to his personal beliefs, especially since Christian scholars were not uncommon at the court of caliphs and even Christian bishops maintained good contacts with the Muslim authorities. Under Caliph al-Mahdi (775–785), Theophilus became court astrologer and was in the special favor of the caliph. A letter to his son Deucalion, who was probably originally called Noah, shows that he even accompanied the caliph on a campaign to the east, to Persia. Theophilos died in mid-July 785 at the old age of 90.

Works

Translations

Theophilos carried out a translation activity, with which he integrated himself into the tradition of the occupation of Syrian scholars with Greek culture and science, which began in late antiquity. Syriac works played an important role in the reception of Greek knowledge by the Arabs. The translations of Theophilos have not survived, they are only known through mentions from other authors. Theophilos therefore dealt with Aristotle , among other things , whose sophistic refutations he translated into Syriac . His Syrian version of this writing formed the basis for a later Arabic translation. One of the Greek works that he translated into Syrian was the hygienic writing De tuenda sanitate (“On maintaining health”) by the famous Greek doctor Galenos . Galen seems to have aroused particular interest among Syrian scholars during this period. The 9th century Christian Arab scholar and translator Hunayn ibn Ishaq (Johannitius), however, judged Theophilos harshly: "Theophilos ar-Ruhawi translated this book into Syriac, and it was pathetic and bad."

The eminent Syrian scholar Gregorius Bar-Hebraeus reported in the 13th century that Theophilus, whom he described as a famous scholar, had translated "the two books of Homer on the conquest of the city of Ilion". As a result, Theophilos seems to have translated at least parts of the Iliad and perhaps also the Odyssey into Syriac, but none of them has survived today. Some researchers also point out that the interpretation of the Bar-Hebraeus statement is unclear: Did Theophilus edit the complete Iliad , only the first two cantos, or perhaps an obscure script that only circulated under Homer's name? All of this remains open, at least this writing does not seem to have been received.

Astrological works

Theophilos owed much to his reputation as a learned astronomer, although he apparently used his astronomical knowledge primarily for his astrological activity. He wrote four astrological treatises, a considerable part of which has been preserved. This included a treatise in 30 chapters on "astrological effects", which was dedicated to his son Deucalion and in which he apparently based, among other things, on considerations of Indian astrologers. Another work described rules according to which one should act in consideration of the twelve astrological houses ; Dorotheos of Sidon and Hephaistion of Thebes (4th century) served him as important sources . This work was received by scholars in Harran in the 9th century . Theophilos also wrote a paper on monthly and annual forecasts as well as the different definitions of the beginning of the year among Egyptians, Greeks, Persians and Arabs.

His fourth and probably most influential treatise Peri katarchon (“On the Beginnings”) in 41 chapters, of which two versions existed, was particularly popular with later Muslim authors . This book was also dedicated to his son. It was written after Baghdad was founded in 762 and dealt with militarily relevant omens. The work, like probably all of his astrological works, was written in Greek. In the introduction, Theophilos explained that one could assign certain properties to the respective planets and the energy emanating from them: Mars is related to war, Mercury to speech, Saturn to agriculture and Venus to love; however, their energies are diverse and have different effects. He himself had consulted several writings and made observations with regard to the astrological effects on military actions, especially with regard to the beginning of campaigns. It is the only known Greek text of the Middle Ages that specifically deals with the use of astrology for military purposes. The work has been translated into Arabic and was obviously also known in Byzantium , where it was probably used by the Byzantine court astrologer Pankratios at the end of the 8th century.

It has been proven that Theophilos not only used Greek works for his astrological writings, but also resorted to lost Sāsānid sources. The thoughts of Indian astrologers, which he may have known from Sāsānid intermediate sources, also seem to have influenced him. Theophilos was not an innovative author, but he summarized knowledge from different works. He had to justify his Christian theological positions in writing against attacks by other Christians. This apparently happened in his astrological work, where he showed his philosophical interests and tried to harmonize his beliefs with his astrological beliefs.

The tradition of the astrological works of Theophilos is quite complicated. The tradition is divided into three main branches. The first consists of the manuscript L ( Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Gr. 28, 34), which was copied around the year 1000, and the manuscript W (Vienna, Austrian National Library , phil. Gr. 115) from the 13th century. Both are based on a common, now lost template and contain parts of the works mentioned above. The second class, consisting of A (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France , suppl. Gr. 1241) and Y (Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Vaticanus graecus 212), was copied around 1400 and includes an index with part of the military script and of the work on the rules of living. Parts of both works, especially the majority of the military work as well as parts of the writing on the astrological effects, are also included in the third grade, the very poorly preserved manuscript P (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, gr. 2417) from the 13th century Century.

Theophilos was an important astrological scholar of his time, whose works in this area were later received and influenced Arab authors. One of his pupils was a certain Stephanos, who came from Persia and later worked in Constantinople. In Byzantium, Stephanos probably mediated the thoughts of his teacher.

The Chronicle of Theophilus

Theophilus' lost chronicle and its known users

Of the works of Theophilos, his chronicle is primarily of interest for historical research, which was very probably written in the Syrian language. The chronicle has not survived, but it was apparently (directly or indirectly) used by later historians, for example by Dionysius von Tell Mahre in his historical work written around 845. The work of Dionysius has also been lost, but Theophilos is mentioned as a source in fragments that have survived. Dionysius noted that he used the parts of the chronicle that seemed reliable to him. However, Theophilos was very likely his main source until the middle of the 8th century. Mediated by Dionysius, the chronicle was then used by Michael Syrus in the late 12th century, who refers to Dionysius, and the anonymous author of the chronicle of 1234 as a template. This is also proven by various, sometimes literal, matches. In the 10th century, the Christian Arab Agapios also consulted the Chronicle; he explicitly names Theophilos as an important source. Furthermore, the already mentioned Bar-Hebraeus wrote about Theophilos and his chronicle: “ At that time Theophilos from Edessa, son of Thomas, was famous. [...] He wrote a wonderful book on chronology in Syriac, although in it he abused and accused the Orthodox. "

Theophanes and the Syrian chroniclers - Theophilus as a common source

In the 1990s, Lawrence Conrad first put forward the thesis that the Chronicle of Theophilus was not only used by the authors who were already known, but that material from it was also incorporated into Byzantine historiography . The indications that point to this have become more and more concentrated through new studies and are now widely accepted. The Chronicle of Theophanes , written around 815, and his so-called "eastern source" play a central role .

Theophanes wrote in principle the continuation of the important Byzantine world chronicle of his friend Georgios Synkellos . The learned and well-read Synkellos had lived in the Palestinian-Syrian region for several years before coming to Constantinople. His chronicle was originally intended to extend from creation to his present (early 9th century), but he was only able to finish the work by 284. Synkellos, however, handed over materials for the subsequent period to Theophanes, who then wrote the chronicle for the period from 284 to 813, which is the most important Byzantine source for the period from approx. 640. Cyril Mango and several researchers who followed him assume that Theophanes' Chronicle is largely based on the preparatory work of Synkellos.

Research has long known that Theophanes for the 7th and early 8th centuries must very often have relied on an Eastern, obviously Syrian source (albeit in a Greek translation). This assumption is generally accepted today, because this is the only way to explain the similarities between Theophanes and the Syrian chroniclers mentioned. The latter did not have access to Theophanes and are often much more detailed than this. In the corresponding parts of his chronicle from approx. 630 to 750, Theophanes had largely reliable information about the Arab conquests and the events in the caliphate, including correct ethnographic and topographical details. These descriptions come from a source that the Byzantine historian Nikephorus , who wrote before Theophanes, was not aware of it. This eastern source in turn is essentially based on a (very likely originally Syrian) work that is now usually equated with the Chronicle of Theophilos.

However, it is uncertain how exactly Theophanes reproduces the original presentation (see below). It is known that he often shortened and restructured his templates, i.e. dealt with the material selectively. He did the same with the eastern spring, in which the material of Theophilos was processed, but hardly in full length. It is unclear how Theophanes got this work. Most likely, Synkellos already had the said material. Either it was already a Greek translation of the Chronicle of Theophilos or relevant passages from it, or Synkellos himself made a translation. This work, the eastern source mentioned, also contained a continuation up to around 780. Synkellos gave Theophanes his collection of material and thus provided him with a valuable source for the events in the Middle East and especially in the Caliphate, which other Byzantine historians were not able to access. In this sense, one can speak of a transfer of knowledge from the Syrian region, where Greek culture was also cultivated in the 7th and 8th centuries, to Byzantium: Much that can be said about the history of the Near East during this time based on Theophanes' Chronicle is known, one owes the Chronicle of Theophilos.

More recently, Maria Conterno has tried to prove that the Chronicle of Theophilos was not the assumed main source of Theophanes for the period in question. Text comparisons therefore suggested that Theophanes processed several sources and that the source situation was therefore much more complex. However, it is not clear how much of the presentation is ultimately based on which source thread. The common Syrian source (and thus very likely the Chronicle of Theophilos) will in any case have played a not unimportant role.

Structure and content

Depiction of the Sāsānid king Chosrau II on a Persian coin. Theophilus's chronicle probably began with his reign.

The period covered in Theophilos' Chronicle cannot be clearly defined. The previously widespread thesis that material from the historical work of Theophilos was included in another Maronite chronicle is rejected today. Occasionally it was considered that it was based on the “beginning of creation”, like the chronicle of Georgios Synkellos, but this is very unlikely. Due to various similarities, Robert G. Hoyland , who for the first time carried out a more comprehensive source-critical review of the material on Theophilos, assumes that the chronicle began around the year 590 and ended around 754/55. Other researchers have also expressed themselves in this sense, for example James Howard-Johnston . The starting point therefore coincides with the beginning of the rule of the Sāsānid king Chosrau II , the last important Persian king who also plays an important role in oriental tradition. It would fit in with the fact that the late antique historian Johannes von Epiphaneia described the time up to Chosrau in his historical work, which is now lost to a fragment. It is possible that the Hellenophile Theophilos, who according to Agapios particularly emphasized the presentation of his own observations, wanted in a certain way to tie in with the late ancient historians, who placed particular emphasis on the autopsy principle, which has been central since Thucydides . The end of the work, in turn, coincides with the accession of Caliph al-Mansur (754), the founder of Baghdad, during whose reign Abbasid rule stabilized. This could have appeared to Theophilus as an appropriate closing date.

The work is apparently not structured in a strictly annalistic way . Theophilos attached little importance to the exact dating of the individual events, so that Theophanes seems to have had problems assigning individual events to a specific year. However, the material was sorted chronologically. Like most Syrian chroniclers, Theophilos probably dated after the Seleucid era and added information on important events and the reigns of the emperors and later the caliphs in this context.

It is difficult to say in each individual case which events were described in the chronicle. By comparing the representation of Theophanes with the aforementioned Syrian and Arabic works, it can be worked out with reasonable certainty which reports Theophanes, Dionysius or the later Syrian historians and Agapios have adopted, but omission or a distorted representation of a process in these sources does not allow that Conclusion that Theophilos ignored him. Rather, it can be assumed that the original chronicle was much more detailed than all of its later evaluations. The proportion of events related to Byzantium was likely to have been considerably lower than that of events in the oriental region or later in the caliphate. The spatial focus was the northern Syrian area and Mesopotamia . The respective authors have apparently shortened the more detailed template depending on their interest in individual episodes. This is proven by passages on certain events that are largely identical in content, but which are described in different detail, although the basis was the same presentation, which can be traced back to Theophilus. For example, Theophanes reports in detail about the Battle of Phoinix in 655 and its prehistory, which the Syrian sources only deal with briefly, although, as the report of Agapios proves, both traditions are based on the Chronicle of Theophilos. On the other hand, when describing the time of the Arab conquests, the Syrian chroniclers were more interested in events in the caliphate (such as the first civil war in 656), about which Theophanes reports rather briefly.

Occasionally the evaluators of the chronicle seem to have made tendentious edits. The disempowerment of the brothers of Emperor Constantine IV and the alleged conspiracy against him that followed is presented in completely different ways by Theophanes and in the oriental sources based on Theophilos. While Theophanes got the impression that Constantine wanted to enforce his sole rule, the Syrian reports emphasize the common rule of the three brothers; only later did Constantine overthrow the brothers in order to secure the succession of his son, who later became emperor Justinian II . Due to the similarities of the representation in Theophanes with reports in the Syrian sources, it can be assumed that Theophanes edited the text of his original at least partially and made changes. This is not generally true, because Theophanes often took the material quite literally from its respective source. His processing of templates is still controversial in research today, but it is certain that he at least partially arranged the narrative material in a targeted manner and incorporated his own points of view and thus did not always reproduce his template faithfully. An example of his sometimes very subjective portrayal is the portrayal of the iconoclastic emperors of the Syrian dynasty , especially Leon III. and Constantine V , who were militarily successful, but are portrayed very negatively by Theophanes due to their religious policy. The Syrian authors and Agapios, on the other hand, seem to reproduce the original statements of the chronicle more precisely in general.

According to the current state of research, several descriptions by the historians mentioned above can be traced back to the chronicle of Theophilos as the original source with a high degree of probability. The following is a brief overview of the corresponding passages in Theophanes, Michael Syrus, the Chronicle of 1234 and Agapios. The assignment of matching passages is uncertain for the events before the 630s, as there are considerable uncertainties with regard to the origin and tradition of the material. In addition, Theophanes was able to rely on other sources for the early 7th century and partly for the period after about 678, while Dionysius also offered additional information.

In the Chronicle, Theophilos probably incorporated his personal point of view and made evaluations, but it is remarkable that there are no signs of Christian criticism of Islamic rule in the Orient. Theophilos described victories as well as defeats of the Byzantines, without deliberately glossing over anything, although the religious policy of the emperors is unlikely to have always met his approval. As a chronicler living in the caliphate, he was able to offer a presentation that largely took account of both sides. Above all, he described political history, weaving in several anecdotal episodes (see below). There were also reports of unusual events such as natural disasters (e.g. earthquakes) or a solar eclipse .

• 590: The Sāsānid king Chosrau II was ousted from the throne by the usurper Bahram Chobin before he regained power with Byzantine support in 591. The following years were marked by a compromise between Byzantium and Persia before Emperor Maurikios , the patron of Chosraus, was assassinated in 602.
• 602/603 to 628/30: The " last war of antiquity " (Howard-Johnston) between Byzantium and Persia. In 603 Chosrau II opened the fighting. Persian troops conquered Syria and Egypt by 619. In 622 the Byzantine counter-attack began under Emperor Herakleios , who was victorious in the battle of Nineveh at the end of 627 . Shortly afterwards, Chosrau was overthrown and murdered by his son Kavadh Siroe ; a peace treaty between Byzantium and Persia followed. Theophilos seems to have dealt with the first phase of the war rather briefly, but the period from 622 onwards in much more detail; Probably he was particularly impressed by the successful counterattack by Herakleios. In this context, Theophilos introduced three additions that specifically concerned Edessa (revolt of Narses , Persian reprisals and finally the restoration of Byzantine rule).
• Mohammed and the beginning of the Arab expansion from around 633/34: All in all, Theophilos reported quite correctly about Mohammed and his religious message, without recognizable anti-Islamic polemics. He then described the Arab conquests. Theophilos' account is divided into three parts: 1.) The loss of Syria and Palestine; 2.) The Arab conquest of Mesopotamia and Egypt; 3.) The visit of the Caliph Umar to Jerusalem and further advances by the Arabs. In this part of the chronicle the geographical horizon of the representation widened. Theophilos went into the conquest of Egypt in relatively detail and discussed the situation in Byzantine North Africa. He also described the Arab conquest of Damascus (in 635) and the end of the Sāsānid Empire (642 and 651, respectively).
• The conquest of Rhodes (654) and the battle of Phoinix (655): After the conquest of the island of Rhodes, the Arabs are said to have sold the metal of the overturned Colossus of Rhodes to a Jewish trader from Edessa. This was followed by the anecdotally embellished prehistory of the Battle of Phoinix: the story of the "sons of Bukinator" who slew an emir in the Phoenician Tripoli, freed Christian prisoners and set fire to Arab ships. Georg Ostrogorsky saw elements of a popular heroic epic in it. Then the battle was described in which the Byzantine fleet under Emperor Constans II suffered a crushing defeat, whereupon Byzantium forfeited naval control in the eastern Mediterranean for some time.
• Internal Arab conflicts in the caliphate: the assassination of the caliph Uthman ibn Affan (656) and the subsequent first civil war in the caliphate. Description of the subsequent assassination of Ali and the transition of rule to the house of the Umayyads in 661. In this part the interpretation of some of Theophilos' background deviated from the traditional Islamic representation.
• This was followed by the presentation of the subsequent events in Byzantium and the Caliphate in the late 7th and early 8th centuries. The focus was on the military conflicts between the two empires. Arab campaigns, including the expansion in North Africa and two unsuccessful sieges of Constantinople ( 674 to 678 and 717 to 718 ), were described in great detail. The Khazar Empire as a new power north of the Caucasus was also mentioned. Internal political developments in both empires were also reported, with Theophilos showing that he was better informed about the events in the caliphate. Interwoven were descriptions of celestial phenomena (including a solar eclipse 693), which probably reflect Theophilos' astronomical interest, and mentions of floods, earthquakes and epidemics. Other topics were the construction of the great mosque in Damascus and the confusion regarding the exact date of Easter.
• The final part was the renewed Arab civil war and the rise of the Abbasids (744 to approx. 754/55). The sighting of a comet and uprisings in several cities in the caliphate 745 and 745/46 as well as the beginning of the uprising of Abu Muslim in eastern Iran (747) were reported. A major earthquake struck Syria and Palestine in the same year that Abu l-Abbas as-Saffah was proclaimed caliph (749). The following year, the Umayyad caliph Marwan II was defeated in a battle on the Zab River and was killed while fleeing. He reports on the murder of numerous Umayyad supporters, unsuccessful uprisings against the Abbasids and Byzantine advances into Arab territory (750/51). Al-Mansur became the second Abbasid caliph (754) and had Abu Muslim eliminated (755).

swell

The sources Theophilos used can only be rudimentarily determined due to the difficult, fragmentary tradition of his chronicle, and this still requires further investigation. An aggravating factor is the general poverty of sources for the period between the middle of the 7th and the middle of the 8th century. Byzantine historiography , which extended into the early 7th century, was based on classical models and was also literarily demanding, initially broke off completely with the beginning of the Arab conquests and only began again in a different form in the late 8th or early 9th century. Historically relevant records have been made in the meantime, but these are not historical works in the sense of the classical tradition. This is indicated by the fact that Theophanes later resorted to Theophilos and not to Byzantine works for this period. The changed circumstances of the time - the struggle for existence of the Byzantine Empire and a shrinking of the educated public - did not offer suitable framework conditions for classical historiography. However, there is indirect evidence of the work of a certain Traianos Patrikios , which was created in the early 8th century and is now lost , and it was probably a chronicle that was also used by later Byzantine chroniclers.

It can therefore be assumed that Theophilos did rely on Greek material, at least according to lists of emperors and records of campaigns, perhaps also on reports about the Arabs from a Byzantine point of view. Theophilos seems to have largely adopted Byzantine military records, because even when describing defeats the courage of individual Byzantine military officers or officials is emphasized. Robert Hoyland even assumes that Theophilos may have had a hypothetical terse Greek chronicle that provided him with the basic framework, which he then expanded with additional material. Another educated Syrian may also be the author of such a chronicle, such as a John, son of Samuel, mentioned in the sources. A few unknown factors must therefore be expected here. Another source was presumably an unknown, concise Syrian chronicle that went back to the 720s. Its author was possibly Johannes von Litharb, a friend of Jacob von Edessa .

The Islamic history is for this period only in later large Compilations (z. B. Tabari ) tangible, its credibility is disputed. Robert Hoyland assumes, however, that a tradition of Muslim historiography already existed around the middle of the 8th century. These were collections of anecdotes on special topics (campaigns, battles, murders, etc.) as well as annual lists of important officials and significant events, not chronicles in the true sense. In any case, Theophilos processed such Muslim sources as well as oral reports in his chronicle. It is unclear whether some of the similarities between the users of the Chronicle and later Muslim accounts can be traced back to a common, unknown Muslim source or to the fact that the Chronicle of Theophilos was available to later historians in both realms. The latter assumption is supported by the fact that the educated Theophilos, as the caliph's confidante, certainly had excellent information at his disposal, which he then processed in his work. For the period from 743 onwards he seems to have reported from his own experience.

rating

An assessment of the Chronicle of Theophilos is associated with considerable difficulties because of the unfavorable tradition, especially since large parts of the work are lost and cannot be reconstructed. Nevertheless, certain characteristics can be determined. Political history was in the foreground; the chronicler paid little attention to church history. Theophilus seems to have been particularly interested in military and diplomatic events. The chronicle, which was not strictly annalistic, also offered a fairly broad description of internal political events in Byzantium, but even more so in the Caliphate. There were also some additions to the local history of Edessa and excursions, for example on natural phenomena, the construction of mosques and churches, and disasters. Theophilus apparently had a penchant for anecdotes on topics such as political intrigues in Edessa during the Persian occupation, the siege of Constantinople (626) or the prehistory of the Battle of Phoinix. The chronicle primarily presented a history of the Middle East for the period from approx. 590 to approx. 755 and was mainly concentrated on the Syrian-Mesopotamian area; only events in the eastern Mediterranean were taken into account. Taking into account the statements of later users, the work appears to have been all in all relatively reliable.

James Howard-Johnston has drawn attention to similarities with other representations with regard to the 7th century, whereby Theophilos offered additional information of partly rather local significance. Howard-Johnston pointed out to him that Theophilos was sometimes selective in describing the great Persian War that broke out in 603 and paid particular attention to his home region, but hardly dealt with the Armenian theater of war and only very briefly dealt with the conquest of Egypt by the Persians. On the other hand, the chronicle was not focused on Edessa, since relatively little can be found about the home town of the chronicler in the representations of the later users of his work; it is of course possible that these passages were not adopted because of their limited relevance. In the first part of the chronicle, the historian made factual errors; For example, the Persian general Farruchan received his nickname Shahrbaraz in reality only after the beginning of the fighting with Byzantium and the Persians conquered Chalcedon as early as 615, not after the conquest of Alexandria (619) as in Theophilos' chronology. There are also errors in the description of the subsequent Arab expansion (especially with regard to the first phase of the Arab conquests in Syria and Egypt), which may be due to the mixing of information from different sources. Otherwise, Theophilos also offers many similarities with other sources and some reliable additions.

For the subsequent period from the second half of the 7th century, there are hardly any factual errors in the representation. The chronicle became more reliable the further the description progressed and conveyed important information about the events in the Middle East, especially for this period. The events further north (Caucasus and the other steppe) or east ( Transoxania ) received little attention. The focus was on the great struggle between Byzantium and the Caliphate as well as domestic political events such as the civil wars within Arabia. Theophilus apparently wanted to provide a representation of the dramatic changes in the early 7th century to his time, as there was no such. Due to his Hellenophile attitude, it is not unlikely that in some respects he saw himself in the footsteps of the late antique historians. However, he was confronted with an unfavorable source situation in some areas, and only relatively few sources were available for the more distant past. Some of his discrepancies are probably due to this.

Despite certain shortcomings, the Chronicle of Theophilos is of great importance for the knowledge of the history of the Near East in the 7th century and in the first half of the 8th century. It has served several authors directly or indirectly as an important source. Hoyland emphasizes that one should not underestimate the exchange of historical information between the Christian and the Islamic side as early as the 8th century. This applies above all to Christian historians who lived under Islamic rule and were in direct contact with Muslims, as the example of Theophilos shows. The quite considerable historiographical tradition of Syrian-speaking Christians may have influenced the Islamic historians.

Translations

• Robert G. Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam ( Translated Texts for Historians 57). Liverpool University Press, Liverpool 2011. [English translation of passages in Theophanes, Agapios, Michael Syrus and the Chronicle of 1234, which are said to be based on the Chronicle of Theophilos.]

literature

• Anton Baumstark junior : History of Syrian literature excluding Christian-Palestinian texts . Bonn 1922, p. 341f.
• Wolfram Brandes : Early Islam in Byzantine Historiography. Notes on the source problem of the Chronographia des Theophanes. In: Andreas Goltz, Hartmut Leppin , Heinrich Schlange-Schöningen (eds.): Beyond the borders. Contributions to late antique and early medieval historiography (= Millennium Studies. Vol. 25). de Gruyter, Berlin et al. 2009, ISBN 978-3-11-020646-3 , pp. 313–343.
• James Howard-Johnston : Witnesses to a World Crisis. Historians and Histories of the Middle East in the Seventh Century . Oxford University Press, Oxford 2010, pp. 192ff.
• Robert G. Hoyland: Seeing Islam as Others Saw It. A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam . Darwin Press, Princeton 1997, pp. 400-409 and pp. 631-671.
• David Pingree : Theophilos of Edessa . In: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium . Vol. 3. Oxford / New York 1991, pp. 2066f.
• David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8 (2001), pp. 3-37.
• Herman GB Teule: Theophilus of Edessa . In: David Thomas, Barbara Roggema (eds.): Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History. Volume 1 (600-900) . Brill, Leiden 2009, pp. 305-308 (literature).
• Theophilus, no.8183 . In: Prosopography of the Middle Byzantine Period : First Division (641–867) . After preliminary work by Ralph-Johannes Lilie , Claudia Ludwig, Thomas Pratsch, Ilse Rochow, Beate Zielke. Vol. 4, Berlin 2001, p. 640.

Web links

• Literature by and about Theophilos von Edessa in the catalog of the German National Library

Remarks

1. ↑ Probably July 15, 785, see Herman GB Teule: Theophilus of Edessa . In: David Thomas, Barbara Roggema (eds.): Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History. Volume 1 (600-900) . Leiden 2009, p. 305.
2. ↑ See the general literature listed for further information. Brief overview of the Vita with literature in: Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam . Liverpool 2011, pp. 6f .; Prosopography of the Middle Byzantine period . 1st department . Volume 4, 2001, p. 640.
3. ↑ Historical overview for the development in the Middle East from the 7th century on, among others at: Judith Herrin: The Formation of Christendom . Princeton 1987, pp. 183-219; Ralph-Johannes Lilie : Byzantium. The second Rome. Berlin 2003, pp. 75-94; Chris Wickham : The Inheritance of Rome: A History of Europe from 400 to 1000 . London 2009, pp. 279-297. See also, in general, James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010.
4. ↑ For the political milieu at this time, see Chase Robinson: Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest. The Transformation of Northern Mesopotamia . Cambridge 2000. See also Milka Levy-Rubin: Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire: From Surrender to Coexistence . Cambridge 2011.
5. ^ English translation of the letter by Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 6.
6. ↑ See generally, for example, Gotthard Strohmaier: Hellas im Islam . Wiesbaden 2003, pp. 85ff.
7. ↑ Gotthard Strohmaier: Hellas in Islam . Wiesbaden 2003, p. 94f.
8. ^ German translation after Gotthelf Bergsträsser (Ed.): Hunain b. Ishaq. Via the Syrian and Arabic Galen translations . Leipzig 1925, p. 32 (there also the original Arabic text).
9. ↑ See Paul Bedjan (Ed.): Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum . Paris 1890, p. 126f.
10. ↑ See Jörg Kraemer: Arabische Homerverse . In: Journal of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft 106, 1956, pp. 259-316, here specifically pp. 261f.
11. ↑ The fragments are edited in the Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum , Brussels 1898ff. ( Vol. 1 (Codices Florentini); PDF, 8.2 MB , pp. 129-131; Vol. 4 (Codices Italici); PDF, 7.9 MB , pp. 93f. And p. 122f .; Vol. 5.1 (Codices Romani); PDF, 11.5 MB , p. 212ff .; Vol. 8.1 (Codices Parisini); PDF, 13.7 MB , p. 266–270; Vol. 11.1 (Codices Britannici), p. 204ff. ).
12. ↑ See David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here p. 14; Viktor Stegemann : Dorotheos of Sidon . In: Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 91, 1942, pp. 326–349, here pp. 338f.
13. ^ David Pingree: The Sabians of Harran and the Classical Tradition . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 9, 2002, pp. 8–35.
14. ↑ See generally the overview of works in David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here p. 14.
15. ↑ See Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 6f .; David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here pp. 14f.
16. ↑ Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum 5.1. Brussels 1904, p. 233f.
17. ^ David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3-37. On Pankratios cf. Wolfram Brandes' remark: Early Islam in Byzantine Historiography . In: Andreas Goltz, Hartmut Leppin, Heinrich Schlange-Schöningen (eds.): Beyond the borders . Berlin / New York 2009, pp. 313–343, here p. 328. General information on astrology in Byzantium, also with reference to Theophilos, see Paul Magdalino, Maria Mavroudi (ed.): The Occult Sciences in Byzantium . Geneva 2006.
18. ↑ See David Pingree: Classical and Byzantine Astrology in Sassanian Persia . In: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43, 1989, pp. 227-239, here p. 236ff.
19. ↑ In detail: David Pingree: The Indian and Pseudo-Indian Passages in Greek and Latin Astronomical and Astrological Texts . In: Viator 7, 1976, pp. 141-195, here specifically pp. 148f.
20. ↑ Cf. David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here p. 17.
21. ↑ See for example Dimitri Gutas: Greek thought, Arabic culture . London / New York 1998, pp. 16 and 180f .; David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here p. 20.
22. ↑ Cf. David Pingree: From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8, 2001, pp. 3–37, here p. 12.
23. ↑ Cf. generally Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 7ff.
24. ↑ Michael Syrus 10.XX, 378/358. Text in English translation in: Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 5.
25. ↑ See Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 12f.
26. ↑ Edition: Jean Baptiste Chabot (ed.): Chronique de Michel le Syrien . 4 volumes. Paris 1899-1910.
27. ↑ Edition: Jean Baptiste Chabot (Ed.): Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens . Paris 1916-1920.
28. ↑ Alexander Vasiliev (ed.): Kitab al-'unvan = Histoire universelle . In: Patrologia Orientalis . Vol. 5. Paris 1910; Vol. 7. Paris 1911; Vol. 8, Paris 1912; Vol. 11. Paris 1915 (with French translation).
29. ↑ Paul Bedjan (Ed.): Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum . Paris 1890, p. 126f .; English translation by Ernest A. Wallis Budge (Ed.): Bar Hebraeus' Chronography . London 1932, p. 116f.
30. ↑ Lawrence Conrad: The Conquest of Arwād: A Source-critical study in the historiography of the early medieval Near East . In: Averil Cameron , Lawrence Conrad (Eds.): The Byzantine and early Islamic Near East: Papers of the First Workshop on Late Antiquity and Early Islam . Princeton 1992, pp. 317-401.
31. ↑ Alden A. Mosshammer (Ed.): Georgii Syncelli Ecloga chronographica . Leipzig 1984 [basic edition]. An exquisitely commented translation is provided by William Adler and Paul Tuffin: The Chronography of George Synkellos. A Byzantine Chronicle of Universal History from the Creation . Oxford 2002.
32. ↑ Fundamental to Theophanes is now the extensively introduced and commented translation by Cyril Mango and Roger Scott: The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284-813 . Oxford 1997. Critical Edition: Carl de Boor (Ed.): Theophanes: Chronographia . 2 volumes, Leipzig 1883–1885.
33. ^ Ernest Walter Brooks: The Sources of Theophanes and the Syriac Chronicles . In: Byzantinische Zeitschrift 15, 1906, pp. 578-587. See also Cyril Mango, Roger Scott (Eds.): The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284-813 . Oxford 1997, pp. LXXXII ff.
34. ↑ Identified by a different font in the basic English Theophanes translation by Mango and Scott.
35. ↑ See also Wolfram Brandes: Early Islam in Byzantine Historiography . In: Andreas Goltz, Hartmut Leppin, Heinrich Schlange-Schöningen (eds.): Beyond the borders . Berlin / New York 2009, pp. 313–343, especially p. 319ff.
36. ^ In addition to various works by Lawrence Conrad, see with further literature: Wolfram Brandes: The early Islam in the Byzantine Historiography . In: Andreas Goltz, Hartmut Leppin, Heinrich Schlange-Schöningen (eds.): Beyond the borders . Berlin / New York 2009, pp. 313–343, here p. 327 and p. 329; James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 194ff .; Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 4f .; Maria Vaiou: Theophanes . In: David Thomas, Barbara Roggema (eds.): Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History , Volume 1 (600–900), Leiden 2009, p. 428. Mango had already accepted this as a working hypothesis: Cyril Mango, Roger Scott (ed.): The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284-813 . Oxford 1997, p. LXXXIV.
37. ↑ See the introduction in Cyril Mango, Roger Scott (Ed.): The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284-813 . Oxford 1997, pp. XCI ff.
38. ↑ See also James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 229f.
39. ^ Maria Conterno: La "descrizione dei tempi" all'alba dell'espansione islamica. Un'indagine sulla storiografia greca, siriaca e araba fra VII e VIII secolo. Berlin 2014.
40. ^ Anton Baumstark: History of Syrian Literature with the exclusion of Christian-Palestinian texts . Bonn 1922, p. 341.
41. ^ Warren Treadgold: The Darkness of the Seventh-Century Near East . In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 18, 2011, pp. 579–592, here p. 584.
42. ↑ Basically, see Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 20f.
43. ↑ James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, p. 198.
44. ↑ On Johannes see Warren Treadgold: The early Byzantine Historians . Basingstoke 2007, pp. 308-310.
45. ↑ See Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 20 and p. 23.
46. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 19.
47. ↑ James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 206f.
48. ↑ See basically prosopography of the Middle Byzantine period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, p. 226ff.
49. ↑ See the translated accounts in Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 139f. (Phoinix) and p. 144ff. (Civil War in the Caliphate). See also prosopography of the Middle Byzantine period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, p. 227f.
50. ^ Prosopography of the Middle Byzantine Period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, p. 227.
51. ↑ See also the translated representation in Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 162ff.
52. ↑ See Prosopography of the Middle Byzantine Period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, p. 230ff.
53. ↑ See the introduction to Theophanes with his sources in Cyril Mango, Roger Scott (Ed.): The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284-813 . Oxford 1997, pp. XCI ff.
54. ↑ For the general problem of the interdependencies between the sources see briefly Prosopography of the Middle Byzantine Period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, pp. 231-233.
55. ↑ The reconstruction by Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle serves as a guide . Liverpool 2011, pp. 45ff., Which offers an English translation of the passages and gives the original documents.
56. ↑ See briefly prosopography of the Middle Byzantine period (PmbZ). First division Prolegomena . Berlin 1998, p. 233 and the respective information in the notes of Hoyland's translation.
57. ↑ Hoyland therefore proceeded very carefully in his reconstruction. For his working principles, see Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 36f. Only passages that can be found in two of the three source strands (Syrian sources, Agapios or Theophanes) are clearly marked as parts of the chronicle. For example, Hoyland deleted passages that were found in Theophanes and Nikephoros, who did not use Theophilos, or only reproduced them in summary form. Entries that can only be found in the Syrian sources, but not in Theophanes or Agapios, have also been deleted.
58. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 45-52.
59. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 52-79.
60. ↑ See James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 200f.
61. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 86ff.
62. ↑ See James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 208-210.
63. ↑ This is confirmed by a current investigation of the sources for this event by Jens Scheiner: The Conquest of Damascus. Source-critical examination of the historiography in the classical Islamic period . Leiden / Boston 2010, p. 429ff.
64. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 139f. See in detail Lawrence Conrad: The Arabs and the Colossus . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , 3rd series, Volume 6, 1996, pp. 165-187.
65. ^ Georg Ostrogorsky: History of the Byzantine State . Munich 1963, p. 97, note 1.
66. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 141-144.
67. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 144-149.
68. ↑ James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 221-223.
69. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 150ff.
70. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 245ff. Reports up to 767 are attached to Hoyland.
71. ↑ On the source question see Robert Hoyland (Ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, pp. 23-29, pointing out the lack of research in this area.
72. ↑ On this problematic question see James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, especially p. 306ff.
73. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 24f.
74. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 26.
75. ↑ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle provides an overview of the corresponding passages in Theophilos and the so-called Chronicle of 819 . Liverpool 2011, pp. 316-318.
76. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 30f.
77. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 28f.
78. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 29.
79. ↑ See Lawrence Conrad: The Arabs and the Colossus . In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , 3rd series Volume 6, 1996, pp. 165-187; James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 203f.
80. ↑ Listed in tabular form by James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 233-235.
81. ↑ See generally James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, pp. 199ff.
82. ↑ James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, p. 205.
83. ↑ James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, p. 232.
84. ↑ See James Howard-Johnston: Witnesses to a World Crisis . Oxford 2010, p. 233.
85. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 22f.
86. ^ Robert Hoyland (ed.): Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle . Liverpool 2011, p. 29ff.

This article was added to the list of excellent articles on November 22, 2011 in this version .