Dirty war

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A dirty war , sometimes also called dirty war ( Spanish guerra sucia , English dirty war ), is a conflict in which state security forces take action against domestic political opponents, separatist , terrorist , religiously motivated or other resistance movements and systematically use illegal and human rights violating methods . In general, the affected countries are not in a regular or undeclared war with an external opponent - rather the expression indicates the massive extent of illegal violence that is used by the state against its own citizens or against those of a territory it occupies. In the jargon of the military and intelligence agencies , these are measures of " counter-insurgency " (English. Counterinsurgency ) that the field of asymmetric warfare belong. The conflicts in question are military as " conflicts of low intensity (Engl." Low intensity conflicts ), respectively.

The waging of dirty wars against political opponents or resistance movements is above all a characteristic of dictatorships , especially military dictatorships , and of authoritarian-led states . There are, however, well-documented examples of Western democracies leading conflicts in this way. Such conflicts, in which crimes against humanity are typically committed systematically, were particularly common in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s . With the end of the Cold War in 1990, they became rarer, since until then they often had the character of “ proxy wars ” in the East-West conflict. The USA in particular had made great efforts to combat the penetration of socialist and communist resistance and guerrilla movements in third world countries , especially in Latin America and Southeast Asia . The background was that these movements were viewed as a potential threat to the security of the USA and as harmful to American economic interests within the framework of domino theory and rollback policy , see also Reagan Doctrine . More recently, for example, Russia's two Chechnya wars and various parts of the US-led War on Terror have been labeled dirty wars, particularly certain practices of the US military in occupied Iraq .

Characteristics

The means used include arbitrary arrests , illegitimate detention and the disappearance of people, the use of torture and “extrajudicial executions” . The methods also include the toleration or support of paramilitary groups and death squads that operate outside the law, and the support or instrumentalization of terrorist groups by the government of the country concerned. In connection with the systematic, illegal use of force by the state against civilians in their own country or in an occupied country, the two American political scientists RD Duvall and Michael Stohl proposed the term state terrorism .

In doing so, the limit to arbitrary oppression and terrorization of large parts of the civilian population is regularly crossed. Amnesty International commented on this in the Human Rights 2003 yearbook [Note: most of the examples given are detailed below] as follows:

“In the 'wars' against political opponents of all kinds, human rights such as the right not to be tortured, the right not to be arbitrarily arrested , and the right to life have been violated. In many cases, these violations also fell victim to sections of the population who did not engage in any illegal activities. Some examples of this are the 'dirty wars' in Latin American countries like Argentina and Chile in the 1970s, South Africa during apartheid , Turkey , Spain and the United Kingdom for dealing with nationalist minority movements , the high levels of political violence in some Indian states and in Israel to this day. "

Crimes against humanity

US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told representatives of the Argentine military dictatorship in 1976 that he hoped they would "get their terrorism problem under control as soon as possible." The Argentine foreign minister, who had expected sharp criticism of his government's human rights violations, was then in a “euphoric mood”. In the next seven years , the military murdered up to 30,000 people in what they themselves described as a dirty war .

In particular, the systematic practice of illegal killings - sometimes, depending on the extent, of state murder , mass murder or genocide - as well as enforced disappearance and torture constitute crimes against humanity under international law . The waging of dirty wars is above all a feature of military dictatorships and authoritarian states . There are, however, well-documented examples of Western democracies leading conflicts in this way.

In 2002, the international treaty of the so-called Rome Statute came into force, which for the first time defined a wide variety of crimes against humanity , including those mentioned above, as criminal offenses to be prosecuted internationally. The statute forms one of the legal bases for the case law of the International Criminal Court in The Hague .

Some states, including the US, do not recognize the criminal court. So that claimed Bush administration an immunity for US citizens, but did not want to grant the ICC. In the same year, the American Service-Members' Protection Act came into effect, implicitly authorizing the US President to carry out a military exemption of US citizens if they had to answer before the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Cooperation with the court is prohibited in US authorities. Because of the implicit threat of invasion by US troops, the law was also called the "Hague Invasion Act" by critics, translated as "Law on the Invasion of The Hague".

In addition, the law allows all states that are not members of NATO and ratify the Rome Statute under international law to receive US military aid . By 2003, the USA had signed bilateral agreements with more than 50 states to prevent the extradition of US citizens from these countries to The Hague, and in 2003 military aid to 35 states that did not want to sign such agreements was canceled.

Origins

One of the first fundamental military theoretical treatises on this type of conflict management comes from the French officer Roger Trinquier ( La guerre moderne ), it summarized his experiences in the Indochina war and the Algerian war . Although it is known that the key points of the so-called French doctrine were the forced disappearance of people, severe torture (up to death) and "extrajudicial executions", his treatise for secret services and military in numerous countries serves as a theoretical model for combating Insurgents (English counterinsurgency ).

Use of terms

Discovery of a mass grave during the Second Chechen War . It started in 1999 and officially ended in April 2009. The Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya , who was murdered in 2006, called it a dirty war . She was one of the few representatives of the Russian press who reported on it independently and critically.

In the German-speaking world, the term “dirty war” is mainly used in journalistic publications and by human rights organizations . But it is also used in historical studies , especially in the Anglo-Saxon region. In a broader sense, dirty wars are also referred to as “conventional” armed conflicts in which at least one of the parties acts with great severity or brutality against the civilian population. This is often the case in so-called asymmetrical conflicts , for example in guerrilla wars such as the two Chechnya wars in Russia from 1994.

Examples

1956 US newsreel: France Digs In for Total Algerian War (France digs in for total war in Algeria)

The following conflicts in particular are referred to as dirty wars, although the list is only exemplary and not exhaustive.

Algerian War 1954–1962

The French military used a variety of human rights violations against the FLN resistance movement during the Algerian war . The French doctrine , which was largely developed by the officer Roger Trinquier , included, among other things, the systematic torture of suspects in order to obtain information and the illegal killing of suspects. The South American military regimes of the 1970s and 1980s later relied on the relevant experience of French officers, including in the organization of Operation Condor .

Argentine military dictatorship 1976–1983

The German social worker Elisabeth Käsemann was kidnapped, tortured and murdered by Argentine soldiers in 1977, like tens of thousands of Argentine victims of the military dictatorship there. Through her voluntary work in the slums of Buenos Aires, she had made herself suspect as a “subversive”, that is, a person critical of the regime .

The Argentine military dictatorship waged a dirty war against all kinds of political opponents during the so-called process of national reorganization , which killed up to 30,000 people . In this case, the term was used by the military themselves. Similar processes took place in almost all Latin American countries in the 1970s and 1980s, such as Chile, Paraguay , Uruguay , Brazil , Colombia , Peru and Bolivia . According to estimates by human rights organizations, the total balance of Latin American repression policy during this period is around 50,000 murdered, 350,000 permanently disappeared (" Desaparecidos ") and 400,000 prisoners.

Mexico, 1960s and 1970s

In Mexico , the authoritarian ruled state of the PRI party fought left guerrillas , student groups and other opposition groups through extrajudicial executions and the forced disappearance of political activists in the 1960s and 1970s . The Tlatelolco massacre , in which the military and secret police murdered around 250 students demonstrating in Mexico City in 1968, ten days before the start of the Olympic Games in Mexico , became particularly well known .

The counterinsurgency and psychological warfare was particularly strong in the southern state of Guerrero , where especially members and sympathizers of the guerrilla organization Partido de los Pobres under the leader Lucio Cabañas Barrientos and the Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria (ACNR) of Génaro Vázquez Rojas of the Mexican military and the secret police were followed. The paramilitary group Brigada Blanca, led by Generals Mario Arturo Acosta Chaparro and Francisco Quirós Hermosillo, is particularly responsible for numerous cases of extrajudicial executions and forced disappearances. Depending on the source, there are around 650 to 1200 disappeared whose fate has not yet been clarified. There are documented death flights in which people who have been secretly arrested were thrown into the Pacific, the internment and torture of prisoners in secret prisons and the burial of dead people in mass graves. The relatives of the disappeared are still struggling to get information about the fate of the disappeared. Detailed information about the course of the Dirty War in Guerrero and the decades-long struggle of the relatives of the disappeared can be found in the study Struggle for Rehumanization by Sylvia Karl.   

Civil War in Guatemala 1960–1996

During the civil war in Guatemala from 1960 to 1996, there were numerous human rights violations on the part of the government. Efraín Ríos Montt , dictator from 1982 to 1983, was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity by a Guatemalan court in 2013 . During his tenure, the military conducted an extensive campaign against the Mayan counting Ixil by -Ureinwohner because they were suspected of the Marxist guerrilla support. Around 400 villages were destroyed, over 1,100 residents were killed and over 1,400 women were raped. Soldiers cut open the bellies of pregnant women and dismembered their fetuses. In the 2013 trial of Montt, it was found that his government had used "starvation, mass murder , displacement , rape , and air bombing as tactics to destroy the Ixil". According to the court, the murder of infants and pregnant women was designed to destroy the Ixil and sexual violence was used as a means of destroying social cohesion. The USA had supported Rios Montt politically and militarily during this time. President Ronald Reagan called Rios Montt a man of "great personal integrity and commitment who faced the challenge of a brutal, foreign-backed guerrilla".

Civil War in El Salvador 1980–1992

Mural by Archbishop Óscar Romero at the University of El Salvador. The murder of the liberation theologian by a military sniper in 1980 marked the beginning of the civil war in El Salvador .
Memorial to the 900 civilian victims of the El Mozote massacre (1981) in El Salvador
Demonstration in Chicago (1989) against US support for the El Salvador government. One of the posters reads:
No US $$ for Death Squad Government in El Salvador ("No US dollars for the death squad government in El Salvador")

In the civil war in El Salvador in the 1980s, the right-wing government's death squads murdered a total of around 80,000 civilians, 40,000 of them in the first few years. The political murder of Archbishop Óscar Romero and the El Mozote massacre of 900 civilians, committed by the Batallón Atlácatl , a government special unit for fighting guerrilla, became known. This unit was founded in 1980 in the US Military Academy School of the Americas in the Panama Canal Zone and was initially located there. She was trained in the US Army Camp Fort Bragg , North Carolina , by the US elite Special Forces (Green Berets). As a result of this training, the Batallón Atlácatl had close relationships with American trainers and the Special Forces, who also worked permanently as military advisers and trainers in El Salvador during the civil war in the 1980s . The battalion was also responsible for other serious human rights violations; the nightly murder of six Jesuit priests , some of whom were close to liberation theology , as well as their housekeeper and their daughter , caused an international sensation in November 1989.

Benjamin Schwarz, a former military and security policy analyst for El Salvador at RAND Corporation , commented on the US military and political support for the military dictatorship that began under President Jimmy Carter in the late 1970s:

"So important was the victory over the FMLN [note: the leftist resistance movement in El Salvador] to Jimmy Carter's administration that it justified its military support [for the government] by publicly proclaiming" progress "in the field of human rights, even though she knew there was really no progress. During the year before Carter's decision, the Salvadoran military and its associated death squads had killed 8,000 civilians, including four American nuns. "

The rulers there actually did not change anything in their approach, despite admonitions from the USA - this is also attributed to the fact that the military in El Salvador knew that the USA wanted to prevent an impending "loss" of the country to the left-wing liberation movement FMLN in any case . The US government was well aware internally who it was dealing with, as a Reagan Vice Defense Minister unofficially called the Salvadoran military “a bunch of murderous thugs ” (orig .: a bunch of murderous thugs ). The US government also endeavored to keep news of the atrocities and massacres committed by the assisted military out of the US media . According to the New York Times, attempts were made to cover up the El Mozote massacre committed by the Batallón Atlácatl, and Secretary of State Alexander Haig reported to the US Congress a heavily glossed-over version of the rape and murder, which, according to the New York Times, was fictitious of the US nuns by Salvadoran soldiers, which he vehemently denied years later.

Armed conflict in Peru 1980–2000

In the armed conflict in Peru from 1980 to 2000, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission found it was part of the practice of both main warring parties - the Maoist guerrillas Sendero Luminoso as well as the police and the military - to murder potential and actual opponents in large numbers. The result was around 70,000 deaths, around 75% of which were indigenous Quechuas and Asháninkas . While the Maoists, according to the Peruvian historian Carlos Iván Degregori, had an effective spy system - "a thousand eyes and a thousand ears" - in the rural areas of the Ayacucho region - and knew the people they murdered very well, the state organs were mostly in the dark and tended to murder indiscriminately. It was more important to the state armed forces than to the Maoists to also eliminate witnesses to their crimes. Examples of this policy under Presidents Fernando Belaúnde Terry and Alan García are the murders by the Sinchis paratrooper unit of 32 men, women and children in Socos in Huamanga province on November 13, 1983, and the consequent killing of 123 women, men and children in the Village Putis in the province of Huanta by army soldiers without leaving a possible witness alive or the active search and murder of seven witnesses who initially escaped a massacre by an army unit in the small village of Accomarca in the province of Vilcashuamán of 62 people . This "dirty war" was seen by some as "inevitable" due to the state structure and their inability to identify members of the enemy guerrillas. Under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori with his "adviser to the president for security issues" Vladimiro Montesinos , the death squad Grupo Colina played an important role in the "dirty war", including the kidnapping and subsequent murder of nine students and a professor from the Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle (“La Cantuta”) or in the Barrios Altos massacre in the old town of Lima, in which 15 people, including an eight-year-old child, were massacred in a residential building through an “error”.

Spain, 1983-1987

The Spanish government's illegal fight against the Basque separatist organization ETA through the death squad Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL) from 1983 to 1987 later brought several Spanish politicians and officials to prison. The GAL was responsible for 28 murders of alleged ETA members, with some of the victims demonstrably not having had any contact with the ETA. Spanish senior officials and the former Interior Minister were later sentenced to long prison terms.

Apartheid Era in South Africa, 1948–1992

The South African (white) government waged a dirty war against black resistance, especially Nelson Mandela's ANC , during the apartheid period . These included, for example, assassinations, the disappearance and torture of political opponents as well as terrorist attacks, some of which were staged under false flags . The commander of the responsible anti-terrorist unit C1 , Eugene de Kock , was sentenced to two life terms plus 212 years imprisonment after the end of apartheid, the commissioning politicians were not interfered with. De Kock's statements about the government's dirty war, especially the secret political murders and the disappearance of black opposition activists, shocked the public and became known beyond South Africa. In particular, the often horrific accompanying circumstances caused a sensation, for example people were regularly murdered on the unit's premises by wearing explosive belts, the corpses were dismembered by repeated detonations or burned to make them unidentifiable and to facilitate removal. De Kock also reported that towards the end of apartheid, his unit was abused by reactionary forces in the government to sabotage the dialogue between the population groups initiated by Frederik Willem de Klerk and Nelson Mandela . For this purpose, the Inkatha movement, which was in opposition to the ANC of Mandela, was supplied with weapons. This conflict alone has claimed 15,000 victims in the hardest-hit province of Natal since 1985 .

According to de Kock , his unit tortured and murdered, moved weapons in large quantities, instigated conspiracies , forged documents, fabricated evidence and planted bombs at home and abroad. In 1987 an explosive device destroyed the headquarters of the black ANC-affiliated umbrella union COSATU in Johannesburg . According to de Kock, this, like other acts of terrorism against civilians, happened on the direct orders of the then President Pieter Willem Botha . In 1988 a bomb destroyed the Khotso House, the seat of the opposition South African Council of Churches .

Northern Ireland / Great Britain, 1970s and 1980s

According to official investigations, such as the Stevens Report from 2003, there has always been direct cooperation between British security forces and loyalist , Protestant paramilitary and terrorist units in the Northern Ireland conflict . Agents cooperating with the British military also committed illegal killings of alleged sympathizers of the Catholic IRA , such as the prominent lawyer Patrick Finucane , who was shot in front of his family in 1989 , as part of secret operations . There were also violent attacks by British security forces on Irish civilians, such as on Bloody Sunday in 1972 . There were also human rights violations of those arrested, including torture and mock executions by British police officers to obtain confessions, as well as completely falsified confessions from the accused, which is documented in detail for the Guildford Four , who were innocently sentenced to life imprisonment for terrorism .

Turkish-Kurdish conflict, 1980s and 1990s

The actions of the Turkish military and the officially non-existent secret service JITEM to combat the Kurdish PKK in Southeast Anatolia in the 1980s and 1990s resulted in numerous human rights violations and cases of unlawful violence. See also Tiefer Staat .

Algerian Civil War, 1991–2002

The Algerian civil war began in December 1991. The Algerian FLN government, which had ruled alone since 1962 and was widely regarded as corrupt and incapable of solving the country's numerous problems, together with the military immediately canceled the election results after the first round of parliamentary elections. The reason was that the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was about to win the election and that in this case the government feared the establishment of an Islamic republic in addition to losing power. With the declaration of the state of emergency , basic constitutional rights were suspended, thousands of FIS members were arrested, and many of those who remained at liberty became guerrilla fighters .

Less than a week after the military coup , the Islamists began the first attacks against soldiers and police officers. More than ten years of civil war began , which was waged extremely cruelly on all sides and in which the fronts only seemed clear at the beginning. In the state-controlled Algerian as well as in the Western media, however, almost exclusively the basically justified “fight of the government against Islamist terror ” was reported for the duration of the entire conflict . At least 150,000 people died in the conflict, and Amnesty International estimates more than 200,000. There were thousands of cases of torture, enforced disappearance and the killing of civilians, mostly completely uninvolved in the conflict, by various state security forces, which have not yet been clarified. The human rights organization Algeria-Watch called the apparatus made up of the Algerian military and secret services in 2004 in a report on human rights violations as a "murder machine". In the summary she wrote:

“(…) The generals who carried out the coup d'état succeeded in making these practices appear as mere 'derailments' in the context of the necessary ' fight against terrorism ' by cleverly combining a disinformation campaign and repression of the media . They were able to wage a 'dirty war' against the Algerian people behind closed doors for years: tens of thousands were arrested in combed operations and raids and then tortured. Many of them disappeared or were extrajudicially executed. "

The Islamist underground movement soon split up. Islamist terror and state repression rocked each other until they "merged into one another until they were indistinguishable". Of the terrorist groups, the Groupe Islamique Armé (GIA - translated: “Armed Islamic Group”) was the most violent, attracting attention for example through a call to “kill women and children” when they were in contact with the “enemies of Islam” . According to Le Monde diplomatique , death squads also appeared in the "chaos" at the time, which, according to the then President Liamine Zéroual, received no state support. However, former senior secret service official Mohamed Samraoui alleged that these were covert operations by the Algerian secret services. The extreme violence escalated in 1997 when thousands of innocent civilians were killed in a number of nightly massacres of entire villages that were never resolved.

Ali Al-Nasani of Amnesty International wrote in 2002 in the time that it had become increasingly unclear in the course of this "senseless civil war" who in detail for bombings was responsible, extrajudicial executions and murderous assaults - Islamist groups, security forces, local warlords or simply criminals. The report by Habib Souaïdia, a former paratrooper and member of an “ anti-terrorist unit ”, claimed that the military were involved in the village massacres and other attacks on the civilian population. According to the secret service agent Samraoui, the leadership of the GIA had been infiltrated by agents of the secret services, and the secret services had both smuggled military members into the groups and formed terrorist groups themselves to fight "real" terrorist groups - but these self-created groups were "completely out of control devices". In addition, Samraoui and Souaïdia unanimously reported acts of terrorism committed by the state security forces in disguise, which were then deliberately falsely falsely falsely foisted on the Islamists by the authorities, see also False Flag and Black Operation . Other former members of the security apparatus made similar statements. The Algerian government left Souaidia, who had gone into exile in France, in 2002 for his 2001 book Dirty War in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) sentenced to 20 years imprisonment in absentia.

The Algerian government has never officially investigated these allegations; instead, a general amnesty for the crimes of all parties to the conflict was put to the vote in 2005 , which was adopted in a referendum. It includes a general amnesty for state security forces and militias armed by the state as well as for armed groups and denies any responsibility of the security forces and militias for serious human rights violations . It prevents the clarification of the fate of thousands of people who "disappeared" in the course of the civil war, and lawsuits against members of the security forces have been made impossible. The relatives of the "disappeared" can only apply for compensation.

The FLN is still in power today. Werner Ruf, professor emeritus for international politics, expressed sharp criticism on the occasion of Angela Merkel's visit in July 2008: de facto the military was still ruling, parliamentarism was a facade. "Behind it there is an opaque clique at the head of the military." The corruption is enormous, and the country remains "far removed" from what could be called a constitutional state and a democracy .

Role of the USA

Training of torturers and dictators in the "School of the Americas"

The role of the USA is often viewed critically, as it supported numerous military dictatorships in the violent repression of oppositionists in South America during the 1970s and 1980s. In this context, the operation of the Military Academy School of The Americas (today: Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation) was criticized, which passed through about 60,000 Latin American officers, many of whom later participated in coups against democratically elected governments, torture, "disappearances" and others Involved in human rights violations. The US government had to admit on several occasions that the military students there were trained in a wide variety of torture techniques and other human rights violating practices for guerrilla and counterinsurgency measures, so that the relevant teaching materials were repeatedly banned or exchanged under public pressure. "Its graduates include most of the worst torturers in Latin America," said former CIA agent Philip Agee in 1999. The school has produced "some of the most brutal murderers, some of the cruelest dictators and some of the worst violators of human rights" that Westerners have World Congressman Joe Moakley said .

The school's graduates include Leopoldo Galtieri and Roberto Viola , heads of the Argentine military junta, which murdered or "disappeared" up to 30,000 people, the Bolivian dictator Hugo Banzer Suárez , Roberto D'Aubuisson from El Salvador , leader of the death squads and The person who commissioned the murder of Archbishop Óscar Romero , the Guatemalan Colonel Byron Lima Estrada († July 2016), who murdered Bishop Juan Gerardi in 1998 , Efraín Ríos Montt , the former dictator of Guatemala convicted of genocide, and leading members of the DINA secret police of the Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet and Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega .

Operation Condor: Terror against opposition members

In addition, the role of the USA in the state terrorist , multinational secret service operation Operation Condor, which is considered proven by US government documents but has never been officially clarified, is often critically questioned. From 1975 onwards, at least six South American dictatorships worked together in the persecution and murder of opposition members; it was directed and coordinated by the dictator Augusto Pinochet's secret police DINA . The Chilean Pinochet regime came to power in 1973 through a military coup which was at least heavily supported by the United States and the CIA . It waged a dirty war against members and supporters of the overthrown, democratically elected previous government of the socialist Salvador Allende , in which several thousand people were murdered or disappeared without a trace and at least 25,000 people fell victim to severe torture .

Export of torture methods from Latin America to Iraq

In March 2013, research by the British Guardian revealed that the US military had used the techniques developed and tested in Latin America for the suppression of opposition members and counterinsurgency , including methods that violate human rights such as torture, in occupied Iraq from 2003 onwards . US veterans who had trained the military there in torture methods during the civil war in El Salvador in the 1980s were also deployed and actively used or directed torture measures in Iraq . This was approved by the highest authorities in the US military and included "all kinds of torture techniques to obtain confessions," including electric shocks , reverse hanging of suspects and pulling out fingernails.

See also

literature

  • Günter Schütze: The dirty war. France's colonial policy in Indochina , Munich a. a. (Oldenbourg) 1959.
  • Roger Trinquier : Modern warfare. A French view of counter-insurgency . Pall Mall Press Ltd., London 1964 (English, digital copy on ncat.edu [PDF; 6.1 MB ; accessed on March 9, 2018] French: La guerre moderne . Paris 1961. Translated by Daniel Lee).
  • Martin Dillon: The Dirty War: Covert Strategies and Tactics Used in Political Conflicts . Routledge, 1999, ISBN 0-415-92281-X .
  • Stephen Gray: The CIA's Shadow Realm: America's Dirty War on Terror . Goldmann, Spiegel Buchverlag, 2008, ISBN 3-442-12981-8 .
  • Iain Guest: Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights and the United Nations . University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000, ISBN 0-8122-1313-0 .
  • Anna Politkovskaya : A Dirty War: A Russian Reporter in Chechnya . Harvill, 2001, ISBN 1-86046-897-7 .
  • Habib Souaidia: Dirty War in Algeria . Chronos, Zurich 2001, ISBN 3-0340-0537-7 .
  • Donald Robinson (Ed.): The Dirty Wars. Guerrilla Actions Around the World from WWII to the Present , New York (Delacorte) 1968.
  • Marie Monique Robin : Escuadrones de la muerte: la escuela francesa , Buenos Aires (Ed. Sudamericana) 2005. ISBN 950-07-2684-X

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Josef Oehrlein: "The ideologue of the dirty war". FAZ , May 18, 2013.
  2. ↑ a b c d e f Angela Dencker: 25 years of military coup and genocide in Argentina. The processing of human rights violations from the perspective of Amnesty International. In: Menschenrechte.org. March 21, 2001, accessed December 17, 2008 .
  3. ↑ FAZ, " ... and made their" mechanics school "in Buenos Aires (Esma) the largest secret torture center ... " from The Ideologe des Dirty War , May 18, 2013.
  4. ↑ a b c The dirty war. In: 3sat.online. May 16, 2001, archived from the original on August 22, 2015 ; Retrieved December 16, 2008 .
  5. ↑ a b c d e Algeria's dirty war. Secret service agents unpack. In: Le Monde Diplomatique. March 17, 2004, archived from the original on June 4, 2008 ; Retrieved December 16, 2008 .
  6. ↑ a b c d Paddy Woodworth: Dirty War, Clean Hands. ETA, the GAL and Spanish Democracy . Yale University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-300-09750-6 .
  7. ↑ Michael Stohl : The Global War on Terror and State Terrorism. (PDF; 434 kB) in: Under-investigated Topics in Terrorism Research, Perspectives on Terrorism, Special Issue, June 2008, p. 4.
  8. ↑ Amnesty International: Rights at Risk. Security and human rights - contradicting or complementary objectives? In: Jahrbuch Menschenrechte 2003. Archived from the original on May 18, 2015 ; Retrieved December 17, 2008 .
  9. ^ Argentine Military believed US gave go-agead for Dirty War. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, 73 - Part II, confidential CIA documents, published in 2002. The then US Ambassador Robert Hill wrote after another meeting between Kissinger and Foreign Minister Guzzetti: “Guzzetti went to US fully expecting to hear some strong, firm, direct warnings on his government's human rights practices, rather than that, he has returned in a state of jubilation, convinced that there is no real problem with the USG [overnment] over that issue ".
  10. ^ A b Argentine Military believed US gave go-agead for Dirty War. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, 73 - Part II, CIA Confidential Documents, published 2002
  11. ↑ Guatemala's dictator sentenced to 80 years in prison. Die Zeit, May 11, 2013.
  12. ^ A b c Martin S. Alexander, John FV Keiger: France and the Algerian War, 1954–1962 . Taylor & Francis, 2002, ISBN 0-7146-8264-0 , pp. 179 .
  13. ^ A b c Charles M. Sennott: Reconciling a dark past. British government accused in lawyer's slaying. In: The Boston Globe. July 7, 2003, accessed January 9, 2009 .
  14. ↑ 'Hague Invasion Act' Becomes Law. Human Rights Watch, Aug. 4, 2002.
  15. ↑ USA cancel military aid to 35 states. In: Spiegel Online. July 2, 2003, accessed August 20, 2008 .
  16. ↑ Bruno Werner: Dirty War. In: The time. May 15, 1992, accessed December 19, 2008 .
  17. ^ A b c Salima Mellah: The dirty war in Algeria. Algeria-Watch, accessed December 19, 2008 .
  18. ↑ Christiane Kohser-Spohn, Frank Renken (ed.): Trauma Algerian War : For the history and processing of a taboo conflict . Campus, 2006, ISBN 3-593-37771-3 .
  19. ^ Marie-Monique Robin: Death Squads - How France Exported Torture and Terror. In: Arte program archive . September 8, 2004, archived from the original on July 21, 2012 ; accessed on March 9, 2018 .
  20. ^ "Operation Condor" ( Memento from September 12, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) - Terror in the name of the state. tagesschau.de, September 12, 2008.
  21. ↑ Rights group urges Mexico to resolve “dirty war”. Reuters, April 5, 2007.
  22. ↑ Kate Doyle: The Dawn of Mexico's Dirty War. National Security Archive, December 5, 2003.
  23. ↑ Sylvia Karl: Rehumanizing the Disappeared: Spaces of Memory in Mexico and the Liminality of Transitional Justice . In: American Quarterly . tape 66 , no. 3 , September 8, 2014, ISSN  1080-6490 , p. 727-748 , doi : 10.1353 / aq.2014.0050 ( jhu.edu [accessed July 11, 2019]).
  24. ^ Sylvia Karl: Struggle for Rehumanization. The disappearances of the dirty war in Mexico. transcript Verlag, Bielefeld 2014, ISBN 978-3-8394-2827-6 ( transcript-verlag.de [accessed on July 11, 2019]).
  25. ↑ Guatemalan president accused of involvement in civil war atrocities. The Guardian online April 5, 2013.
  26. ^ Profiles: Guatemala's Efrain Rios Montt. BBC, May 10, 2013.
  27. ↑ Cecibel Romero: Former dictator under house arrest. In: the daily newspaper . January 27, 2012, accessed January 30, 2012 .
  28. ↑ Tim Johnson: Guatemala court gives 80-year term to ex-dictator Rios Montt. In: The Miami Herald . May 10, 2013, archived from the original on June 29, 2013 ; accessed on March 9, 2018 .
  29. ↑ US-backed Guatemalan former dictator gets life for genocide. In: Russia Today . May 11, 2013; Archived from the original on June 30, 2013 ; accessed on March 9, 2018 .
  30. ^ The American Presidency Project. Remarks in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, Following a Meeting With President Jose Efrain Rios Montt of Guatemala. 4th December 1982.
  31. ↑ Reagan ignores rights violations. The Lakeland Ledger, December 7, 1982.
  32. ↑ a b c d e Benjamin Schwarz: Dirty Hands. The success of US policy in El Salvador - preventing a guerrilla victory - was based on 40,000 political murders. Book review on William M. LeoGrande: Our own Backyard. The United States in Central America 1977-1992. 1998, December 1998.
  33. ↑ 05. Human Remains, 08. Exhumation process: Human Remains - Exhumation process - Forensic medicine - 2001 - Firearms Identification in Support of Identifying a Mass Execution at El Mozote, El Salvador (Historical Archeology - By Douglas D. Scott) ( Memento vom February 1, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
  34. ^ The Trojan Horse
  35. ^ A b Anthony Lewis: Abroad at Home; Fear Of the Truth. The New York Times, April 2, 1993.
  36. ^ Carlos Iván Degregori: Harvesting Storms: Peasant "Rondas" and the Defeat of Sendero Luminoso in Ayacucho. In Steve Stern (Ed.): Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995. Duke University Press, Durham / London 1998. p. 143.
  37. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.7. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Socos (1983) . Lima 2003, pp. 53-63.
  38. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.14. Ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Putis (1984) . Lima 2003, pp. 53-63.
  39. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.15. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Accomarca (1985) . Lima 2003.
  40. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.1. Los datos centrales del conflicto armado interno . Lima 2003, p. 63.
  41. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.19. La Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle «La Cantuta». Lima 2003, pp. 605-632.
  42. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.45. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Barrios Altos (1991). Lima 2003, pp. 475-493.
  43. ↑ Spain's state-sponsored death squads ( English ) BBC . July 29, 1998. Retrieved October 2, 2008.
  44. ↑ Bob Drogin: South African Policeman Found Guilty of Five Murders. Los Angeles Times, August 27, 1996.
  45. ↑ Yolandi Gronewaldstraße, Tumi Makgetlavlok: My role in dirty was. Mail & Guardian, September 8, 2006.
  46. ↑ Bob Drogin: South African Policeman Found Guilty of Five Murders. Los Angeles Times, August 27, 1996.
  47. ↑ a b c Bartholomaeus Grill: The fighting dog sings. Die Zeit, issue 40/1996.
  48. ^ A b Sir John Stevens, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police Service: Stevens Inquiry 3. Overview & Recommendations. In: cryptome.org. April 17, 2003, accessed January 13, 2009 .
  49. ^ Martin Dillon: The Dirty War: Covert Strategies and Tactics Used in Political Conflicts . Routledge, 1999, ISBN 0-415-92281-X .
  50. ↑ Britain's dirty was; Northern Ireland. (Security forces and murder in Northern Ireland). In: The Economist. April 26, 2003, accessed January 9, 2009 .
  51. ^ Peter Althammer: Dirty War - Secret Operations in Turkey. Documentary, Germany, 2009.
  52. ↑ Susanne Güsten: Turkey: The murder of the Kurds was "state policy". Nürnberger Nachrichten, August 17, 2010.
  53. ^ A b c d e Ali Al-Nasani: The everyday massacre. In: ZEIT ONLINE. October 2002, accessed December 16, 2009 .
  54. ↑ a b Amnesty International Algeria
  55. ↑ Algeria Watch. Algeria: The murder machine. Report on torture, secret detention centers and the organization of the murder machine. (PDF file; 870 kB) p. 4.
  56. ^ A b Habib Souaïdia: Dirty War in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) . Translation from French. Chronos-Verlag, Zurich 2001, pp. 199–201.
  57. ↑ "When the men of the DRS let their beards grow, I knew they were preparing for a 'dirty job' in which they pretended to be terrorists." Habib Souaïdia: Dirty war in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) . Translation from French. Chronos-Verlag, Zurich 2001, p. 113.
  58. ↑ Tagesschau.de interview with Werner Ruf; http://www.tagesschau.de/wirtschaft/algerienreisemerkel100.html (link not available)
  59. ^ Stefan Fuchs: Lessons in Terror. The "School of the Americas" and the militarization of Latin America. (PDF; 134 kB) SWR 2 Wissen, broadcast manuscript, May 28, 2010.
  60. ^ Robert Parry : Ronald Reagan's Torture. Consortiumnews, September 8, 2009.
  61. ^ A b Christoph Schult: Military School Fort Benning: Terror training on behalf of the US government. Spiegel Online, November 5, 2001.
  62. ↑ http://orf.at/#/stories/2350105/ Guatemala's “King of Prisons” killed, orf.at, July 19, 2016, accessed July 19, 2016. - Byron Lima shot dead in the course of a prison unrest.
  63. ↑ National Security Archive: Chile: 16,000 Secret Documents Declassified. CIA Forced to Release Hundreds of Records of Covert Operations , Nov. 13, 2000.
  64. ^ Telegram from the US ambassador to Panama on the use of US facilities by Condor agents (PDF; 48 kB), October 20, 1978, source: George Washington University
  65. ↑ Christopher Hitchens : The Case Against Henry Kissinger . In: Harper's Magazine . February 2001, p. 34, 37, 38 ( online as PDF ). Online as PDF ( Memento from August 7, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
  66. ↑ Jussi M. Hanhimaki: The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. , 2004, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-534674-9 , p. 103.
  67. ↑ Excerpt from Christopher Hitchens ' book The Trial of Henry Kissinger , published in the Guardian
  68. ↑ See e.g. B. Patrice J. McSherry: Predatory states. Operation Condor and covert was in Latin America , Lanham a. a. 2005; Review of this book from the Journal of Third World Studies .
  69. ^ Frederick H. Gareau: State terrorism and the United States. From counterinsurgency to the war on terrorism. Atlanta, Ga. U. a. 2004, p. 78 f., 87
  70. ↑ a b Murtaza Hussain: How the US exported its 'dirty war' policy to Iraq - with fatal consequences. The Guardian, March 8, 2013.
  71. ↑ US military funded, oversaw detention and torture sites during Iraq invasion. PressTV, March 7, 2013.