Argentine military dictatorship (1976-1983)
During the Argentine military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983 , Argentina was ruled by a military junta , which consisted of the three commanders-in-chief of the army, air force and navy. The junta member General Jorge Rafael Videla was initially appointed president for five years; the junta's composition later changed several times. While the right-wing , authoritarian and ultra-nationalist military regime was ruling, there were civil war-like conditions with state terror (approx. 30,000 victims) and counter- terror on the part of the left-wing guerrilla organizations Montoneros and ERP, and towards the end of a deep economic crisis and the lost Falklands War . This finally cost the military the social support and initiated the phase of the return to democracy . The first democratically elected president was Raúl Alfonsín , who began a thorough examination of the crimes during the dictatorship. Several junta members were sentenced to life imprisonment for their responsibility for the systematic and clandestine enforced disappearance , torture and murder of opposition activists. However, due to massive pressure from the military, the judicial processing was largely discontinued after a few years and only resumed from around 2003 under President Néstor Kirchner .
Some of the rulers at the time have only recently been sentenced to life imprisonment again, such as the first junta boss Videla in July 2012. Many former lower-ranking officers are now serving life imprisonment for the crimes committed during the dictatorship's self-declared "dirty war" against people suspected of being political opponents ( Desaparecidos ). The military itself described the period of its rule with the euphemistic term "process of national reorganization" ( Spanish Proceso de Reorganización Nacional , often abbreviated as Proceso ). This name was chosen by the military government to indicate the temporary nature of this "process". The nation, which at that time was in a deep social crisis, was to be "reorganized" according to conservative ideals and then "released" into democracy according to the plan of the military. Because of the ten thousandfold human rights violations committed by the military, this name is widely regarded as trivializing and euphemistic and is therefore usually placed in quotation marks to distance yourself.
Argentina found itself in a social and political crisis at the end of the 1960s. Under the military dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966–1970) and Roberto Levingston (1970–1971), there was a split between state power and the labor movement. The latter sympathized partly with violent organizations like the Montoneros , partly with Juan Perón, who was in exile, and partly with socialism . There were violent unrest and popular uprisings, the most violent being the so-called Cordobazo (1969) with 14–34 dead, 200–400 injured and 2,000 arrests.
The regime saw democratization as the last resort. Juan Perón came back to power in 1973 after several short-term presidents, which led to a temporary stabilization. After his death in July 1974, his wife Isabel Perón ("Isabelita") became president. Under her government the country experienced increasing economic problems. Phases of high inflation were followed by emergency economic programs by several economics ministers, but these failed to defuse the situation; economic growth was also negative in 1975 and 1976. In addition, the conflict between the state and the left guerrilla organizations, which opposed the government's consistent right-wing course, flared up again. Since it was founded in late 1973, the pro-government, unofficial death squad Alianza Anticomunista Argentina (AAA or Triple A) and other paramilitary organizations have carried out state terror against left-wing opposition members and internal critics of the ruling Peronist party ( Partido Justicialista ). Argentina was thus shaken by terrorist activities by both left-wing extremist and right-wing extremist groups - the left- Peronist Montoneros and the Marxist ERP on the one hand, the right-wing extremist Triple A on the other. Several corruption scandals further worsened the image of Isabel Peron's government, which ultimately led to the violent transfer of power in 1976.
Course of the dictatorship
The "dirty war" against the guerrillas (1976–1978)
During the military coup on March 24, 1976, Isabel Perón was removed from office and replaced by a military junta led by Jorge Videla , commander in chief of the Argentine armed forces . The coup itself was easy to foresee, as the military leadership had negotiated with the government several times in the previous days about the president's voluntary resignation, which amounted to an ultimatum. The takeover of power lasted only a few hours and there was no resistance from the government. On the same day, the regime dissolved Congress, removed the supreme jurisdiction of the country and suspended the activities of all political parties indefinitely.
At the beginning, the regime was able to gain a relatively high level of popularity among the population, as they were disappointed by the Isabel Perón government and the economic situation initially stabilized for a short time. In its government statement, the junta had declared that it would base its policy on Christian conservative values, but take action against the guerrilla organizations and other acts of so-called subversion . Shortly after taking power, General Luciano Benjamín Menéndez had announced large-scale purges and also accepted the deaths of innocent people (even by junta standards):
“We're going to have to kill 50,000 people. 25,000 subversives, 20,000 sympathizers and we will make 5,000 mistakes. "
After a few weeks it became clear that the new government would pursue the goal of combating subversion with the utmost severity. There have been set up secret prisons, the later with the concentration camps of the Nazis were compared. In the approximately 340 facilities spread across the country, more or less arbitrarily selected “suspects” were often detained without trial for months or years. Almost all those detained were systematically tortured and later killed, only a fraction were released. Some pregnant women were killed after giving birth. Their children were given up for adoption to families of officers, some for money. The largest of these secret prisons was the Navy Technical School (ESMA) in Buenos Aires, where around 5,000 people were tortured and murdered during the dictatorship. At the same time, the government cooperated with numerous criminal death squads , such as the Alianza Anticomunista Argentina , who were tolerated or supported. These terrorized immigrants from neighboring countries, Jews, Muslims and students in particular for no reason.
Numerous foreigners who were in the country at the time were also arrested. Some were released after the intervention of the respective embassies and consulates. France and the United Kingdom, in particular, sought successfully to liberate their citizens through diplomatic activities.
Child robbery and forced adoptions
It was common practice to give children born in secret prisons to women abducted and killed shortly after birth to mostly childless officer or entrepreneurial families, sometimes against payment. After the end of the dictatorship in 1983, many grandparents and remaining parents tried to find these children again. The organization Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo estimates that there are a total of around 500 children in Argentina who were kidnapped by the henchmen of the dictatorship and then secretly given up for adoption. In at least 128 cases, children who had disappeared during the military dictatorship were returned to parents or rightful families by 2018. The efforts continue. The confrontation with their true origins is usually a very painful process for the meanwhile grown-up children - also because their supposed fathers as officers were often involved in the torture and murder of their actual birth parents. Some of the children who learned their true origins founded the organization HIJOS in 1999 , which advocates tough prosecution of the perpetrators of the time.
The military junta assumed that they would have US approval for this approach. This was based, among other things, on a meeting between the Argentine Foreign Minister Admiral Guzzetti and US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in June 1976, which contrary to expectations had given positive signals to a tough approach to solving the "terrorism problem". This was obviously understood as a license to terrorize all opposition members. Robert Hill, the US ambassador to Argentina at the time, complained in Washington about the Argentine's “euphoric reaction” after meeting Kissinger. Foreign Minister Guzzetti then reported to the other members of the Argentine government that, according to his impression, the US was not concerned with human rights , but with the whole matter being "resolved quickly". The military junta subsequently rejected petitions from the US embassy regarding the observance of human rights and referred to Kissinger's “understanding” of the situation. Hill wrote after another meeting of the two:
“Guzzetti reached out to the US in full expectation to hear strong, clear and direct warnings about his administration's human rights practice; instead he came in a jubilant state. 'State of jubilation'] home, convinced of the fact that there was no real problem with the US government on this matter. "
Allegations against the German government
For a detailed analysis of the background and motivation of the German authorities, see Elisabeth Käsemann # Controversies about the role of the German authorities in the "Käsemann case"
The German government under Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and the responsible Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher have repeatedly been accused of attaching more importance to good economic relations with Argentina and not bothering that the approximately 100 kidnapped Germans and Germans (e. B. Elisabeth Käsemann and Klaus Zieschank ) survived. Relatives of German " disappeared " raised especially serious allegations against the German embassy in Buenos Aires under Ambassador Jörg Kastl and the Foreign Office . There are numerous indications - well documented in the Käsemann case - that, despite urgent appeals from the families, the German authorities did too little to intervene with the Argentine authorities on behalf of the arbitrarily arrested. In the Käsemann case, this is particularly tragic, as she was severely tortured at the time the family asked the authorities, but was still alive. After it became known that she had been killed by four shots in the back in an alleged battle with rebels, a defensive claim by the Argentines that was soon refuted, a family member said: "A Mercedes sold undoubtedly weighs more than a life." German organization Coalition against Impunity, in some cases successfully, for the prosecution of perpetrators involved in crimes against Germans.
The staff of the German Embassy in Buenos Aires are accused by relatives of the disappeared that good economic relations with Argentina were paramount, but the acute danger of torture and murder by the military was neglected. On the part of the embassy, the desperate family members of "disappeared" people had been referred to allegedly "well-informed" military personnel such as "Major Peirano", who was often to be found in the embassy (after the dictatorship, the name turned out to be wrong) - but this one was one Member of the Batallón de Inteligencia 601 secret service unit, which was massively and centrally involved in the human rights violations of the dictatorship .
Cross-border terror against opposition groups: Operation Condor
Internationally, the government cooperated with the right-wing dictatorships in neighboring countries as part of Operation Condor , in which certain members of left-wing parties were searched for across borders. Most of the victims were officially reported as missing , so the term Desaparecidos , disappeared , later became synonymous with victims of Latin American military dictatorships . The era later became known as the " dirty war " (guerra sucia) .
The resistance against terrorism was hidden and hesitant because of the generally very dangerous situation for opposition members - you risked your life if you discovered it. The most important protest movement was the Madres de Plaza de Mayo , an initially relaxed organization of mothers of the "disappeared" who met every Thursday from 1977 on the square in front of the government building in Buenos Aires and there, labeled with white headscarves, silently lapsed around the Turned place. This non-violent form of protest was tolerated by the military for fear of radicalization of the opposition.
In cultural and social policy, too, the government's course became harder after a short time. Symbolic book burnings of Marxist literature were held in some cities . After a few weeks of freedom of the press, the press was subjected to strict censorship, and some journalists were arrested. This led to the fact that many well-known artists and authors left the country and went into exile , and from then on the cultural scene was limited to a low-quality, strictly guarded scene that endeavored to "calm down" the population.
The level of terror differed from region to region, however, because within the military government there was a dispute over the direction of the duros (hard) and blandos (soft), who were also known as "falcons" (halcones) and "doves" (palomas). While the "duros" can definitely be described as right-wing extremists and wanted to "convert" society to extremely conservative ideals by force, the "blandos", to which President Videla originally belonged, only wanted to quickly combat the terror of the guerrillas. they favored a quick democratization of speech after the conclusion of the "process". Since several high-ranking military men, among them the governor of the province of Buenos Aires , Ibérico Saint-Jean , belonged to the "duros", Videla was forced to make concessions to them and to tolerate the state terrorist methods as well as the cultural and political excesses. Politics in the provinces of Buenos Aires (outside the urban area) and Córdoba were particularly strongly influenced by the tough course of the "duros" , while the city of Buenos Aires itself was ruled by a rather liberal mayor who even limited critical cultural activities, etc. a. in the university of the city , made possible.
Junta member Admiral Emilio Massera was considered one of the strongest hardliners . He was in command of the Navy and in this capacity was also responsible for the notorious Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) naval school , one of the centers of illegal detention. Around 5,000 people were tortured and murdered there, including many foreigners. In 1977, Massera explained his worldview in an interview:
“The current crisis of mankind is owed to three men: at the end of the 19th century Marx published the three volumes of his Capital and with them sowed doubts about the inviolability of property; At the beginning of the 20th century, the sacred intimate sphere of man was attacked by Freud with his book The Interpretation of Dreams , and finally Einstein in 1905 with his theory of relativity undermined the static conception of matter and its decline. "
All three were Jews , whose destructive work would have plunged the world into the current chaos.
Defeat of the guerrilla and football World Cup 1978
The tough course of the regime had its first military “successes” in 1977: the guerrilla organizations were largely wiped out and their influence in the population sank. In 1978 Videla announced that the "war" on terror was over. In spite of this, slums were forcibly dismantled during further state terrorist actions , and some of their residents were tortured and murdered in order to present the world with a “clean Argentina” for the 1978 World Cup . This world championship, in which the country won the title, provided a brief surge in popularity for the military regime, which, however, quickly evaporated due to various problems.
In economic policy, the new Minister of Economic Affairs, José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, launched a restructuring program based on economically liberal ideas. The program was primarily geared towards combating inflation and restoring confidence for foreign investors and included measures of restrictive budgetary policy, tariff cuts, freezing real wages and increasing interest rates. Although the economic situation stabilized for a short time in 1977, inflation was reduced from around 700% (1976) to 347.5% (1977) to only 160.4% (1978). This continued high rate of price increases, combined with stagnating wages, led to the fact that the standard of living of wage earners fell by half between 1976 and 1978, according to estimates. Even within the upper caste of the regime, criticism of this economic policy soon arose, as many military men of the “blandos” feared that society could become radicalized through social decline. Famous in this context is a quote from the Governor of the Tucumán Province , General Bussi , who said to the Minister for Economic Affairs: "If I liquidate ten guerrillas here, you will send me twenty new ones with their economic policy". As a result, the model was improved in some points (see below), but without eliminating its fundamental problems.
No significant progress has been made in relation to the dialogue announced by the government with the country's leaders. Talks were held with politicians and union leaders, but they did not produce any concrete results.
"Plata Dulce" and the debt crisis (1978–1981)
After 1978, the liberal economic policy did not lead to an improvement in the situation as expected, but to a further deterioration. The tariff reductions intensified the competition for the Argentine industry from foreign products, especially from the so-called low - wage countries . This resulted in the secondary sector falling into deep crisis and having to close numerous businesses. Industrial production fell by a little more than 20% between 1976 and 1983. In addition, the imbalance between exports and imports has increased the trade deficit .
To counter increasing criticism in the non-commercial media, the press and broadcasting law was changed in 1980. Among other things, it was forbidden to hand over radio and television waves to charitable organizations.
The military government was unable to combat inflation effectively either, but rose again slightly, and the peso had to be devalued several times. In order to attract foreign capital in spite of this situation, the tablita was introduced, a fixed devaluation rhythm in small steps. The aim was to enable investors to better calculate losses from inflation and devaluation. However, domestic and foreign speculators soon began to exploit this mechanism and make big profits by switching money back and forth between the peso and the US dollar . This wave of speculation was given the term Plata Dulce (sweet money) in the media . It led to a drastic increase in Argentina's external debt in the late 1970s and early 1980s, as speculators invested their profits with foreign banks , primarily in a massive wave of capital flight in 1981 . Between 1976 and 1983, the total external debt rose from 7 to 50 billion US dollars, at the same time the balances of Argentine citizens abroad rose to over 30 billion US dollars.
At the same time, the differences within the military itself intensified. In 1981 there were two changes of government. The liberal successor to Videla and leader of the "blandos", Roberto Viola , ensured a short period of relative freedom of expression, but was replaced in the same year after internal disputes by the right-wing conservative Leopoldo Galtieri .
Falklands War and the fall of the regime (1981-1983)
After Galtieri came to power, the country's economic situation deteriorated further. There were the first major protests against the military government. In this scenario, the plans for the invasion of the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas) in the south Atlantic near the coast of Tierra del Fuego , administered by Great Britain since 1833 but always claimed by Argentina, arose , a company that was planned as a liberation. The strategists hoped that Great Britain would give up the islands, which are only inhabited by around 2,000 people, without a fight after a conquest by Argentina.
The Falklands War did indeed bring about a gain in popularity for the military government in its first few days, which were successful for Argentina. However, since Britain was ultimately able to recapture the islands, the situation for the regime after the war was worse than before. The military defeat was immediately followed by Galtieri's resignation, he was replaced by Reynaldo Bignone .
Bignone quickly recognized the hopelessness of continuing the "process". The economic problems had worsened in 1982 and the government had lost virtually all of its remaining supporters in the Falklands War. Although other high-ranking military officials wanted him to delay the democratization process, in his first speech he announced the goal of free elections , originally for 1984. After the suspension of the activities of the political parties was lifted, a plethora of organized mass events followed, demonstrating for democratization and against the military government in general. Because of the persistently poor economic and social situation, the elections were brought forward to 1983.
In its final days, the government mainly tried to shift responsibility for human rights violations from itself. In the so-called "Pacification Act" or "Self-Amnesty Act" it was declared that all judicial and police decisions made between 1973 and 1982 would be annulled. However, the law was annulled in one of the first sessions of the democratically elected parliament. Overall, democratization was more like a complete withdrawal from responsibility on the part of the regime than a controlled process, as the rulers originally sought. There was no pact between the military and the civil parties, which then largely seamlessly took power in the state.
In the 1983 presidential election, Raúl Alfonsín of the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) emerged victorious. The new beginning was difficult mainly because of the economic situation, but at the beginning of his reign Alfonsín had the advantage of having almost all sectors of society on his side, with the exception of the military, who initially did not interfere in his politics.
The processing of the human rights violations of the military dictatorship was first pushed very consistently. The CONADEP was established a commission with the investigation of cases of "disappeared" in the military dictatorship persons ( desaparecidos ) concerned. In the period between 1983 and 1984, the commission reported 8,000 disappearances from the population, but estimates speak of a high number of unreported cases and, in effect, around 30,000 "disappeared". CONADEP concluded that the military government had committed unjustifiable human rights offenses, even considering the civil war-like conditions of 1976 and 1977. Your report, which became a bestseller under the title “ Nunca más ” (“Never again”) in book form under the direction of the well-known writer Ernesto Sábato , documents the extent of human rights violations on the basis of 709 clearly proven individual cases.
As a result, all members of the military junior were charged. The trial took place in 1985 and the verdict was announced on December 9th of that year: Jorge Videla and Emilio Massera , both members of the first military junta, who were primarily responsible for the “dirty war”, received life sentences, while the members of the second junta received long prison sentences. The third (under Leopoldo Galtieri) and fourth junta (under Bignone ) went unpunished.
Following further trials in 1986, the government was forced Alfonsín in the same year, as a concession to the military, the so-called final stroke Act to adopt (Ley de Punto Final). Under this law, new charges could only be brought within 60 days. This resulted in a great wave of indictments and trials.
In this situation, the so-called Carapintada incident occurred: A major accused of torture and murder holed up in a barracks in Cordoba in 1987 , supported by Colonel Aldo Rico , one of the spokesmen for the right arm of the military after democratization. They called for an amnesty for all of the accused in the military. Despite numerous mass demonstrations and appeals for support from all sides of society against these demands, the Alfonsin government largely accommodated the insurgent military and passed the so-called law on obedience (Ley de Obediencia Debida). This meant an amnesty for the lower echelons of the military, who were credited with executing higher-level orders in their crimes.
The Carlos Menem government , which succeeded the Alfonsín government after the economic crisis from 1988 to 1999, tried to reform the structure of the Argentine military more strongly and, as a first step, abolished conscription in 1994 . As a concession, however, the convicted dictators were pardoned. This shows that the fear of another military coup remained latent until the early 1990s. At the same time, Menem pardoned many convicted military personnel, but also some former guerrilla fighters.
After the change of power in 1999, when Menem was replaced by Fernando de la Rúa , the demand was raised louder to reverse the amnesty and to annul the two laws Punto Final and Obediencia Debida in order to be able to indict those responsible who had previously been unpunished. It took, among other things, because of the economic crisis between 1998 and 2003, until 2003 under the government of Néstor Kirchner , until this project was implemented and in 2005 was confirmed by the Supreme Court of Argentina. The pardons issued by Menem were canceled.
Today the democratic integration of the military into the state apparatus seems to have largely succeeded, which is also due to the poor image of this institution in large parts of the population, which has severely limited its influence. There is no threat of another coup, even in the worst times of the economic crisis, despite international concerns and some rumors, there was never any serious speculation about such a solution in the country. Even spectacular interventions by the Kirchner government in the military apparatus, such as the dismissal of the entire management team at the beginning of 2005 for involvement in a drug scandal, remained without significant resistance.
In February 2010, a trial of eight former military officials began in Buenos Aires for crimes committed during the Argentine military dictatorship. The Federal Government of Germany acted as a joint plaintiff because of the murder of Elisabeth Käsemann . In December 2010 Videla was sentenced to life imprisonment together with 15 other people responsible for the repression.
At the beginning of July 2012, Jorge Rafael Videla and Reynaldo Bignone were held legally responsible for the kidnapping of imprisoned opponents of the regime , which were often committed during the military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983 , most of whom were subsequently killed. The federal court in Buenos Aires handed prison terms of 50 years for Videla and 15 years for Bignone. Four other high-ranking officers were sentenced to terms of between 14 and 40 years, while two other defendants were acquitted.
Cultural processing of the dictatorship
In the first years of democracy from 1983 onwards, the cultural scene in Argentina began to prepare for the time of the "process of national reorganization". It was above all literature that played a leading role; It had already begun to criticize the dictatorship itself - whether in the country itself, as in the case of Rodolfo Walsh , who was killed by soldiers about a year after the coup, or from outside exile , for example through the essays by Noé Jitrik . After democratization, numerous works were published that deal with this period in Argentine history. The main body was essays and political articles, while a wave of fictional works was not written until the 1990s. The writer Elsa Osorio, for example, describes in her novel A veinte años, Luz (German title: Mein Name ist Luz ) a young woman who is taken from a prisoner as a baby and who grows up in an officer's family and goes in search of her real parents. Alicia Kozameh , herself a political prisoner of the military dictatorship, has in her autobiographical novel Pasos bajo el agua (1987, German: steps under water , Vienna 1999) processed the experiences of women of her generation in prison in literary terms.
More media interest than the literary works, however, reached the films that were made about the military dictatorship (see also description in the article Desaparecidos ). Documentations (such as the well-known República Perdida 2 by Miguel Pérez , published 1985) were roughly balanced with fictional works. Two of the most famous films about the period are La Noche de los Lápices by Héctor Olivera (1986), which tells the best-known proven case of CONADEP, the kidnapping, torture and murder of a group of young people from La Plata in an illegal concentration camp, and the Oscar winner The official story of Luis Puenzo , which is about child abduction. In the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, many other films took up the subject from different perspectives, and war films about the Falklands War were also released from 1984 ( Chicos de la Guerra , Bebe Kamin ) , most of them with a critical background.
There is criticism of some of the fictional works in some circles, especially conservative ones. They are accused of exaggerating the actual events. This is countered by the fact that there were demonstrably a large number of very brutal incidents during the time of the “ dirty war ” that justify such a description.
- History of Argentina
- Operation Condor
- Augusto Pinochet
- Movimiento por la Dignidad y la Independencia
- Coalition Against Impunity
- Asymmetrical warfare
- Oscar Antonio Montes
- Alfredo Astiz
- Gladys Ambort: If the others disappear, we are nothing. Laika-Verlag, Hamburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-942281-94-2 .
- Willi Baer, Karl-Heinz Dellwo (ed.): Panteón Militar. Crusade Against Subversion. Laika-Verlag , Hamburg 2010, ISBN 978-3-942281-78-2 ( Library of Resistance. Volume 9).
- Marcelo Cavarozzi: Autoritarismo y democracia (1955-1996). Eudeba, Buenos Aires 2002, ISBN 950-23-1197-3 .
- CONADEP: Nunca Más. Eudeba, Buenos Aires 1984, ISBN 950-23-1276-7 .
- Christian Dürr: "Disappeared". Persecution and torture under the Argentine military dictatorship (1976–1983). Metropol, Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-86331-279-4 .
- Uki Goñi : El Infiltrado. La verdadera historia de Alfredo Astiz. 1994.
- Wolfgang Kaleck: Fight against impunity, Argentina's military in court. Publishing house Klaus Wagenbach, Berlin 2010.
- Barbara Klimmeck: Argentina 1976–1983. Military rule, media censorship, human rights violations. An exploratory study on state repression and media control (= Research on Latin America , Volume 29). (Additional dissertation, Catholic University Eichstätt, 1991) Verlag Breitenbach (Pfalz), Saarbrücken 1991, ISBN 978-3-88156-516-5 .
- Hugo Quiroga: El tiempo del Proceso. 2nd Edition. Editorial Homo Sapiens, Rosario 2004, ISBN 950-808-402-2 .
- Jordi Sierra i Fabra: La memòria dels éssers perduts / La memoria de los seres perdisos 1998.
- Different authors: Juicio, castigo y memoria. Nueva Visión, Buenos Aires 1995.
- Patricio Pron : My fathers' spirit rises in the rain . Translation Christian Hansen . Reinbek: Rowohlt, 2013
- German arrest warrant against Argentina's ex-dictator . Zeit Online , January 22, 2010
- Inga Kleinecke: The Cordobazo. November 23, 2009. Retrieved July 19, 2019 .
- Paul H. Lewis: Guerrillas and generals: the "Dirty War" in Argentina . Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002, p. 147
- Steffen Leidel: Notorious ex-torture center opens to the public. In: Deutsche Welle. March 14, 2005, accessed December 13, 2008 .
- Werner Marti: Videla convicted of child robbery. Argentina's judiciary speaks of the systematic appropriation of babies by the military . Neue Zürcher Zeitung online, July 7, 2012
- Casos resueltos | Nuestros Nietos | Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo. Retrieved March 11, 2019 (Spanish).
- Werner Marti: Videla convicted of child robbery. Argentina's judiciary speaks of the systematic appropriation of babies by the military . Neue Zürcher Zeitung online, July 7, 2012
- Argentine Military believed US gave go-agead for Dirty War. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, 73 - Part II, confidential CIA documents, published in 2002. The then US Ambassador Robert Hill wrote after another meeting between Kissinger and Foreign Minister Guzzetti: “ Guzzetti went to US fully expecting to hear some strong, firm, direct warnings on his government's human rights practices, rather than that, he has returned in a state of jubilation, convinced that there is no real problem with the USG [overnment] over that issue ”.
- Argentine Military believed US gave go-agead for Dirty War. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book, 73 - Part II, CIA Confidential Documents, published 2002
- A life in solidarity with Latin America. Elisabeth Käsemann. ( Memento from September 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 2.7 MB) Exhibition brochure, Coalition Against Impunity, Nuremberg, May 2007, p. 14.
- Miriam Hollstein: German justice chases junta general . In: Welt am Sonntag , July 15, 2001
- A life in solidarity with Latin America. Elisabeth Käsemann. ( Memento from September 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF file; 2.7 MB) Exhibition brochure, Coalition against Impunity, Nuremberg, May 2007, p. 8.
- ¿Pecado De Omision? [Guilty for omission?] Deutsche Welle
- The Ideologue of the Dirty War . In: FAZ , May 18, 2013: “Admiral Eduardo Massera, who developed the navy into an all-powerful repressive apparatus and turned its 'mechanical school' in Buenos Aires (Esma) into the largest secret torture center, presumably surpassed him (Videla) in cruelty . "
- Media Crusades . Deutschlandradio Feature, March 17, 2009.
- Argentina brings Elisabeth Käsemann's murder to court (ND, March 27, 2010)
- Videla fue condenado a prisión perpetua e irá a una cárcel común , LaNacion.com , December 22, 2010
- Argentina: Ex-dictators Videla and Bignone convicted of baby robbery . Zeit Online , July 6, 2012; Retrieved July 6, 2012.