Algerian civil war

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The Algerian Civil War was a civil war between the Algerian government and various Islamist groups that began in December 1991 and ended after a victory by government forces.

The annulment of the first free national elections since the country's independence after the ousting of President Chadli Bendjedid by a military coup and the ban by the military government of the Islamist Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) , which won the elections, were seen as the beginning of the war . The ban of the FIS was followed by a guerrilla war of various Islamist groups against the Algerian state, which their goals with terroristTried to enforce means. Here the Islamists were able to bring parts of the country under their control, in which they could subject the population to their rules. The military used torture and extrajudicial executions, as well as mass detentions. The war ended when the armed terrorist groups were broken up by the Algerian security forces. Information on the number of victims varies between 60,000 and 200,000 dead.

prehistory

Nomenclature state of the FLN

During the Algerian War , the FLN enforced the country's independence against France through military and political means. During the war, the FLN also asserted its claim to sole political representation against the competing Parti du peuple algérien and after the war, under Ahmed Ben Bella, established a one-party state based on the model of the socialist states of the Eastern Bloc . Shortly after the victory in the War of Independence, there was a short-lived armed resistance movement of the FFS guerrillas under Hocine Ait Ahmed in Kabylia . In 1965, Houari Boumedienne replaced Ben Bella as head of state through a military coup. Boumedienne continued to take socialism as a basis, but promised more egalitarianism and a return to the country's Arab-Islamic identity. He created a dictatorship tailored to himself, in which the high military dominated the political system. Domestically, the military intelligence service Sécurité Militaire (SM) ensured that political opponents were eliminated. Ben Bella and his allies were imprisoned. Potential opponents such as Aït Ahmed, Messali Hadj and Muhammad Boudiaf were driven into exile. The SM was strengthened by training aids from the Eastern Bloc secret services KGB and Stasi to become an omnipresent and feared institution of the FLN state. Both the ruling nomenclature and its repressive organs were neither transparently tangible nor legally responsible for the common citizen. The constitution, passed in 1976, made Islam the state religion. The Boumedienneregime co-opted the existing structures of legal scholars by institutionalizing religious structures as civil servants. At the same time, the state exercised strict control over the content of teaching and sermons through the Ministry of Religious Affairs. The aim of the state was a cooperative Islamic legal scholarship, which integrated the religion into the secular-nationalist narrative of the FLN. Islamist organizations or political deviation were not tolerated by the regime. For example, the Islamist legal scholars' organization Al-Qiyam was banned in the 1970s. During the 1970s Algeria benefited economically from the oil boom and had high economic growth. Boumedienne's government successfully nationalized the previously French-dominated oil sector. The regime also pushed for a land reform, which met with reluctance among the land-owning elites and religious scholars. Despite the rampant corruption and lack of transparency, the regime was able to gain domestic legitimacy as a member of the non-aligned movement through expansion of the public sector and gain in foreign policy prestige. Boumedienne's economic policy was unable to solve the problem of polarization and impoverishment, especially of the rural population who moved to the cities. In 1977 around 82% of the country's urban population were socially marginalized or poor. The middle class was put at 11%. The upper class made up 6% of the population. During the 1970s, inequality increased, with the wealthy bourgeoisie and the subordinate middle class prospering, while the living conditions of the rest of the population stagnated or deteriorated. Migration pensions for family members who emigrated to France have become an important source of income for parts of the population.

After the death of Houari Boumedienne in 1979, the officer and FLN cadre Chadli Bendjedid became president of the various factions of the FLN as a compromise candidate. The 1980s presented Algeria with major economic problems. Since independence, the economy has grown by around 4% per year. From 1986 to 1992 only 0.7% was recorded. From 1966 to 1987 the population almost doubled to 23 million people. Two thirds of the population in 1987 were under 25 years of age. 98% of the country's foreign currency revenues came from oil and gas exports . There was a decline in prices in this sector during the 1980s, and deposits were also lower than initially anticipated through exploration. In 1986 alone, oil export revenues fell by 40%. The government could only cover its finances through massive national debt on the capital market and responded with an austerity policy. This became noticeable for the population through food shortages, restrictions on public infrastructure services and mass unemployment, especially among the younger generation. The masses of young unemployed men who shaped the streets of the cities were given the name Hittistes , from the Arabic word for wall , in the local language . Large parts of the employees in state-owned companies engaged in corruption. Even outside the state, entire population groups were dependent on illegal trade and smuggling ( Trabendo ) in order to compensate for the shortage of consumer goods and jobs in the socialist state. As a result, the FLN state lost its legitimacy among the younger generation and, as le pouvoir (literally: "the power"), it was viewed as corrupt and despotic as well as being brought closer to the former colonial power. Likewise, the character of the nomenclature offspring, which succeeded thanks to patronage, entered the Algerian vernacular as Chi-Chi and became a figure of hatred for the younger generation.

Berber opposition

The Arabization policy of the FLN caused resentment among the Berber population of Kabylia . In protest against the inadequate consideration of the Berber language and the ban on lecturing in Berber, students and university professors occupied the campus in Tizi-Ouzou on March 19, 1980 . This escalated into unrest against the central state, which culminated in a general strike in Kabylia in April. This protest, referred to as the Tizi-Ouzou-Spring following the Prague Spring , challenged the legitimacy of the FLN for the first time in a mass movement. When the security forces cracked down on the protests, 30 people died and several hundreds were injured. Chadli Benjedid initially reacted with concessions in terms of creating university chairs for the Berber language and culture. In the summer of 1980, however, the FLN passed a cultural charter that reaffirmed the country's Arab-Muslim identity without naming the Berbers. A renewed call for a general strike in the autumn of 1980 found hardly any response. However, the Berber protest movement was able to institutionalize itself through the creation of social organizations. With the Enfants des Chouhada ( Children of the Martyrs ) a grassroots movement was formed which was supposed to preserve and document the memory of Berber independence war veterans independently of the work of the state veterans' organization. The Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADD) , founded in 1985 by Abdennour Ali Yahya , emerged personally from the Berber protest movement.

Islamist opposition

The Arabization of the school and university system gave rise to an Islamist-minded intelligentsia that set itself apart from the Francophone elite and competed with them for influence. The Islamists built on the indigenous tradition of Salafism and were inspired by teacher trainers imported from Egypt who were close to the Muslim Brotherhood . From 1979 an Islamist movement became increasingly visible at the country's universities, which was directed aggressively against secularists and left-wing political movements. In addition to the universities, a Daʿwa movement was formed around the popular Islamic preachers Abdellatif Soltani and Ahmed Sahnoun , which established street mosques that were not controlled by the state and which increasingly evaded the control of the state ministry of religion. The Islamist movement articulated the displeasure of the students who were fully trained in Arabic towards the still Francophone upper class. In 1981 lecture halls at the University of Algiers were occupied by Islamists and knife attacks on Francophone students. After a left-wing student was beheaded by Islamists on the university campus on November 2, 1982, the police intervened and arrested several hundred Islamist activists. Two days later, Islamists from the Dawa movement, led by FLN veteran Abbassi Madani, organized a mass protest with around 100,000 participants. They called for the establishment of an Islamic state, the abolition of higher education for women and the implementation of Sharia law. The protests were crushed by the security forces and their leaders arrested or placed under house arrest. The government of Chadli Bendjedid tried to gain legitimacy by inviting the popular ulema Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Muhammad al-Ghazālī , with the two prominent preachers pursuing their own agenda and promoting the Islamist revival movement. Furthermore, she pursued a rapprochement with the political positions of the Islamists. In 1984 she passed family legislation that severely curtailed women's rights and made them legally dependent on their husbands or male relatives. At the same time, the capital for sacred buildings was increased significantly and the country's first Islamic university, the Abdelkader University in Constantine, was inaugurated. From 1982 to 1987 Moustapha Bouyali led a jihadist terrorist group against the FLN that was crushed by state security forces.

1988 riots

On the night of October 4th to 5th, 1988, spontaneous riots broke out in the capital, Algiers , which were followed by schoolchildren and young unemployed people. The triggers were a lack of basic food and a sharp rise in the price of school supplies. The demonstrators' targets were upper class shopping and promenade, nightclubs, government buildings and buildings of the FLN organizations. The demonstrators also set fire to motor vehicles and erect barricades. Public order officials were violently attacked and publicly humiliated. A popular symbol of the uprising was an empty couscous sack that was affixed to a government building in Algiers instead of the national flag. In their tactics, the activists of the unrest took the Palestinian intifada as a model, which was very present in the Algerian media. Much of the city center of Algiers was affected within one day. The unrest subsequently spread to other cities. In Blida the courthouse was destroyed. In Tiaret there were similar conditions as in Algiers. An angry crowd burned two hotels in Oran , including one previously owned by President Chadli Bendjedid. On October 6th, General Khaled Nezzar declared a state of emergency. He thereby placed all civil authorities under the army, imposed a night curfew and used the army to fight the unrest. They occupied the strategic points of the city with armored vehicles and used firearms, torture and physical violence to put down the unrest. On October 7, 1988, around 8,000 Islamists took part in the demonstrations in the Belcourt district of Algiers for the first time. On October 10, the Salafist preacher Ali Belhadj organized a demonstration with 20,000 participants. This was stopped by the military and after shots were fired from unclear sources, 50 people were killed by armed violence. The military attempt to restore order resulted in around 500 deaths and thousands injured. Thousands were arrested by the military. At the same time, the staple foods that were missing from the population reappeared at the sales outlets through a government initiative. In this situation, President Chadle Bendjedid turned to the population via television and promised higher subsidies on consumer goods and a gradual transition to a multi-party system. The following day the situation normalized and the army lifted the admission status. The government presented a plan for a multiparty system on October 23. This was accepted by plebiscite on November 9, 1988 with 92.3%.

Multi-party system and the rise of the FIS

In February 1989, Chadli also passed a new constitution by plebiscite, which allowed the formation of political parties and freedom of the press. In contrast to all previous Algerian constitutions, the word socialism did not appear in it. Likewise, the military's position of power was restricted, at least on paper. The opening of the political system led to a boom in press publications. In 1989 alone 150 newspapers were admitted and previously politically controversial topics could be published openly. By 1991, 60 political parties were allowed. However, the FLN retained its presence in the state media and political parties faced financial and legal hurdles that were intended to tie the new parties to the existing state apparatus.

On the Islamist side, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was established in March 1989 as a gathering movement of the Da'wa movement and the Islamists organized through the street mosques. The party's leadership duo provided university professor Abbassi Madani and Salafist preacher Ali Belhadj, two well-known leaders of the Islamist movement of the 1980s. Numerous non-governmental charitable organizations and Islamic groups integrated themselves into the FIS in the hope of achieving their political goals and of being safe from state control and repression within the party. As a competitor to the FIS, the Muslim Brother Mahfoud Nahnah established HAMAS in December 1990 , which also tried to integrate other Islamic organizations but was significantly less successful than the FIS.

The first free elections at local and provincial level in June 1990 resulted in a landslide victory for the FIS. It achieved a total of 54% of the votes cast, with a turnout of 65%. This enabled them to achieve a political mandate in 31 of 48 provinces and in 856 of 1,542 municipalities. The state party FLN with 17.5% and six provinces and 487 municipalities fell well short of its own expectations. The only exception was Kabylia, in which the FIS could not gain a foothold. In the urban centers of Algiers, Oran and Constantine, the FIS secured around 70% of the votes. The FIS evaluated the election victory as a primary for national elections and Madani announced the intention to establish an Islamic state after taking power after the elections. Ali Belhadj commented on the election as a victory for Islam against democracy. The FIS recruited the local officials from their local groups. A network of activists and sympathizers participated in charitable projects. There was also a campaign against Western media consumption and for compliance with Islamic norms of behavior. The Algerian state responded to the Islamists' election victory by withdrawing from the communities they control. State funding for the municipal administrations was discontinued and the security forces initially withdrew from the municipalities ruled by Islamists. The FIS was able to cover its financial needs by skimming off private traders, which were previously strictly regulated by the state. Likewise, on the initiative of its local dignitaries, the FIS began to use its activists as police.

The real civil war began in December 1991 when the Algerian government immediately canceled the results after the first round of the parliamentary elections at the time. The reason for this was that a clear electoral victory for the Islamic Salvation Front was looming, and in this case the government feared, in addition to losing power, the establishment of an Islamic republic .

Coup

On January 11, 1992, the army canceled the electoral process, forced President Bendjedid to resign and installed the independence fighter Muhammad Boudiaf, who was returning from Moroccan exile, as chairman of the State Council under their control , which was intended as a transitional government. After the prisons became overcrowded with the arrest of thousands of FIS members, additional camps were set up in the Sahara . With the declaration of the state of emergency, basic constitutional rights were suspended. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International reported numerous state tortures and arrests without charge. The FIS was officially dissolved on March 4th.

Of the few FIS activists who remained free, most withdrew to the mountains or to certain neighborhoods of cities, took all available weapons with them and became guerrilla fighters . Less than a week after the coup, they began the first attacks against soldiers and police officers. The scarcely populated Sahara, which is rich in oil deposits, was spared from clashes for almost the entire conflict. This meant that oil exports, the main source of government income, were barely affected.

The tense situation escalated during the year when the economic system collapsed after almost all longstanding food subsidies were removed. The hopes that many Algerians had placed on Boudiaf as a non-partisan figure of integration were soon dashed when he was shot dead by one of his own bodyguards at the end of June.

On August 26, an attack by guerrillas who detonated a bomb in Algiers airport left nine people dead and 128 injured. The FIS and other major parties condemned the attack, but the influence of FIS on the guerrillas proved to be limited. After the bomb explosion in the airport, six people were arrested and their confessions were shown on Algerian television.

Civil war

After the State Council came to power, there were attacks by militant FIS supporters against police officers and security forces, but also increasingly against high government representatives and intellectuals . The government responded with heightened security and repression measures such as extending the night curfew , mass arrests and the imposition of death sentences . There were nationwide mass demonstrations against the wave of terrorism, some of which were directed against the government in view of the increasing economic problems in the country. In addition, the promised new elections were delayed further and further. On August 21, 1993, Prime Minister Belaid Abdessalam was dismissed and replaced by the previous Foreign Minister Redha Malek , who announced a tougher course against the fundamentalists. The acts of violence by Islamic extremists continued, with 23 foreigners murdered between September and December 1993. Muslim fundamentalists had urged all foreigners to leave the country by early December.

Since the January 1992 coup and the mass arrests that followed, torture , enforced disappearances and extrajudicial (unlawful) executions have become common practice among Algerian security forces and intelligence agencies. Various international human rights organizations and personalities in political life soon alerted the international public with reports of serious human rights violations by the state. Generals Larbi Belkheir, Khaled Nezzar, Mohamed Lamari, Mohamed Médiène, Smaïl Lamari and Kamel Abderrahmane, who had carried out the coup with some others, succeeded in using such practices as mere “derailments” as part of the necessary “fight against Islamic terrorism “To appear. As a result, they were able to wage a “ dirty war ” against the Algerian people for years, practically with the exclusion of the world public : tens of thousands were arrested during combing operations and raids and then often tortured. Many of those arrested disappeared without a trace, that is, they were executed by the security forces without trial. Techniques of the " French doctrine ", which had been conceived by French officers during the Algerian War of Independence from 1954–1962, were also used. One of the techniques used was that members of the DRS ( Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité ) pretended to be Islamist terrorists in order to carry out “dirty jobs” . This included, among other things, terrorist attacks under false flags , which means that Islamist groups were deliberately falsely responsible for the acts committed by members of the security forces.

The Algerian civil war had peaked in 1997 and 1998. Most of the massacres of the civilian population took place in the fertile Mitidja plain, in the so-called "death triangle" (French: triangle de la mort) between the towns of Algiers , Larbaa and Blida. Up to 2,000 people were killed here in the summer of 1997 by the Groupe Islamique Armé (GIA). 622 cases of mass murders with a total of 10,758 victims became known. Responsible for this were on the one hand the murder squads of the Islamists (AIS, GIA and other underground organizations), armed death squads, but on the other hand also punitive expeditions by the Algerian army as well as numerous tribal conflicts and feuds within the clans. The motives include ethnic cleansing, land grabbing of fertile farmland or punishment for the lack of support for the Islamists by the civilian population. Often the boundaries were fluid. The main victims were the civilian population, which was exposed to the armed groups without protection. During the Sidi Rais massacre, in which 250 villagers were killed, the military did not intervene, although there were barracks in the immediate vicinity of the village. The violence was also concentrated in Algiers, its suburbs and the periphery of the capital.

“ Since the election was canceled in 1992, according to information from women's organizations in Algeria, over 700 women have been targeted victims of Islamist violence, including women who had veiled themselves. Because they behaved 'immorally' in the eyes of the Islamists, because they lived alone or unmarried, because they worked or refused to wear the veil, they were kidnapped, raped and, in many cases, brutally murdered . "

The senior intelligence officer Mohamed Samraoui confirmed in 2003 that the leadership of one of the most violent terrorist groups, the Groupe Islamique Armé (GIA), had been infiltrated by agents. According to his account, the DRS had also founded its own armed groups to oppose the guerrillas and at the same time smuggled former members of the military into the terrorist groups. However, this top-secret strategy soon failed because some of the groups formed in this way got completely out of control.

After the civil war subsided, the government launched a referendum on a policy of reconciliation in 1999. In January 2000 an amnesty for Islamists expired, which Abd al-Asis Bouteflika extended indefinitely after the self-dissolution of the AIS (the armed arm of the FIS) in March 2000. However, the amnesty was not accepted by the GSPC , a splinter group of the AIS, founded in 1998 , which continued to carry out terrorist activities. In 2003 a group of the GSPC led by Amari Saifi, called Abderrazak El Para, kidnapped 32 tourists on Algerian soil, most of them Germans.

Another presidential election took place on April 8, 2004. A total of six candidates ran. Bouteflika, who was elected with the backing of the military in 1999, was considered the favorite. Ex-Prime Minister Ali Benflis was considered the only serious challenger. Bouteflika received 83 percent of the vote in the first round of the presidential election. Ali Benflis was way behind him. Bouteflika is the first President of Algeria to receive a second mandate.

In a referendum in 2005, the Algerians voted on a general amnesty .

Chronology of events

  • October 1988: Strikes and unrest are bloodily suppressed by the army: over 500 dead.
  • February 23, 1989: Introduction of the multiparty system through a new constitution.
  • March 1989: Foundation of the FIS
  • June 12, 1990: First free local elections. FIS wins in 55 percent of the municipalities.
  • July 1990: General Khaled Nezzar is appointed Minister of Defense.
  • May 1991: FIS calls for a general strike demanding a change to the electoral law and early presidential elections.
  • 4th / 5th June 1991: The strike is bloody ended by the army. Prime Minister Mouloud Hamrouche's government resigns. President Chadli Bendjedid postponed the parliamentary elections scheduled for June 1991 and declared a state of emergency.
  • June 30, 1991: The two FIS leaders Abassi Madani and Ali Banhadj are arrested.
  • December 26, 1991: First round of parliamentary elections, FIS wins 47.3 percent of the votes cast and thus 188 of the total of 430 seats. 48 percent of voters stay away from the ballot box. The second ballot is scheduled for January 16, 1992.
  • 11-14 January 1992: military coup. President Bendjedid is forced to resign. Parliament was dissolved and the constitution suspended. Mohamed Boudiaf is appointed chairman of the newly established State High Committee.
  • End of January 1992: FIS leader Abdelkader Hachani is arrested.
  • February 9, 1992: Another state of emergency was imposed.
  • March 4, 1992: Dissolution and ban of the FIS.
  • April 1992: The local governments controlled by FIS are dissolved.
  • June 29, 1992: Boudiaf is murdered.
  • August 26, 1992: Attack on Algiers international airport: Nine dead and around 130 injured.
  • Around 1993: the GIA was founded .
  • 1993: Sharp increase in the number of attacks on journalists and intellectuals in particular.
  • August 22, 1993: Assassination of the former prime minister and head of the secret service Kasdi Merbah .
  • October 1993: GIA finally urge foreigners to leave Algeria.
  • January 1994: The high state committee is dissolved, General Liamine Zéroual is appointed president for a transition period of three years.
  • July 1994: Founding of the AIS, which sees itself as the armed arm of the FIS.
  • November 1994: First meeting of representatives of the opposition parties (FIS, FLN , FFS and others) in Rome.
  • January 1995: Second meeting of representatives of the opposition parties in Rome: Adoption of the Rome platform for the solution of the crisis in Algeria.
  • February 20, 1995: Serkadji prison massacre : 109 dead.
  • November 16, 1995: Presidential elections: Zéroual is elected President with 61 percent of the vote.
  • Night of March 26th to 27th, 1996: GIA kidnapped and murdered seven monks from the Notre-Dame de l'Atlas monastery in Tibhirine
  • August 1, 1996: Bishop Pierre Claverie is murdered together with his Muslim chauffeur
  • November 1996: New constitution introduced by referendum. It grants the President far-reaching powers.
  • June 5, 1997: In the parliamentary elections, the newly founded party of the President (Rassemblement national démocratique, RND) wins a majority of the seats. The election results are being challenged by the opposition.
  • July 1997: Madani and Hachani are released.
  • 28/29 August 1997: Raïs massacre. 200–400 dead and hundreds injured.
  • September 21, 1997: Unilateral armistice of the AIS.
  • December 30, 1997: Massacre in the Relizane region : over 500 dead.
  • January 4, 1998: More massacres in the Relizane region: over 500 dead.
  • September 11, 1998: President Zéroual announces his early resignation and presidential elections for the coming year.
  • April 15, 1999: Presidential elections: Abdelaziz Bouteflika is elected President after six other candidates have withdrawn.
  • September 16, 1999: "Civil Unity Law" passed by referendum.
  • End of 2001: The Berber language Tamazight is declared the Algerian national language.
  • February / March 2003: A group of the GSPC led by Amari Saifi, called Abderrazak El Para, kidnaps 32 western tourists in southern Algeria. The last 15 hostages will be released on August 18, 2003 after negotiations.
  • April 8, 2004: Presidential elections: Bouteflika was re-elected from six candidates in the first ballot with 83 percent of the vote.

See also

literature

  • Rolf Schwarz: State, power and human rights in Algeria, democracy and development, Bd. 51. LIT Verlag, Münster. ISBN 3-8258-6399-9 .
  • Habib Souaïdia: Dirty War in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) . Translation from French. Chronos-Verlag Zurich, 2001. ISBN 3-0340-0537-7 .
  • Marco Impagliazzo, Mario Giro: Algeria hostage. Between Military and Fundamentalism - A Difficult Road to Peace. Translation from Italian. Münster, Lit Verlag 1998. ISBN 978-3-8258-3901-7 .
  • Michael Willis: The Islamist Challenge in Algeria: A Political History , NYU Press. New York 1996, ISBN 0-8147-9328-2 .
  • William B. Quandt: Between Ballots and Bullets: Algeria's Transition from Authoritarianism , Brookings Institution Press., Washington DC, 1998, ISBN 0-8157-7301-3 .
  • Roman Hagelstein: The Civil War in Algeria. Political, Economic and Institutional Background. Eberhard Karls University, Tübingen 2010.
  • John Phillips, Martin Evans: Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed . Yale University Press 2007/2011

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990 1998. London, 2000, pp. 48f
  2. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 81-97
  3. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990-1998. London, 2000, pp. 3f
  4. ^ A b c Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 106-115
  5. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990-1998. London, 2000, p. 2
  6. ↑ John Ruedy: Modern Algeria - The Origins and Development of a Nation. , 2nd edition, Bloomington, 2005, pp 232-235
  7. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 122-124
  8. ↑ Gilles Kepel: Jihad - The Trail of Political Islam. 4th edition, London, 2007, 2016 p. 165
  9. ↑ John Ruedy: Modern Algeria - The Origins and Development of a Nation. 2nd edition, Bloomington, 2005, pp. 240-242
  10. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 124f
  11. ↑ Gilles Kepel: Jihad - The Trail of Political Islam. 4th edition, London, 2007, 2016 p. 165
  12. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. P. 126f
  13. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990 1998. London, 2000, pp. 48f
  14. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 102-106
  15. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 143-146
  16. ↑ Aït-Aoudia, M. (2006). La naissance du Front islamique du salut: une politisation conflictuelle (1988–1989). Critique Internationale, no 30, (1), 129–144. doi: 10.3917 / crii.030.0129 .
  17. ^ Hugh Roberts: The Battlefield Algeria 1988-2002 - Studies in a Broken Polity. London, 2003, p. 67f
  18. ^ Hugh Roberts: The Battlefield Algeria 1988-2002 - Studies in a Broken Polity. London, 2003, p. 67f
  19. ^ Martin Evans, John Phillips: Algeria - Anger of the Dispossesed. New Haven, 2007, pp. 159f
  20. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990 1998. London, 2000, pp. 33f, 38f
  21. ↑ Luis Martinez: The Algerian Civil War 1990-1998. London, 2000, pp. 33f
  22. ^ New York Times, August 27, 1992
  23. ↑ Amnesty International, UA (Urgent Action) 174/93
  24. ↑ Algeria. In: Brockhaus Encyclopedia. Yearbook 1993. Mannheim 1994, p. 60.
  25. ↑ Algeria Watch. Algeria: The Murder Machine (PDF file; 870 kB)
  26. ↑ "When the men of the DRS grew their beards, I knew they were preparing for a 'dirty job' in which they pretended to be terrorists." Habib Souaïdia: Dirty war in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) . Translation from French. Chronos-Verlag, Zurich 2001, p. 113
  27. ↑ AlgérieNews: Sellal en visite dans la Mitidja, Il était une fois… le triangle de la mort, January 11, 2014 ( Memento of May 12, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
  28. ↑ Greenpeace Magazine, In the Land of the Assassins ( Memento from May 12, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
  29. ^ Algeria Watch, Information on the human rights situation in Algeria, An investigation into the massacres in Algeria
  30. ↑ Focus, Undisturbed Murder
  31. Jump up ↑ Terror for Terror's Sake, or The Algerian Visitation, by Hanspeter Mattes, Die Welt, February 8, 1997
  32. ↑ Death threatens with or without a veil, by Monika Borgmann, Zeit Online, July 26, 1996
  33. ↑ Algeria's dirty war. Secret service agents unpack. (No longer available online.) In: Le Monde Diplomatique. March 17, 2004, archived from the original on June 4, 2008 ; Retrieved March 16, 2011 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.eurozine.com
  34. ^ Habib Souaïdia: Dirty War in Algeria. Report by an ex-officer in the Army Special Forces (1992–2000) . Translation from French. Chronos-Verlag, Zurich 2001, pp. 199–201
  35. ↑ Covered tracks in the Sahara
  36. ↑ Hamburger Abendblatt : Sahara hostages - war of nerves until the end of August 18, 2003