Belfast Riots 1920–1922

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In riots in Belfast from 1920 to 1922 nearly 500 people died. The majority of the victims were shot by snipers . The clashes took place against the background of the Irish War of Independence , in which the IRA fought for an Irish republic independent of Great Britain . Belfast was mostly inhabited by Protestant unionists who advocated the continuation of the union with Great Britain . In 1921 Ireland was divided; Belfast became the capital of Northern Ireland . The unrest in Belfast and other parts of the country had profound consequences for the relationship between the Unionist government and the Catholic nationalist minority of Northern Ireland.

prehistory

In 1912 the British House of Commons passed the Third Home Rule Bill , which provided for Irish self-government. In Ireland's northernmost province, Ulster , Protestant unionists formed a slim majority. They vehemently opposed self-government in Ireland. In 1912, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was formed, a unionist militia with over 100,000 members. Proponents of self-government rallied in the Irish Volunteers . With the beginning of the First World War , the plans for self-government were temporarily suspended. Many members of the UVF and Irish Volunteers fought in the British Army during World War II . The Easter Rising of 1916 and the subsequent election successes of Sinn Féins shocked Protestant Unionists. The Irish War of Independence from 1919 was seen by many Ulster unionists as an ethnic cleansing of the Protestant minority in the south and west of the island .

Belfast had just under 387,000 inhabitants at the 1911 census, of which a good 24 percent were Catholics. In the 19th century there were several violent clashes between Protestants and Catholics in the city. Belfast was a center of the textile and shipbuilding industries . Both sectors were well utilized in the First World War; in particular the shipyards with their previously almost exclusively Protestant workforce hired more Catholics. After the end of the war there was an economic crisis; in January 1922, 27 percent of the insured workers in Belfast were unemployed.

course

Outbreak of the riots

Catholic residential area in Belfast (1911)

Leading Unionist politician Edward Carson declared on July 12, 1920 at a memorial service by the Orange Order of the Battle of the Boyne that there was no tolerance for Sinn Féin in Ulster . If there is no protection against the machinations of Sinn Fein, you will take matters into your own hands. A few days later, the IRA murdered a high-ranking police officer in Cork . At the police officer's funeral in his hometown of Banbridge , there were violent attacks on the town's Catholics.

On July 21, the Belfast Protestant Association (BPA) called a meeting in front of the Workman, Clark shipyard , which was attended by 5,000 people. Participants in the meeting forced entry to the Harland & Wolff shipyard and expelled Catholics and Protestant trade unionists who worked there. Catholics were brutally beaten and some of them jumped into port basins while trying to escape. In other companies in the mechanical engineering and textile industry in Belfast there were also evictions, some of which were initiated by work colleagues and some by marauding gangs. The BPA organized vigilante groups to prevent workers from returning to their jobs. In some cases, Protestants were also expelled from professions dominated by Catholics, such as brewery or dock workers.

On July 21st, riots broke out in east Belfast around the Catholic residential area Short Strand . Trams coming from the shipyards were attacked, and Protestant mobs attacked the Catholic Church in Short Strand. Within 48 hours, around 60 fuel groceries were looted or set on fire; a popular combination of pub and grocery store at the time, often owned by Catholics. Shootings broke out as darkness fell and spread to other parts of Belfast, particularly the border between the Catholic Falls Road and the Protestant Shankill Road . The British Army tried to end the riots by using firearms.

As a result of the unrest, Catholics in particular fled their homes, especially where they were in the minority, or on the outskirts of exclusively Protestant neighborhoods. Often the refugees were intimidated verbally, in writing or by violence such as breaking windows. Smaller Catholic areas such as Short Strand or Marrowbone, where entire streets were burned down, were particularly hard hit. In some cases there was also an amicable exchange of houses between Protestants and Catholics. The preferred escape destinations were relatively safe areas like Falls Road, where the refugees stayed with relatives, in halls or in schools. Temporary escape destinations were also Scotland and the south of Ireland.

The Belfast tram was a frequent target of attacks, since the destination could safely be inferred about the denomination of the passengers and the perpetrators did not have to go to any "hostile" area. In some cases, passengers were asked about their religion before they were beaten up. The railcars were protected by wire netting, which could keep bottles and stones, but not bombs and hand grenades . According to eyewitness accounts, the trains drove through streets where snipers were often active at high speed, with the drivers crouching behind the control desk and the passengers throwing themselves on the ground. At least 25 passengers died in attacks.

Further serious unrest broke out in Belfast on August 25th. The trigger was an IRA attack in Lisburn in which the police officer Oswald Swanzy was shot. Swanzy was suspected by Republicans of being involved in the assassination of the mayor of Cork, Tomás MacCurtain . In October 1920 the situation calmed down, although individual incidents continued over the next six months.

According to historian Alan F. Parkinson, the riots did not break out as part of a planned campaign, even though radical Unionists (also known as loyalists) have been preparing since the beginning of the Irish War of Independence.

Belfast boycott and election of the Northern Irish Parliament

At the beginning of August 1920 a boycott committee was formed in Belfast , which included the Catholic Bishop Joseph MacRory , the IRA leader Frank Aiken and the Dáil MP Seán MacEntee (Sinn Féin). A boycott of Belfast companies was intended to reinstate those displaced from their jobs. The Dáil initially rejected a boycott; however, the boycott found the support of the provisional southern Irish government a few days later. Initially, participation in the boycott was restrained, before Joseph MacDonagh took over the direction of the boycott in early 1921 . In the summer of 1921 there were around 400 boycott committees across Ireland; IRA units tried to enforce the boycott by force. Historians rate the boycott as successful in only a few areas or almost completely counterproductive. Trade between Belfast and other parts of the country declined; the city's economic relations with Great Britain intensified. At the same time, the boycott intensified the differences between Republicans and Unionists.

Crowd in front of decorated department stores during King George V's visit to Belfast on June 22, 1921

In December 1920, the British Parliament passed the Government of Ireland Act , which provided for the creation of two parliaments for the autonomous self-government of Ireland: the Northern Irish Parliament , based in Belfast, was to be responsible for the six north-eastern counties of Ulsters, the Southern Irish parliament for the other 26 counties of Ireland . The first elections to the Northern Irish Parliament on May 24, 1921 ended with an election victory for the Unionists, who won 40 seats. Sinn Féin and the moderate United Irish League around Joseph Devlin each had six seats . In the election campaign there were only relatively few incidents with a strong presence of the security forces. In the first session of Parliament, James Craig was elected Prime Minister of Northern Ireland; he had replaced Edward Carson as Unionist leader in February. At the solemn opening of parliament on June 22nd, King George V called for peace, reconciliation and forgiveness. The King's visit to Belfast caused great jubilation among unionists; he was largely ignored by nationalists. The nationalist MPs stayed away from the opening of parliament.

End of the war of independence

On July 9, 1921, the British Army and the IRA signed an armistice in the War of Independence, which came into effect two days later. Under the terms of the ceasefire, the transfer of powers from the UK to the Northern Irish government was suspended and the recruitment of police officers stopped - both of which were conditions that put the Unionists at a disadvantage. The ceasefire and de-escalation in other parts of the island increased the violence in Belfast: On July 9, IRA members carried out an attack on a police patrol not far from Falls Road, in which one police officer was killed, two injured and an armored vehicle destroyed . The following day became known as Belfast's Bloody Sunday : 16 people died, including 11 Catholics; 161 houses were destroyed. In the area between Falls Road and Shankill Road, there was ongoing shootings and street battles between rival crowds. The fourth quarter of 1921 was comparatively calm. However, at least 24 people died within three days in late November, mostly from snipers active in north and east Belfast.

On December 6th, the Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed in London . He ended the War of Independence; the Irish Free State was established in the south of the island . The future of Ulster and the partition of Ireland were not a dominant issue in the negotiations in London. The treaty split the Irish Republicans into opponents and supporters. In Belfast, a clear majority of Catholics supported the treaty, with pragmatic reasons such as the safety of the Catholic nationalist minority being decisive. The agreement found growing acceptance among unionists who had followed the negotiations in London with suspicion.

The height of the riots

The first half of 1922 was the height of the unrest in Belfast. Attempts to end the violence and the political instability that accompanied it through two agreements between the southern and northern Irish governments - represented by Michael Collins and James Craig - failed. The agreements brokered by Winston Churchill included the reinstatement of displaced workers, an end to the Belfast boycott, better control of the police in Northern Ireland and greater participation of Catholics in the police force.

One of the most brutal attacks during this period of unrest was an attack on Catholic Weaver Street on February 13 in which loyalists dropped a bomb on a group of children playing. Six children died and 20 were injured. Churchill called the attack in a telegram to Collins the worst event in Ireland in the past three years. Over 30 people died in Belfast between February 12 and 16, mostly in shootings. Previously, the IRA had in the border area of Tyrone and Fermanagh kidnapped 42 unionists. On May 19, a nine-person IRA squad selected the employees of a cooperage according to their denomination, shot three Protestants and injured a fourth. On May 24, a Catholic from Short Strand was beaten up by a group of loyalists on a bridge over the Lagan and thrown semi-conscious into the river, where he drowned. Unknown perpetrators assaulted the Catholic housekeeper of a Protestant doctor on June 1 and set fire to her clothes that they had previously doused with gasoline. The woman survived seriously injured.

The IRA carried out a series of arson attacks , particularly in May and June 1922 , which were primarily directed against shops and office buildings. 31 attacks within 15 days resulted in property damage of £ 500,000. From the IRA's point of view, the arson attacks were attacks on the “godfathers” of loyalist terror, without the risk of retaliation against the Catholic minority. On May 22nd, the IRA shot and killed the unionist MP in the Northern Irish Parliament, William Twaddell, in downtown Belfast . On June 22nd, Field Marshal Henry Hughes Wilson was murdered by two IRA members in London. Wilson had been elected to the British House of Commons as a Unionist in a Northern Irish constituency in February 1922; he was also a security advisor to the Northern Irish government.

End of the riots

After the murder of the deputy Twaddell the Northern Ireland Government on 22 and 23 May was across Northern Ireland around 200 people arrested and interned them without trial. The internments that had been planned for a long time initially concerned almost exclusively Catholic nationalists. The internees were initially housed in prisons and on military grounds and later on the prison ship HMS Argenta . A total of 728 people were interned between May 1922 and the end of 1924. The legal basis for internment was the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922 , a special piece of legislation that came into force on April 7, 1922, also allowing expulsions from Northern Ireland and flogging for unauthorized possession of weapons.

On June 28 the civil war began in the Irish Free State , in which supporters and opponents of the Anglo-Irish Treaty fought. The civil war intensified the isolation of the Catholic minority in the north and, in the summer of 1922, together with the increasing success of the security forces as a result of special legislation, led to a sharp decline in violence. In the following months there were individual incidents; The last victim of the riots was a Catholic from Short Strand, who was shot while entering a butcher's shop on October 6, 1922.

Balance sheet

Dead in the riots between 1920 and 1922.
  • 50–100 deaths per km²
  • 100–150 deaths per km²
  • over 150 deaths per km²

    • According to data from 2004, 498 people died during the unrest; older publications assume 416 to 455 deaths. The exact number of deaths remains uncertain, as people may have been secretly buried and in some cases it is unclear whether the dead were victims of the riots or of crime. 83 percent of the dead were men and 6 percent were children under 15 years of age. 56 percent of the victims were Catholics, 39 percent Protestants. Religion is unknown for 5 percent. Around 285 people died in the first half of 1922; In the Northern Ireland conflict in Belfast in 1972 - the year with the highest number of deaths - 298 people fell victim to the conflict. 35 police officers were killed during the riot; 28 of them died in IRA attacks.

    Over 2000 people were injured in the riots; around 10,000 have been driven from their jobs. About 23,000 Catholics, about a quarter of all Belfast Catholics, fled their homes as a result of the unrest.

    Investigations with a geographic information system showed that a particularly large number of people died in two very small parts of the urban area. These were an area immediately northwest of the city center and the area around the Catholic enclave Short Strand in the almost exclusively Protestant east of the city. The largest Catholic residential area along Falls Road was less affected. At that time there were several large industrial companies between Falls Road and the Protestant districts of Shankill Road, which were conflict-neutral areas. As a result of the unrest, segregation increased in Belfast: in only 3 out of 15 local electoral districts between 1911 and 1926 the number of Protestants and Catholics increased equally.

    actors

    Security guards

    When the riots broke out, the British government was responsible for keeping Belfast safe and sound. At the end of November 1921 responsibility was transferred to the Northern Irish government under James Craig. The Craig administration saw the Republican threats, internal and external, to Northern Ireland as the core of the security problem and loyalist violence as largely reactive. The latter would end when the threat was removed.

    The police in charge of Belfast were the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC); she was replaced on June 1, 1922 by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). In addition to the police, units of the British Army have been used since the outbreak of the unrest; in May 1922 there were eight battalions . The RIC's reputation among the Falls Road Catholics is described as comparatively good prior to 1920; after that, distrust rose sharply. The British Army was less feared among Catholics than the police. A night curfew was introduced on August 31, 1920. It remained in force until 1924 after several changes in the scope and duration.

    The historian Alan F. Parkinson sees an obvious failure of the authorities in Belfast, which were not able to stop or contain the unrest. In particular, there was no consistent action against loyalists; the authorities acted pragmatically instead of balanced. The lack of security guards and unclear responsibilities exacerbated the situation, according to Parkinson.

    Ulster Special Constabulary

    On November 1, 1920, the British government announced the establishment of an auxiliary police force for Ulster, the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC). Unionist politicians like James Craig had previously called for auxiliary police officers to be recruited from the ranks of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). For the British government, pragmatic considerations such as funding and the lack of police and army units were paramount.

    The USC consisted of three departments, all of which were armed: full-time A-Specials , part-time B-Specials, and a reserve in case of an emergency, the C-Specials . B-Specials should be used in the vicinity of their place of residence at foot patrols, road blocks or for guarding buildings, whereby they should be under the command of a RIC officer in armed patrols. In Belfast alone, 4,000 B-Specials should be recruited. Initially, the number of recruits in Belfast remained well below expectations, although UVF officers asked their teams to join.

    In Belfast, A-Specials were used from December 1920 and B-Specials from February 1921 . After the armistice in the Irish War of Independence, the USC was temporarily demobilized. In the first half of 1922 the USC was increasingly in use. In April 1922 responsibility for the USC passed from the British to the Northern Irish government. 11 USC police officers were killed in the riot in Belfast.

    Catholic nationalists often compared the USC to the Black and Tans , who were responsible for brutal attacks during the Irish War of Independence. From a Catholic nationalist perspective, the USC was an attempt to build a powerful force to suppress the minority in Northern Ireland. Unionists portrayed the UVF's integration into the USC as an attempt to involve “passionate” sections of the Protestant workforce and thus prevent an impending civil war . British politicians and the military sometimes questioned the sense and use of the USC.

    Historian Jonathan Bardon describes the USC as an officially approved Protestant militia by the British government, pointing out that there have been no determined attempts to get Catholics to apply. According to Alan F. Parkinson, a significant minority of auxiliary police officers participated in the mistreatment of Catholics. USC missions would have resulted in deaths disproportionately. Parkinson draws a mixed balance: Although the USC had hardly disputed successes in the fight against violence, the methods used were often dubious. The USC's bad reputation was the result of a mixture of truth and rumors.

    Murder allegations against police officers

    Murders attributed to the RIC
    Republican mural in West Belfast (2008)

    In several of the murders of Catholics committed during the riots, the perpetrators wore police uniforms, according to witness statements. Some of the murdered were IRA members; attacks on police officers had frequently been carried out shortly beforehand. The most famous incidents include the murders on Arnon Street on May 22, 1922, in which uniformed men shot or killed five Catholics. A policeman had previously been shot in the neighborhood; the perpetrators were believed to have been summoned by a ringleader at a nearby police station. On March 24, 1922, Owen McMahon was shot dead in his home with four of his sons and one of his employees. McMahon was a successful and well-known Catholic businessman who owned several pubs. The day before, two B-Specials had been shot in the city center. Referring to Northern Ireland's emergency legislation, Joseph Devlin stated in a House of Commons debate on the McMahon murders: “If Catholics don't have revolvers to protect themselves, they will be murdered. If they have revolvers, they will be whipped or sentenced to death. "

    The Ministry of Defense of Southern Ireland named twelve police officers in February 1924 who are said to have been involved in the murders. One of them, later Northern Ireland MP John W. Nixon , was dismissed from the RUC in the same month for open political activity. The Northern Irish Government had been aware of concerns about Nixon since August 1922; a dismissal was omitted because of Nixon's support, especially in the Orange Order and the USC. Nixon's personnel file contains no clear evidence of involvement in the murders.

    The historian Alan F. Parkinson believes it is likely that police officers or loyalists who were tolerated by some police officers were responsible for the murders. This would be supported by the freedoms with which the perpetrators could act during the curfew and their access to motor vehicles, especially trucks, which were rare at the time. However, given the small number of cases, it was not very convincing that the murders were approved by higher authorities.

    IRA

    In contrast to the south and west of Ireland, Sinn Féin and the IRA in Belfast were in a clear minority position vis-à-vis the moderate nationalists who were organized in the United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH). The AOH is often described as the Catholic counterpart to the Protestant Orange Order . The number of IRA members in Belfast is estimated at 400 to under 1000, who were initially poorly trained and equipped. Before the riot broke out, the IRA was barely active in the city.

    At the beginning of the unrest, leading IRA members remained aloof and - out of their self-image as the most important revolutionary force in Ireland - refused to participate. For them, the unrest represented “the usual fratricidal quarrel” or “stone-throwing competitions”. New members were viewed with skepticism because they only wanted to fight against loyalists and they lacked understanding of the goals and ideals of the IRA. Until May 1921, IRA attacks remained sporadic and improvised; mostly firearms were used against security forces or Protestants.

    After a reorganization in May 1921, the IRA became more active. According to contemporary witnesses, the IRA was supported by residents of the areas around Falls Road in the summer of 1921. Gas lamps were extinguished at night; noise from trash can lids or gramophone funnels warned of approaching security forces; Doors were left ajar to allow escape. After the armistice in the Revolutionary War, Eoin O'Duffy was used as the IRA liaison officer to the British Army in Belfast. O'Duffy took up residence in St Mary's Hall , a parish hall in the center of town. The building was also used by Sinn Féin and was used to collect information on opponents of the Republicans. Use of the hall ended in March 1922 after a police search found few weapons, IRA membership lists and USC documents.

    The first half of 1922 was the height of IRA activity in Belfast with numerous shootings, arson, bombing and murder. The IRA unit responsible for the city had the second best equipment of an IRA division at the time. According to estimates by a leading member, the IRA was actively supported by less than ten percent of Belfast Catholics. At times, the Belfast Guardians, a secret group paid for by the southern Irish government, whose 72 members were supposed to protect the city's Catholic quarters.

    The beginning of the Irish Civil War and the increasing success of the security forces led to a rapid end to the IRA campaign in Belfast in the summer of 1922. The majority of Republicans in the city approved the treaty; many, disaffected, left the city and joined the Irish Army . The personal and local knowledge of the B-Specials facilitated the fight against the IRA; In addition, the harsh penalties of the emergency legislation caused popular support to wane: In the summer of 1922, the IRA intercepted letters to the police that contained numerous references to the activities of the IRA.

    Historians describe the role of the IRA in the unrest as not only reactive and defensive: Robert Lynch sees IRA attacks as motivated by group hatred and refers to attacks on trams that were manned by Protestant shipyard workers. Alan F. Parkinson describes the IRA's retaliatory killings as part of a dirty war in which loyalists involved far more murders. Parkinson's estimates that the IRA was responsible for about 30 percent of the deaths in the riot, while Lynch estimates that less than 20 percent. Lynch sees the image of a heroic defense of Catholic quarters by the IRA as contradicting the low number of eight to twelve IRA members killed in the riot, in his view. According to Lynch, other organizations may have been active on the Catholic side, in particular the AOH, which, from the point of view of moderate nationalists, was the “natural candidate” for the role of defender of Catholic areas.

    Loyalists

    On the loyalist side, spontaneous hate crimes dominated , which were made easier by the more widespread possession of weapons. The majority of the perpetrators were unorganized, although there was coordination in attacks and in the selection of targets. There were some splinter groups with partially overlapping membership, for example the Imperial Guards or the Cromwell Clubs . The groups had links to the UVF, which as a whole was more interested in formal recognition and transfer to the USC.

    The best-known group of violent loyalists was the Ulster Protestant Association (UPA), which emerged from the organizers of the eviction of Catholics from their jobs, the Belfast Protestant Association , by the autumn of 1920 at the latest . There were four UPA groups in Belfast. The group in the east of the city had 150 members with around 50 activists and was financed by donations, some of which were extorted. The UPA monitored nationalists and was involved in a significant number of attacks. On the initiative of a British general, the Northern Irish government tried to include some of the UPA members in the USC. Corresponding contacts remained inconclusive. In the final stages of the unrest, UPA members were arrested or interned.

    According to historian Alan F. Parkinson, security forces were belatedly and half-heartedly against groups like the UPA, although there was no evidence of active cooperation by senior police officers or approval of such groups by the police. Parkinson sees the loyalist attacks as an expression of opposition to a united Ireland and to IRA attacks outside Belfast. This would have made the city's Catholics a scapegoat . The Catholic Bishop MacRory had made a similar statement in early 1922: He spoke of a doctrine of vicarious punishment whereby Catholics in Belfast would suffer for the sins of their brothers elsewhere.

    Follow and ratings

    The riots in the early 1920s were followed by a period of "remarkable calm": apart from brief riots in 1935, there were no major clashes between Protestants and Catholics in Belfast until the beginning of the Northern Ireland conflict in 1969 . The riots shaped the attitudes of the Northern Irish state and its Catholic minority alike, says Alan F. Parkinson: For unionists, the role of the IRA during the riots justified a tough stance on the part of the state towards the minority, which restricted basic human freedoms. For the Catholic minority, the lack of protection against loyalist mobs and snipers confirmed existing distrust and led to a refusal to cooperate with the Northern Irish state. Patrick Shea, one of the few high-ranking Catholic government officials in Northern Ireland, describes Belfast's Catholics as discouraged and intimidated. In the mid-1920s, her fear of Protestants was that of people who had been subjected to violence and deprived of all means of retaliation. At the same time, they ignored the Protestants' allegations about the role of the IRA in the riot, Shea said.

    Catholic nationalists often call the riots a pogrom - a term that historians reject as imperfect and unhelpful because there was no central control by a government, the suffering was not completely unilaterally distributed, and there was no indiscriminate killing of women and men Given to children. For Jonathan Bardon, the clashes are a vicious, group-hatred war in a time of political turmoil. For Alan F. Parkinson, no term adequately describes the multifaceted nature of the conflict. Parkinson emphasizes the "unholy" character of the clashes, in which both sides saw themselves isolated and besieged.

    The Irish writer Michael McLaverty (1904–1992) described in 1939 Call My Brother Back the unrest from the perspective of a youth who had moved from the island of Rathlin to Belfast as a nightmarish picture: Armored vehicles speeding over the cobblestones of the narrow streets The houses shake, the screams of the victims, the “murder, murder” shouts of the neighbors, suddenly appearing IRA members who are shooting into the neighboring Protestant neighborhoods.

    literature

    • Niall Cunningham: The Social Geography of Violence During the Belfast Troubles, 1920-22. (pdf, 1.6 MB) CRESC Working Paper Series No. 122, University of Manchester , March 2013.
    • Robert Lynch: The People's Protectors? The Irish Republican Army and the “Belfast Pogrom,” 1920–1922. In: The Journal of British Studies. Volume 47/2008 No. 2, pp. 375-391 doi : 10.1086 / 526757 .
    • Alan F. Parkinson: Belfast's Unholy War. The Troubles of the 1920s. Four Court Press, Dublin 2004, ISBN 1-85182-792-7 .
    • Michael Schellenberger: Troubles and Riots. Violent communities in Belfast during the interwar period. In: Philipp Batelka, Michael Weise, Stephanie Zehnle (eds.): Between perpetrators and victims. Violent relationships and violent communities. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2017, pp. 259–288, ISBN 978-3-525-30099-2 .

    Web links

    Individual evidence

    1. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 17 f.
    2. ^ Government of Northern Ireland: Census of Population of Northern Ireland 1951. Belfast County Borough. (pdf, 9.4 MB) p. XXIII.
    3. ↑ Jonathan Bardon: Belfast. An Illustrated History. Blackstaff Press, Belfast 1983, ISBN 0-85640-272-9 , p. 192;
      Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 15, 17 f.
    4. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 25 f;
      Jonathan Bardon: A History of Ulster. Blackstaff, Belfast 1992, ISBN 0-85640-466-7 , pp. 470 f.
    5. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 28;
      Lynch, People's Protectors , p. 378.
    6. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 33-36, 58.
    7. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 42-45, 51 f.
    8. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 59-65.
    9. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 170-172, 181, 341.
    10. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 49, 66f.
    11. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 95.
    12. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 308.
    13. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 73-75. See also: Minutes ( memento of the original from June 7, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. the Dáil debate on August 6, 1920. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / historical-debates.oireachtas.ie
    14. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 82.
    15. ^ Lynch, People's Protectors , p. 388.
    16. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 99, 111, 124-126, 129-135;
      Bardon, History of Ulster, p. 481.
    17. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 142 f.
    18. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 152-154.
    19. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 164, 167-170.
    20. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 193-198.
    21. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 193-198. See also: Texts of agreements of January 23 and March 30, 1922 in Documents in Irish Foreign Policy (DIFP) .
    22. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 211-215.
    23. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 267 f.
    24. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 270-275.
    25. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 292-296.
    26. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 286, 306.
    27. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 12.
    28. ↑ Cunningham, Social Geography , pp. 3, 7.
    29. ^ Lynch, People's Protectors , p. 385.
    30. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 13;
      Marianne Elliott: The Catholics of Ulster. A history. Allen Lane, London 2000, ISBN 0-713-99464-9 , p. 373.
    31. ↑ Cunningham, Social Geography , pp. 10, 12, 15, 21 f.
    32. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 90, 293.
    33. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 348.
    34. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 158, 185.
    35. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p.
      68.Bardon, Belfast , p. 194.
    36. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p.
      68.Bardon, Belfast , p. 309.
    37. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 83 f.
    38. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 85 f.
    39. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 90, 235, 334.
    40. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 83, 87 f.
    41. ^ Bardon, History of Ulster , p. 476.
    42. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 91-94.
    43. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 70 f., 116, 138 f.
    44. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 245 f.
    45. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 229-231, 236. See also the minutes of the debate of March 28, 1922 at Hansard .
    46. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 237-239.
    47. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 236 f.
    48. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 215.
    49. ^ Fionnuala McKenna: Parades and Marches - Background Information on the Main Parading Organizations at CAIN - Conflict Archive on the Internet (accessed September 2, 2014).
    50. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 216;
      Lynch, People's Protectors , pp. 378, 381.
    51. ^ Lynch, People's Protectors , pp. 381, 384.
    52. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 216.
    53. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 158-216.
    54. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 217.
    55. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 215-219.
    56. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 221-223.
    57. ^ Lynch, People's Protectors , p. 390.
    58. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 224 f;
      Lynch, People's Protectors , pp. 382, ​​385 f.
    59. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 278.
    60. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 278-280.
    61. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 280, 312.
    62. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 226;
      Elliott, Catholics of Ulster , p. 373.
    63. ^ Bardon, History of Ulster , p. 495.
    64. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 10 f.
    65. ↑ Patrick Shea: Voices and the sound of drums. An Irish autobiography. Blackstaff, Belfast 1981, ISBN 0-85640-247-8 ; cited in Elliott, Catholics of Ulster , p. 378.
    66. ↑ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , pp. 313 f;
      Lynch, People's Protectors , p. 377.
    67. ^ Bardon, History of Ulster , p. 494.
    68. ^ Parkinson, Belfast's Unholy War , p. 314.
    69. ^ Table of contents in Elliott, Catholics of Ulster , p. 375 f.