Peronism
As Peronism is defined as a political and social movement in Argentina , which has existed since the 1940s. It is named after its leader Juan Perón , who took over the government for the first time in 1946. Peronism presents itself as a diverse populist movement that has changed significantly ideologically, organizationally and personally in the course of its history. It integrated a multitude of political goals and views, all of which had in common the appeal to the people and Perón as leader. To this day, Peronism is a formative political force in Argentina.
During the first reign of Perón from 1946 to 1955, the movement experienced its classic form. After the military coup of September 1955, the temporary ban, work in the opposition and the period of the military dictatorship that began in 1966, Peronism put the government in place a second time from 1973 to 1976. Perón was again President of Argentina until his death in 1974, then until 1976 his third wife Isabel Perón was President.
At the same time and especially during the military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983 , Peronism changed to a democratic party, so that the following phase is often referred to as neo-Peronism . After the democratization of Argentina in the 1980s, the Peronist Party took over government again in 1989 under Carlos Menem . The former Argentine Presidents Adolfo Rodríguez Saá (2001), Eduardo Duhalde (2002–2003), Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007–2015) also belonged to the Peronist party.
The Peronist movement is organized by the Partido Justicialista (PJ, "Justice Party" , before 1950 "Partido Peronista" and "Partido Laborista" ) and the affiliated trade unions, which operate under the umbrella organization "Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina" (CGT) were brought into line at the time of Perón; later, however, the CGT was again divided into smaller associations. Perón's followers initially consisted of former members of the Unión Cívica Radical , workers and union leaders as well as various conservative, nationalist and Catholic groups. Perón is still very popular in Argentina today, not least because of his second wife Eva (Evita) Perón .
History of Peronism
Developments before Perón came to power
In the decades before Perón came to power, changes in the Argentine economy transformed society. This was largely traditionally post-colonial until the 1920s . In the economy focused on the export of raw materials, industry did not play an essential role, so there was no significant urban proletariat. In the first decades of the 20th century Argentina was one of the wealthiest nations and attracted large numbers of immigrants . Argentina has been democratically ruled since 1916. The foot largely on exports to Europe and the United States economy collapsed after the global economic crisis together of the 1929th As a result, the democratic forces of the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR), above all the aged President Hipólito Yrigoyen , lost the trust of the population, especially since they were weakened by numerous corruption scandals .
They were replaced by a reactionary government headed by José Félix Uriburu , which was close to the conservative economic elites who had promised an improvement in their economic situation. The government Uriburu was on September 6, 1930 Support putsch forming military used and ruled with pseudo-democratic means. The entire 1930s ruled governments that were determined by a conservative group of parties, later known as "Concordancia" and enjoyed the support of the military. In order to stimulate the economy and to achieve greater independence from the global economy, they pushed the import-substituting industrialization , i.e. the production of previously imported consumer goods in their own country, whereby the urban industrial proletariat grew rapidly in the 1930s and 1940s. The industrial proletariat was recruited from previous farm workers, but in many cases also from European immigrants. As in their homeland, these began to organize in unions. The unions were banned and had to work largely illegally.
The takeover of power by Perón
In the late 1930s, nationalist groups grew stronger, some of which were oriented towards the national community and the corporate state model of European fascism, propagated social justice (“justicia social”) and found strong approval among members of the urban industrial proletariat. In the spirit of this political current, which propagated a third way between capitalism and socialism , the nationalist military of the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) put on a coup on June 4, 1943 against the ruling regime under Ramón Castillo and established an authoritarian military dictatorship, which was a rapprochement with the Axis powers sought. Perón was involved in this coup as a junior officer and then took over the “State Secretariat for Labor and Social Security” .
Perón used the responsibilities assigned to him to forge relationships with the leading trade unions and bring them under his control. He set himself the goal of suppressing the influence of politically radical, particularly communist, trade unions and building a network of loyal trade unions. Shortly after his appointment, he ordered the arrests of numerous labor and union leaders whose posts were taken by Perón's followers. Under previous governments, unions have always been subjected to repression and made illegal. Perón legalized them and granted them legal public status, including the right to strike and resistance , after decreeing a new organization under his leadership. In addition, he drove the rapid development of the welfare state and implemented higher wages and better working conditions. This was possible due to the relatively good economic situation in the 1940s and 1950s, favored by the neutral stance of Argentina in the Second World War . In this situation it was temporarily possible to carry out costly reforms.
By building a welfare state system and granting social benefits only through loyal trade unions, Perón made them interesting for the workers and at the same time compliant, as they depended on his granting of privileges. In addition, the restriction of social benefits isolated unpleasant trade unions, whose members had to forego the newly introduced benefits. A ban on individual trade unions, which is still in force today, soon followed, which, in the spirit of Perón, marginalized the previously successful anarchist and communist currents in the labor movement. After a certain time, this approach led to the union movement under Perón's leadership being brought into line, which was accepted or even welcomed in view of the achievements he had made. The Peronist organized unions experienced an enormous influx. The communist-controlled trade union federation dissolved voluntarily and joined the Peronist federation, as did the socialist trade unions.
Within a few years, the number of unionized workers rose from 200,000 to over five million, encompassing 55 to 70 percent of the economically active population. Further social benefits, including fixed prices for basic consumer goods, were implemented and important industrial companies were placed under state administration. The spending on social benefits rose to 10 percent of the gross domestic product . The social-political system that emerged was at the top of the Latin American countries in terms of scope, expenditure and results, the standard of living reached the fifth-highest level in the world. Perón thus secured the support of the strengthened industrial proletariat on which he based his rule.
First presidency of Perón (1946-1955)
The popularity of Perón, who had meanwhile risen to Vice President, was soon perceived as a threat by the ruling military. So they forced him to resign on October 9, 1945. On October 17th of the same year, a date that is considered the birth of the Peronist movement and is celebrated to this day, he returned to office under massive pressure from his followers. They initiated spontaneous strikes and mass rallies in support of Perón. At the insistence of Perón's supporters and the western allies, who had not forgotten the sympathy of the military junta with the fascist Axis powers, democratic elections were held in February 1946, in which Perón was elected president by a large majority as a candidate for the Partido Laborista . The popularity of his wife Eva , who led the influential women's organizations of the Peronist movement and who won women's suffrage in 1947 , also contributed to the success of Perón . At the same time, as the Primera Dama of Argentina , she ensured the representation of the regime at home and abroad. Her early death in 1952 made her worship mythical.
With the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and social reforms, Perón secured broad popular support, but this began to wane from the beginning of the 1950s in the wake of an economic weakness - with cuts in the welfare state. At the same time there was an increased disillusionment with Perón. His demagoguery against imperialism and the agrarian upper class - the nationalization of large estates was often demanded - he did not follow up with any deeds; rather, as a result of the economic slowdown, there was a rapprochement with the United States . The weakening of Perón used the anti-peronist military on September 16, 1955 for another military coup, which was supported by the Radical Party (UCR). The reason given was that Perón, against the resistance of the military, which saw itself as the guardian of the constitution, enforced a second term through constitutional reform. In addition to the formal justification, Perón's authoritarian leadership style and secular reforms, which were implemented against the resistance of the Catholic Church , were the decisive factors in his overthrow. Likewise, his authoritarian leadership style and demagogic populism had long been viewed with suspicion by the military and viewed as a threat.
Opposition (1955 to 1973) and split in the movement
Perón fled into exile and the PFY was initially banned. The next president was Arturo Frondizi (1958–1962) of the UCR. However, the supporters of the PJ and loyal trade unions remained present as powerful veto players in Argentine politics. Numerous supporters of Perón subsequently resisted the takeover of the military. The loyal unions called for a general strike and continued rallies were intended to bring Perón back to office, as they had done nine years earlier. Armed paramilitary trade union federations fought with the military, but the uprisings were quickly put down. The climax of the civil war-like conflict was the bombing of a rally in the Plaza de Mayo , the central location of the rallies in Buenos Aires , on October 16, 1955 by the Argentine Air Force , in which hundreds of demonstrators were killed.
In the following years there was a constant change of democratic governments of various stripes and military interventions. President Arturo Umberto Illia of the Radical Party lifted the ban on the PJ in 1963, after which the PJ could win the following elections. The success of the PJ prompted the military to intervene again and to overturn the democratic vote to keep Perón out of power. After the PJ won again in 1966, the military intervened as part of the so-called Revolución Argentina . General Juan Carlos Onganía established a military dictatorship that lasted until 1973.
From the 1950s on, the economic framework conditions deteriorated. The costly Argentine welfare state, the price of domestic peace, was now a heavy burden on the state budget. A persistent crisis in the social system and the national budget made itself felt. This in turn led to an increase in the popularity of the Peronists, as the economically prosperous years were linked to their rule.
In this time of unstable political and social conditions, the governments reacted to the uneasy mood despite all political changes of course with a constant expansion of the welfare state, which further exacerbated the economic situation. This was due to the constant danger of interference by the two most powerful informal veto players in Argentine politics, the military and the Peronist trade unions. Nevertheless, the level of supply during Perón's reign could not be maintained. Due to the steady deterioration in economic and social conditions, especially among his followers, Perón, a personality cult, became increasingly transfigured, so that his popularity during his time in exile remained high and even grew.
The time in the opposition led to a fundamental change in Peronist identity and to an emancipation from the actual politics of Perón. The leader of the movement, to whom the members related their loyalty and who was always accorded a “messianic exaggeration” in Peronism , was in exile. A uniform ideology to which the members could have felt connected had never existed, rather the movement was to be called "ideologically diffuse" . There was only a loose sense of solidarity among their supporters, conveyed by the desire for the movement to continue and the hope of Perón's return to power. However, very different hopes were linked to the return of Perón. The unifying influence of Perón on the different currents within the movement increasingly faded, so that from the end of the 1960s within the movement directional struggles between the different groups came to light.
The ban on the PJ strengthened the leaders of the trade unions, as the trade unions were henceforth the only legally organized representation of Peronism. They resisted all attempts to break up and saw themselves as the mouthpiece of their clientele, whereby they succeeded in continuously putting the ruling governments under pressure through populist agitation and resistance actions, but without being able to assume government responsibility themselves. Most of the trade unionists followed an orthodox political course, which was based on the previous politics of Perón.
Opposite them were the reformers. Under Ongania's military rule, many left-wing intellectuals and students, once opponents of Perón, as well as other dissidents and persecuted by the military rulers, joined the Peronist movement. The Peronists' increasingly revolutionary opposition to the military dictatorship coincided with their goals and, thanks in particular to their broad base and good level of organization, could be used excellently for their political endeavors. The reform movement of the Juventud Peronista was formed from them . The repression against the Peronists through bans and suppression of the PJ and its supporters led to increased revolutionary practice and violent protests. The left-wing factions of the Movimiento Peronista Montonero even chose a strategy of urban guerrilla . Perón himself saw in the revolutionary groups above all the benefits of destabilizing Ongania's military rule.
The Peronist mainstream tended to develop to the left in the 1960s and 1970s, especially in contrast to the ruling military regimes, although cooperative currents could be observed in some groups seeking rapprochement with the military junta. The main competing groups were the growing, reform-oriented left groups, the traditionalist trade unionists and right-wing nationalist groups that were able to come to terms with the military rule.
The traditionalists, mainly represented by the trade union wing, continued to see Peronism in its populist orientation and built on their broad organizations as a power base. They associated Perón's return less with revolutionary desires than with the hope of restoring the economic and political status quo ante. The reformers distinguished themselves from this, mainly represented by the left wing, and later also by technocrats , who were skeptical of the traditional party line but, due to their lack of integration into the Peronist grassroots organizations, did not yet have the influence that would give them a leading role within the party could. They had little in common with the traditional Peronist clientele and their orientation, so that they were particularly united by their appeal to Perón.
Perón's second term
After the military regime failed to get the country's economic problems under control, democratic elections were held in March 1973. After the failed period of rule, the military were unable and unwilling to keep the PFY away from the government and reluctantly admitted participation. In the presidential elections, the Peronist Héctor Cámpora ran as a presidential candidate "by the grace of Perón" after Perón himself was banned from running, and was able to win almost 50 percent of the vote.
Cámpora lifted Perón's exclusion a few months later, so that Perón could stand for election and win in another election in July. After Perón's return from exile, to the disappointment of the reformers, Perón turned to the traditionalist base, so that the Juventud Peronista broke away from Perón and saw herself as the only advocate of genuine Peronism . So it happened that after Perón's death on July 1, 1974, the left wing of Peronism at times opposed the government, which was also referring to Perón, there were violent clashes between the camps and the government used the military to defeat left Peronism to fight closely related guerrillas.
After Perón died without being able to exert any significant influence, his wife Isabel Perón, previously Vice President, took over the presidency. It was overthrown in another military coup in March 1976. The short democratic interim phase was marked by civil war-like battles between radicals and Peronists as well as the Peronist splinter groups among themselves. After the death of Perón, on which the hopes of the precarious masses were based and who still had a certain authority, the country sank into violence and ungovernability, so that the military saw the only way out in intervention. Under the leadership of a military junta, the country was to be stabilized again in the so-called process of national reorganization. Until the redemocratization in 1983, there was brutal repression against members of the opposition, including many Peronists.
Military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983
After the new ban on the PFY and the persecution of its functionaries, the Peronist unions and grassroots organizations were also banned in 1979, but they quickly reactivated underground. This led to the formation of competing trade union groups, the previous trade union umbrella organization (Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina, CGT for short) split into the "CGT Azopardo" , which was ready to enter into dialogue with the military regime, later supported the Falklands War and the right-wing, orthodox Represented the party wing, and the smaller, left wing party "CGT Brasil" , which tried to fight the military regime through clear opposition and resistance in the form of a general strike. In addition to these two competing unions, there was also the "Movimiento de Unidad, Solidaridad y Organización" (MUSO), which pursued a moderate, balancing line, as well as some right-wing splinter groups. Thus the division of Peronism also took place organizationally.
Role in the democratization of Argentina after 1983
After Argentina's military defeat in the Falklands War in 1982, the ruling military regime collapsed. In the 1983 elections, the two traditional parties UCR and PJ competed against each other, with the UCR under Raúl Alfonsín , contrary to many expectations given the decades-long dominance of the PJ, the victory.
As a result of the revival of the PFY, the open struggles for direction within Peronism, which were fought by the representatives of the various unions, each of which raised claims to leadership. So there was renewed clashes between the competing unions in the free choice of the Peronist presidential candidate.
The leaderless party - the nominal party leader Isabel Perón refused to cooperate - and the undisciplined self-fighting party only reached a compromise on the candidates shortly before the elections. The orthodox groups asserted themselves as the dominant force and claimed the election for themselves. These included the most influential trade union group within the party, the CGT Azopardo, which ultimately ensured that Italo Luder and Deolindo Bittel ran as candidates for the presidential election.
Despite all adversities, there was absolute certainty of victory among the Peronists, as the PFY had so far emerged victorious in all the elections to which he was admitted. The election campaign thus also served the traditional clichés of dull populism that Peronism was said to be. Images of the enemy in the form of political opponents were used, they appealed entirely to Perón's tradition, albeit with far less charisma, cockyly on the whole people and underlined the supremacy of Peronism, which could not harm the recent democratization. Such campaigns were aimed primarily at the traditional clientele, the lower class. The party's prayer-wheel-like appeal to its late leader Perón, which proved to be the only reliable and unifying constant between the camps, was symptomatic of the party's disunity and lack of plan.
During the election campaign, Alfonsin was able to use the past support of the military regime and in particular the unpopular Falklands War by the CGT Azopardo to his advantage. Alfonsin presented himself as a guarantor for a real democratization and a respectful confrontation with the political opponent as well as liberal values and civil liberties, above all for the maintenance of the rule of law, which had been disregarded both under the military dictatorship and under Perón.
He achieved a clear demarcation from both the previous military dictatorship and all reigns of the Peronists with their authoritarian leadership style and was considered a candidate for a real new beginning. In the population, who for a long time rejected parliamentary democracy in relation to plebiscitary or clientelist models or even military dictatorships - in memory of the failure of the first democracy after the global economic crisis - a mood of change spread, which was due to the less attractive alternative, which the prevailing, traditional Orthodox Peronism offered at that time.
In the 1983 presidential election, for example, the PFY suffered a dramatic defeat. The party drew the consequences from this and looked for a new direction for the following election in 1989. The party line, which was still dominated by orthodox forces, and in particular the role of the closely related CGT Azopardo under the military dictatorship, was identified as the reason for the defeat, and the alternative The renovados reform movement headed by Carlos Menem, Antonio Cafiero and Carlos Grosso took the lead in the PJ. The renovados founded Neo-Peronism, a reorientation of the party largely breaking with traditional party politics.
The counter-movement of neo-Peronism emerged in the 1970s as a distinction to both the right and the left splinter groups that fought one another. It had only the name in common with the original Peronism and originally pursued a policy of the moderate social-democratic center. Neo-Peronism reformed the PJ from the ground up and formed it into a democratic party, as it was desired in the context of democratization. Since then, the political line has changed several times, depending on the party leader. The focus of the neo-Peronists is on the PFY, less on the affiliated Peronist organizations.
Peronism in the government (1989 to 1999, 2003 to 2015, since 2019)
Menem's election is closely related to the disastrous economic situation that culminated under Alfonsin's reign. In addition to the ongoing burden of the bloated welfare state, there was also international isolation as a result of the previously ruling, globally outlawed military regime. When the economy collapsed in 1989 and the subsequent hyperinflation plunged citizens into deep economic hardship, a continuous "anti- hyperinflationary consensus" helped Menem to vote. He had announced sweeping measures for which he knew a broad base in the population behind him. Previously, he had brought the traditionalists of the trade unions on his side, who turned to his reform course in the hope of a return to power.
The UCR had no chance to position itself as an alternative, as it was blamed for the economic crisis, the cause of which lay far earlier. At the same time, the economic crisis also called democratization and its achievements into question. "Against the background of the failure of Alfonsin and in view of the economic hardship, Menem had unique political room for maneuver when he took office." This he now used in a policy known as "Menemismo" to implement rapid neoliberal reforms based on the Chilean model, including privatizations and one radical cutting of social benefits. With these measures he distanced himself significantly from the Peronist base, which was soon in open opposition to him.
He also used the great room for maneuver that had emerged from the crisis to pursue an authoritarian, delegative policy, for which he often resorted to emergency ordinances, temporarily bypassed parliament and made decisions only at his own discretion. During his first term in office (1989-95), Menem initially rose to be the absolute leader of his party, but soon got into Peronism due to his leadership style and his broad understanding of the powers of the president, which corresponded to the tradition Perón had actually overcome Criticism.
With the constitutional reform of 1994 Menem changed the voting modalities. The limit on the terms of office of the president was lifted and direct elections were introduced. With these reforms, which were possible due to the majority situation, there was a clear preference for the PJ. As a compromise with the UCR, Menem agreed to shorten the term of office to four years. In 1999 Fernando de la Rúa of the UCR won the presidential election, but remained unsuccessful in the face of the Argentina crisis and resigned from his post on December 21, 2001 after violent clashes in Buenos Aires that resulted in numerous deaths. His successors, who were appointed in chaotic circumstances and only remained in office for a few days, was succeeded by Eduardo Duhalde (PJ), who, however, also fought unsuccessfully against the state crisis. The PFY was able to increase his dominance after the great loss of popularity of the UCR after the Argentina crisis, as de la Rúa was blamed for this by large parts of the population. The left-liberal Peronist Néstor Kirchner was able to win the presidential election and was sworn in as president on May 25, 2003. In the election, he was initially behind his party rival Menem, who did not run in the runoff. After his tenure ended in 2007, Kirchner's wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner won the presidential election. She remained in office until 2015 and was replaced by Mauricio Macri from the conservative Propuesta Republicana (PRO). In the following presidential elections in 2019, the electoral formula Alberto Fernández / Cristina Fernández de Kirchner from the Peronist Frente de Todos prevailed.
Characterization of Peronism
Political goals
An essential basic idea of Peronism was justicialismo , a concept that sought a third way between capitalism and socialism in a conception of social justice (justicia social) . A forced industrialization, an even distribution of income and the creation of a welfare state with a comprehensive social policy were propagated as primary goals . For this purpose, an undogmatic policy was pursued, which, despite the reform-oriented approach, did not go at the expense of the middle class and the social elites, whereby Perón was able to secure their support in the fight against radical political forces. However, this pragmatic attitude was countered by rhetoric directed against the oligarchy, especially the traditional agrarian upper class of landowners and estancieros (cattle breeders), and US imperialism.
Perón's social policy was “inspired by the corporatist model of the authoritarian corporate state , in which parallels to Franco in Spain and Italian fascism cannot be overlooked .” Furthermore, Peronism was characterized by a strong nationalism, a non-aligned , in the early phase often anti-American and anti-imperialist foreign policy with claims to world power and an anti-communist attitude. With the slowdown in economic growth in the early 1950s, Perón sought rapprochement with the United States .
After the fall of Perón, his reinstatement was long regarded as the primary goal of the Peronist movement, also in the absence of unifying political goals among the various camps. The basis of Peronist politics, however, always remained the appeal to the people. In the 1990s, the overcoming of Argentina's economic crisis came to the fore, which was approached very differently by the various inner-party camps.
Ideological classification
The ideological classification of Peronism is difficult because the movement integrated many political convictions on the one hand, and went through several fundamental changes in the course of its history on the other. Perón's closeness to European fascism and his admiration for the Franco dictatorship is undisputed . Many of the characteristics of Peronism - such as Perón's style of rule, the character of movement and the propagated nationalism - reveal similarities. Comparisons with Austrofascism and Italian fascism reveal significant similarities. The perceived proximity of Peronism to European fascism is also due to the temporal and cultural parallels between the regimes.
The comparison with the fascist regimes of the time, which for their part comprised very different elements (cf. fascism theory ), causes difficulties in assessing the situation . Many of these elements can also be found in other political movements without them having to be fascist. The answer to the question of whether Perón's rule represents a fascist regime depends largely on how broad the term fascism used for comparison is. The consistently democratic legitimation of his rule and the closeness of his real politics to socialism rather than nationalism are not typical of the fascist regimes of that time, and what is missing is a totalitarian , pervasive ideology. At this point, Catholicism played a role that shapes Argentine society. In fact, Perón was never able to achieve an ideologically homogeneous form of Peronism, which was evident after his fall, when the movement diverged. If Perón's rule shows fascist traits, this cannot be generalized to the Peronist movement, which was highly personalized to Perón as leader (or caudillo ), but was not consistently ideologized. Perón's rule is often referred to as modern Bonapartism , which in turn brings it close to fascism. Overall, Peronism under Perón bears the greatest resemblance to the conservative-authoritarian Franco dictatorship, but is supplemented by a sometimes contradicting populist, modernization-oriented and solidarity attitude.
Today's Neoperonism consists of several, ideologically sometimes very different groups with different leaders who give them their name. Carlos Menem , President between 1989 and 1999, pursued a more conservative - liberal policy with his Menemismo , while President Néstor Kirchner , who was in office until 2007, again moved closer to social democracy .
Relationship to democracy
Democracy under Perón's first presidency was characterized by extreme presidentialism and an autocratic understanding of the state. The parliamentary stepped behind Perón returned as a leader who identified himself directly over people and party. Democracy under Perón's presidency can be described as highly defective , but he was elected democratically. Peronism saw itself as a representative of the entire Argentine people, political opponents were accordingly stylized as enemy images, and the orientation towards its leader Perón promoted an illiberal and delegative view of democracy. The Peronists saw themselves historically as a party that "is either in the government or is banned."
The strong influence of the grassroots organizations and their power within Argentine society were, for several decades, on the one hand the cause of the defects of the Argentine democracy, on the other hand - through their threat to the state order - repeated triggers for anti-democratic interventions by the military. Through the social benefits associated with the name Perón, the tradition developed in the trade unions he organized to “consider political civil rights to be less important than social rights.” As a result, illiberal and delegative developments were accepted or even promoted under Perón in the movement. In this climate, Peronism developed a harmful understanding of democracy, which was expressed in democratic defects. Under Perón, the rule of law and liberal democracy took a back seat to social security. This tradition was ingloriously continued under Menem. Although it alienated itself from the ideals of Peronism, partly as a result of the economic crisis, it retained the traditional authoritarian leadership style to implement its goals.
The increasing departure of the PJ from popular strategies is a relief for democracy, on the other hand, the reign of Menem developed into a reversal of the situation. It is true that he no longer acted in an authoritarian manner, like his predecessors, based on populist strategies, but rather for the purpose of implementing unpopular measures, sometimes against his own clientele. Under Menem's presidency there was a relapse in times of defective democracy and a step backwards in the consolidation of Argentine democracy after 1983. In addition to his delegative and authoritarian style of political leadership, violations of the rule of law continued. His Peronist successor Kirchner was also repeatedly accused of populism, but he adopted the democratic rules of the game far more than his predecessors .
Structure of Peronism
Organizationally, the Peronist movement consists of the Partido Justicialista and the Peronist trade unions, which were brought into line under the umbrella organization “Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina” (CGT), which later split into several smaller trade union associations. Under the leadership of Perón, the PFY was only the extended arm of the Peronist movement, its parliamentary representation. The aim of the efforts was to mobilize the state for the interests of the movement, but to reduce the influence of the party's institutions on this end. The party had only a weak organization in comparison with its affiliated base and its organizations. With their highly personalized leaders, they had a massive impact on the party and determined its course.
The Peronist movement and the leaders of the loyal trade unions emancipated themselves from Perón after his overthrow, but continually invoked their exiled leader and continued their policies on his behalf. Apart from the orthodox trade unions, a large number of splinter groups formed, whose motivation ranged from Marxist to nationalist goals and some of which fought one another. Overall, the Peronist movement from then on presented itself in a very inhomogeneous state, split into rival camps with widely diverging political goals, the most powerful of them being the trade union wing. Now it became clear that “ Peronism as a historical movement […] had no clear ideological line, neither the movement nor the party. "
After the democratization of Argentina in 1983, the PJ gained the lead over the trade unions and only maintained a more or less loose relationship with the grassroots, depending on the internal party camp. In the wake of neo-Peronism, Menem brought the leading trade union associations on his line in the 1980s. After the takeover of government in 1989 and the reforms he carried out, however, the party leadership went into direct opposition to the actual grassroots. The change in the organizational structure of Peronism stems on the one hand from the democratization process, which aimed at a representative democracy with the development of a stronger party system, and on the other hand from the traditional unpopular appearance of the divided trade union system that manifested itself in the electoral defeat of 1983. After the democratization of Argentina, the parties played an essential role in their consolidation, so that the PJ gained weight vis-à-vis the trade unions and grassroots organizations, even though they initially dictated party politics and permeated the party leadership.
With the development of a normal parliamentary party after democratization in 1983, the PJ largely abandoned its traditional popular legitimation. Menem's neoliberal reforms, which were being carried out in opposition to the grassroots of his own movement, revealed the separation of the PJ and the trade unions and thus the separation between the party elite and the grassroots people. The direct calling and reference of the Peronist leadership to their own base had been the cornerstone of the movement since Perón. Since Neo-Peronism, the PJ has primarily served the rival inner-party camps as an organizational basis. As the largest Argentine party, the PJ has the necessary resources and a loyal core electorate, even though there is hardly any common party line or party unity. It is common for several Peronists to compete against each other in elections. The candidates belonging to different groups often stand for election under different names, partly to disguise their membership of the Partido Justicialista. The PJ is thus a broadly based people 's party that is very incoherent in itself and fights for positions within the meaning of its traditional claim to sole representation in public elections.
Mobilization base
Perón was initially supported by a broad alliance of conservative and nationalist forces, former supporters of the radical party and moderate left, which led to an escalation of Argentine politics towards Peronists and anti-peronists and also the broad political diversification of Peronism, which the Argentine party system to this day developed shapes. Since Perón did not have a structured party at the time of his assumption of power that could offer him a support and mediation body, he had to rely on a heterogeneous, initially largely loose following. In order to secure this, he relied on his personal charisma as a leader figure and a broad base in the population, at the same time he avoided clear ideological stipulations that could have cost him loyalties among his sometimes contradicting supporters. Rather, his style of government was characterized by pragmatism and closeness to the people, and with increasing power he developed an authoritarian leadership style.
The broad popular support was based on the mobilization of the supporters of Peronist trade unions and the workers, for whom Perón had won political and social recognition for the first time in Argentina. He built a tight, statist and interventionist state, a conservative welfare state from above with a high degree of corporatism . The forced welfare state arose from Perón's power-political calculation:
“ Social policy became an essential basis of legitimacy for his populist rule, which aimed to incorporate, above all, the urban workers under the undisputed leadership of Perón. [...] The working class thus became the backbone of Peronism and the essential power support of Peronist rule. "
Under Perón's unrestricted leadership, political mass integration took place through the vertically permeable, hierarchically organized trade unions and grassroots organizations. For their part, they pursued various interests both in terms of their political orientation and through the interests of their respective clientele or regional roots. The political orientation was based on the respective leaders, who, however, always stood in the shadow of Perón's lifetime and subordinated themselves. Perón as a balancer , often the lowest common denominator and symbolic figure that creates community, was able to bundle the conflicting interests in a common movement.
After Perón's death, however, the unifying factor broke away. The respective leaders of the various organizations were released from their restriction by the overpowering leader and threw themselves into sometimes violent clashes over the leadership role in the movement. At the same time, from the 1960s onward, political forces that did not originate from the classic grassroots organizations, and thus lacked grassroots ties and proximity to the people, and thus legitimation in the Peronist tradition, had increasingly penetrated the party.
The electoral defeat after democratization in 1983 was mainly attributable to the Orthodox forces within the PJ. The dominant trade union wing, with its traditional orientation, was now viewed as an anachronism. He was the bearer of the populist orientation of Peronism and, under Perón, the soul of the party, but under the current leadership he no longer seemed practicable. The union wing thus lost its influence within the party to the reformers, who were no longer attached to traditional rhetoric and rootedness. Since then, the party has been dominated by politicians who see and define themselves as the political elite.
populism
Peronism is considered to be a classic populist movement that was directed against the established oligarchy with reference to the people. Perón used the “mass movement and mass suggestion” as a political style. In its early form, Peronism essentially presents itself as development populism directed against the established rule of the oligarchy, which came back to power after the first democratic experience in Argentina from 1916 to 1930. After taking office, the Perón regime developed a policy of ignoring the state institutions discredited by populist agitation and using them only in the sense that they were useful for Perón's goals. Government resources were used primarily to maintain relationships with the grassroots and meet their expectations. This did not rule out a policy of the strong state , but the state did not present itself in the form provided for by the constitution, but rather in its power derived directly from the people and the party, bypassing parliamentarism.
Peronism found its basis in the rapidly growing, politically non-integrated industrial proletariat of the cities, especially of Buenos Aires . Its basis of legitimation should be the redistribution of social security, the goal was the propagated social justice and at the same time continued industrialization, whereby an anti-imperialist and nationalist component became visible in the isolation from the world market. In contrast to comparable populist movements in Latin America of that time, the agricultural workers and thus demands for agricultural reforms did not play an essential role. While the classic populists sought to gain power in the state in order to use its resources as an instrument of their politics, neo-populists like Menem aimed rather to operate their politics bypassing the state and its institutions. Menem's politics, however, moved away from a populist practice the more he pursued politics against and bypassing his own clientele.
nationalism
Peronist nationalism built on the "white, Catholic and Hispanic nationalism of its predecessors" . The societies of the neighboring countries were seen as multiracial . Racist and anti-Semitic ideologues were linked to the anti-Semitic ideas of a nationalist, Catholic elite. The predominantly Spanish population felt great sympathy for the Spanish Franco dictatorship and continued to see themselves in a purely Spanish tradition, which in their own understanding set them apart from other countries in Latin America. However, racism and nationalism determined actual politics only to a limited extent. The anti-imperialist and anti-communist attitudes inspired by nationalism, which led to reforms and upheavals within the economy and society, with the aim of strengthening Argentina through a unifying national community, had a much greater influence. An idea that borrowed a lot from European fascism. The American sociologist and political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset characterized Peronism as anti-capitalist national populism , a thesis that includes essential elements of Peronist rule, but overemphasizes the anti-capitalist component, as this was propagated, but was actually only hesitantly and ineffectively reflected.
Support for fleeing Nazi criminals
Support for volatile Nazi criminals after the Second World War, including Josef Mengele and Adolf Eichmann , was done with toleration or even support from Perón. With the help of the Catholic Church and secret services, including the Argentine secret service División de Informaciones under the direction of Rodolfo Freude , who was of German origin , a large number of Nazi criminals reached South America, especially Argentina. Like other rulers there, Perón sympathized with the fascist Axis powers. In addition, the military and Peronists alike wanted Argentina to be the third world power and “competed with the allies in the race to recruit Nazi scientists and armaments experts who they wanted to put at the service of their own development of power.” Against the backdrop of the beginning of the Cold War , it went far assumed a third world war in which Argentina and Catholicism were assigned an essential role for a new world order.
Effects of Peronist Politics
Development of the Argentine party system
The integrative openness of Peronism to a large number of political currents led to the development of a broad popular movement which, as long as it was not prohibited, dominated the Argentine party structure. Through the policy of integration and the simultaneous bans of numerous radical groups, he soon took over the labor movement and its leaders, who saw Peronism as an advantage over their old parties. Many of their demands could be realized through a strong organization and with the support of the state.
For the other traditional Argentine party, the UCR, as an advocate of respect for the constitution, a more liberal democracy and self-image as a clientelist elite party, Peronism represented an irreconcilable counter-position. The radical party had won democracy in Argentina in 1916, but never one aimed for a broad, organized following in the population, it remained rather an elitist political club.
So the situation arose that the PJ always dominated the political stage as long as it was not banned, but it remained present even during the bans. Rather, the elections during the PJ bans did not represent the will of the Argentine citizens. The UCR could only come to power through interventions in the democratic state structure or in times of special crisis. This links the UCR to voter concerns and memories of times of crisis, which in turn increased the PJ's popularity. This situation gives rise to a dominant position for the PFY, which continues to the present day.
Social consequences
Peronism fundamentally changed Argentine society through its continued omnipresence and the polarization between Peronists and anti-Peronists. Hardly any area of public life remained untouched by the upheavals in Peronist politics. Public institutions, workers' organizations, welfare organizations, schools and medical institutions and large parts of the economy were controlled by Peronists, as under Perón all offices were purged of politically undesirable forces . This penetration of society led to a politicization within the population that could pose a threat to the Argentine state. The military reacted repeatedly to the threat to the Argentine state and its constitution with interventions. Thus, even during the prohibition of the PJ, there was a power constellation with two important veto players, the military and the followers of Peronism, between whom the respective governments had to keep a balance. This led to a solidification of Argentine society, which resulted in economic and social problems.
The cities formed the center of the Peronist movement and the work of the Peronists was concentrated on the industrial proletariat of the cities, while the farm workers continued to live in traditional clientelist relationships with their landlords. Thus, through the promotion of the urban metropolises, especially Buenos Aires, and the lagging behind the rural areas, there was another point of friction within Argentine society.
Economic developments
The economic development under the leadership of Perón was shaped by the establishment of the welfare state and pronounced state dirigism, which resulted in nationalization, protectionism and a corporatist economic system. The developed welfare state, which turned out to be the mainstay of power for the Peronists, had significant consequences for the Argentine economy.
The economic crisis that began in the 1950s, caused by the weakness of Argentine capitalism and the exorbitant increase in social spending, hit an economically underdeveloped and essentially unreformed country, still dependent on the world market and the large landowners, which also burdened the subsequent governments has been. As a result, the living conditions of the masses deteriorated, which only increased the longing for Perón.
Despite the accelerated industrialization under Perón, Argentina's economic situation deteriorated rapidly. Furthermore, 87 percent of exports were agricultural products, but their importance also declined. In 1940, Argentine wheat exports comprised 36 percent of world production, in 1955 only 15 percent. The following governments tried to counteract the economic imbalance through radical reforms and the withdrawal of Peronist social measures. Many hospitals, schools and social institutions were closed and public contracts were cut. Consumer prices, kept artificially stable under Perón, rose within a few years by more than 100 percent, and workers in state-owned companies were laid off en masse.
As a result, the galloping inflation lowered real wages by 50 percent, at the same time it was decreed that wages should rise by a maximum of 15 percent. This development led to high unemployment, rising costs of living and the impoverishment of large parts of the population. They destabilized Argentina economically and politically from the late 1950s onwards, without the ruling governments being able to master Perón's legacy. Instead, the development intensified the call for Perón's return, whose reform concept was the cause of the undesirable development. Against the growing Peronist threat , the military intervened. The situation only changed with the democratization of Argentina in 1983, after the collapse under the military junta. However, Argentina continued to suffer from its structural grievances and persistently high inflation, which ultimately caused the collapse in the Argentina crisis of the late 1990s.
After first attempts at neoliberal reform under the military dictatorship of the so-called Process of National Reorganization in the late 1970s, which failed, Menem continued this policy in the early 1990s in the face of persistent hyperinflation. There was a strict anti-inflation policy that duped the trade unions and the Peronist base through a radical reduction in social benefits. However, in view of the later Argentina crisis, his reforms were unsuccessful.
Welfare state
The main body of the newly established Argentine welfare system were the social and pension funds, which were operated through the organized trade unions. The number of those insured rose to 5 million. Further social benefits, including fixed prices for basic necessities, and wage increases were enforced and consolidated Perón's power base among the workers. At the same time, spending on social benefits rose to 10 percent of gross domestic product. The resulting socio-political system was at the forefront of the Latin American countries.
At the same time, the Perón regime used the pension funds to cheaply finance the national debt , which rose rapidly due to the expansive economic model based on nationalization and protectionism of import-substituting industrialization and the expansion of the social systems. To this end, premium income was increasingly invested in government, low-interest welfare bonds introduced in 1946 (54 percent in 1949, 77 percent in 1955). The state pension funds appeared profitable in Perón's time and were increasingly used to finance the growing budget deficit and cross-subsidize other social systems. However, the apparent profitability mainly came about through the inclusion and integration of more and more contributors.
If interest rates on welfare bonds remained low, at around 4 percent, inflation rose to over 20 percent per annum in the same period. This led to a rapid devaluation of the pension funds with the same pension entitlements. At the beginning of the 1950s, the reserves of the funded system had been used up, which was now effectively converted into a pay-as-you-go system, since current expenses had to be refinanced with income from the same period (1958 also saw a change in the pension formula and a move away from progressive redistribution towards a fixed wage replacement rate). The change in the financing procedure was also officially anchored in law in 1954. In the course of the emerging financing difficulties, the original Bismarckian approach was deviated from and the benefit entitlements from the pension system were largely reduced to the fight against poverty. Instead of wealth creation , priority was now given to the distribution and solidarity function.
Despite the changed power constellation after the fall of Perón, the trade unions remained the decisive negotiating partner of the rulers and use their influence to win concessions and to protect the interests of their clientele. This was expressed in the ever-increasing vertical and horizontal expansion of social benefits, so that at maximum times over 80 percent of the working population were covered by social insurance. The burdens from social benefits rose to 20 percent of the gross domestic product, the largest cost item was the state pension. At the same time, the economic framework conditions deteriorated significantly from the 1950s onwards, so that structural weaknesses in the welfare model became apparent, but were accepted as a price for domestic peace. The actual living conditions of the population continued to deteriorate in the face of high inflation rates, despite the concessions they had won.
The welfare state fell into a lasting crisis, " held fortunes were [...] increasingly from the late 1950s, deficits in the pension funds accumulated. “The causes for the following decades-long crisis were already foreseeable at this time. The demographic development, in particular the increasing life expectancy caused longer contribution payments, the decrease in the quota of active employees and falling real wages led to lower premium income. In addition, there was an increase in contribution evasion due to an expansion of the informal sector of employment. In conjunction with the increasingly worsening economic conditions, the spiral of crisis accelerated.
Import-substituting industrialization and nationalization
Perón began nationalizing key infrastructure companies in 1948, first the railways owned by British and French companies. While Perón himself spoke of the expropriations of the hated foreign imperialists, the nationalization of foreign assets actually resulted in the payment of substantial, lavish compensations.
When building a domestic industry, Perón relied on developing domestic capitalism and the working class; he sought a balance of interests that was to be achieved through state dirigism and corporatism. He guaranteed ownership of private companies as long as they acted in the interests of the Argentine economy and respected the interests of the workers. The development of industry was promoted at the expense of the land oligarchy and a state monopoly was founded which bought grain and meat at fixed prices and then brought them to the world market at higher prices. There was a tremendous amount of bribery and corruption within the system . The actual revolutionary upheavals that Perón liked to propagate did not occur. Neither agrarian reform nor real measures against imperialism were undertaken. The disaffected forces calling for more radical action allied with the military in 1955, which eventually overthrew him.
Under Menem in the 1990s, as part of his radical anti-inflation policy, there were massive privatizations , often criticized as hasty , in the course of which the state parted with large parts of its companies. While critics regard the privatizations as hasty and often postponed by corruption, and especially the proximity of Menem to the US private sector as questionable, proponents see the privatizations as a success in view of the ailing state of the industry.
literature
swell
- Juan Domingo Perón: Politics and Strategy. Argentine International Publications Office, Buenos Aires 1951–52 (3 vol.)
Representations
Monographs
- Sandra Carreras: The role of the opposition in the democratization process in Argentina. Peronism 1983–1989. Vervuert, Frankfurt / M. 1999, ISBN 3-89354-249-3 (also dissertation, University of Mainz 1998).
- Ruth Fuchs: State processing of dictatorship and human rights crimes in Argentina. The politics of the past by Alfonsín (1983–1989) and Menem (1989–1999) in comparison (Contributions to Latin America Research; Vol. 14). IIK, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-936884-11-0 .
- Uki Goñi: Odessa. The true story. Escape aid for Nazi war criminals (“The real Odessa”, 2003). 3rd ed. Assoc. A, Berlin 2006, ISBN 978-3-935936-40-8 .
- Alejandro Horowicz: Los cuatro peronismos . Edhasa, Buenos Aires 2011, ISBN 978-950-9009-39-4 .
- Katja Hujo: Social security in the context of stabilization and structural adjustment. The reform of the pension insurance in Argentina (development and financing; Vol. 15). Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt / M. 2004, ISBN 3-631-52372-6 (also dissertation, FUB 2003).
- James W. McGuire: Peronism without Perón. Unions, Parties and Democracy in Argentina. University Press, Stanford / Cal. 1997, ISBN 0-8047-2831-3 .
- Rudolf Knoblauch: Peronism. A failed Latin American model. Rüegger Verlag, Diessenhofen 1980 ISBN 3-7253-0106-9 (plus dissertation, University of St. Gallen 1980).
- Andrés Jouannet Valderrama: Political Parties in Latin America. Structures and inner workings in the context of the market economy reforms: the Argentine “Partido Justicialista”, the Mexican “Partido Acción Nacional” and the Chilean “Partido Demócrata Cristiano” in comparison . Dissertation, University of Heidelberg 2004.
- Peter Waldmann: The Peronism 1943–1955 (Critical Science). 1st edition Hoffmann & Campe, Hamburg 1974, ISBN 3-455-09107-5 .
- Susana Sottoli: Social Policy and Developmental Change in Latin America: Concepts and Reforms in Comparison . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Opladen-Leverkusen 1999.
Essays
- Klaus Bodemer, Andrea Pagni, Peter Waldmann (eds.): Argentina today. Politics, economy, culture (Bibliotheca Ibero-Americana; Vol. 88). 2nd edition. Vervuert, Frankfurt / M. 2002, ISBN 3-89354-588-3 . In this:
- Peter Birle: Trade unions, employers' associations and the state. The difficult farewell to the class struggle through an intermediary . Pp. 153-181.
- Ana M. Mustapic: The Argentine Party System from 1983 to 2003 . Pp. 319-335.
- Dieter Nohlen, Liliana De Riz: Constitutional reform and presidentialism in Argentina . Pp. 337-357.
- Jörg Faust , Hans-Joachim Lauth, Wolfgang Muno: Democratization and the welfare state in Latin America. Cross-sectional comparison and case studies. In: Aurel Croissant , Gero Erdmann, Friedbert W. Rüb (eds.): Welfare state policy in young democracies . Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-531-14433-2 .
- Patricia Flier: Social Security in Argentina. Social security 1943-1976 . In: Yearbook for Research on the History of the Labor Movement , Vol. 4 (2005), Issue 1, ISSN 1610-093X .
- Dieter Nohlen: Peronism in Argentina . In: Latin America, Vol. 2: Political development since 1945 ( information on political education ; Vol. 244). Franzis-Verlag, Munich 1994.
- Jörg Roesler : More than Descamisados of Evita. Workers and labor movement in Argentina under the influence of Peronism . In: Yearbook for Research on the History of the Labor Movement , Issue I / 2013, ISSN 1610-093X .
- Katharina Schembs: Dream Images. Grete Stern's avant-garde photography in Perón's Argentina (1946–1955) . In: Zeithistorische Forschungen 12 (2015), pp. 264–288.
Web links
- Website of the Partido Justicialista (Spanish)
Individual evidence
- ↑ cf. u. a. Nolte 1994, p. 6; Carreras 1999, p. 82f; Knoblauch 1980, p. 292.
- ↑ See Valderrama p. 231ff. u. a.
- ↑ Valderrama 2004, p. 231.
- ↑ Nolte 1994, p. 4.
- ↑ The economic elites, primarily agricultural landowners , rejected democratization and the Radical Party, which was based on the rising middle class, and saw them as a threat to their supremacy. The democratization and economic and land reform pursued by the UCR endangered the almost feudal conditions on the large rural estates, whose workers still lived in a form of serfdom and had neither the right to vote nor essential basic rights.
- ↑ Domestic industry received a special boost during the Second World War, when imports fell and a niche opened up for domestic, previously non-competitive products. See Knoblauch 1980, p. 313.
- ↑ a b Nolte 1994, p. 6.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 83.
- ↑ a b Birle 2002, p. 154.
- ↑ Argentina profited from the enormous demand for agricultural products, especially meat and wheat, the export of which met with ample demand worldwide due to its neutral stance and generated high revenues.
- ↑ a b c d e Faust / Lauth / Muno 2004, p. 204
- ↑ a b c d Sottoli 1999, p. 241.
- ↑ A ban on the trade unions was rejected as part of Frondizi's “no winner, no vanquished” policy, which sought national reconciliation. See Knoblauch 1980, p. 221.
- ↑ a b c Faust / Lauth / Muno 2004, p. 205.
- ↑ a b Valderrama 2004, p. 232.
- ↑ Valderrama 2004, p. 260.
- ↑ a b Valderrama 2004, p. 240.
- ↑ a b c d Carreras 1999, p. 87.
- ↑ Carreras p. 92.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 91.
- ↑ Valderrama 2004, pp. 234–241.
- ↑ Knoblauch 1980, p. 243.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 88.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 95.
- ↑ Mustapic 2002, p. 319.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 108.
- ↑ cf. Carreras 1999, p. 115.
- ↑ a b Carreras 1999, p. 115ff.
- ↑ Mustapic 2002, p. 323.
- ↑ cf. Carreras 1999, p. 114f and Mustapic 2002, p. 323.
- ↑ McGuire 1997, p. 187.
- ↑ a b Valderrama 2004, p. 234ff.
- ↑ Cf. u. a. Jorge Schwarzer: La reforma económica en la Argentina. ¿Qué fuerzas sociales y para qué objetivos? . 1994
- ↑ Sottoli 1999, pp. 237-238.
- ↑ cf. Wolfgang Merkel, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Aurel Croissant u. a .: Defective democracies. Volume 1: Theory. Opladen 2003, p. 139.
- ↑ Since the 1980s it has been common for several Peronists to compete against each other.
- ↑ An attitude of lavishing between the different social camps, which is considered a typical feature of Bonapartism. More information can be found in the section Ideological classification .
- ↑ a b c d e Herden, Lutz: Vier Jahreszeiten des Peronismus In: Friday, July 7, 2006
- ↑ Perón spent some time on a study tour in Spain in the 1930s and was impressed by the Franco regime. He was also a member of the Fascism-related Grupo de Oficiales Unidos .
- ↑ Knoblauch 1980, p. 292.
- ↑ Knoblauch 1980, p. 297ff.
- ↑ a b Knoblauch 1980, p. 305.
- ^ Guillermo O'Donnell: Delegative Democracy . In: Journal of Democracy . Volume 7, No. 4, 1994, pp. 112-126.
- ↑ Carreras 2002, p. 27.
- ^ Hans-Jürgen Puhle: Between protest and political style. Populism, Neo-Populism and Democracy . In: Nikolaus Werz: Populism. Populists overseas and Europe . Opladen, 2003. p. 32.
- ↑ Carreras 1999, p. 287.
- ↑ Valderrama 2004, p. 234.
- ↑ Valderrama 2004, p. 239.
- ^ A b Carlos Flaskamp: The fat and the others. Peronist trade union movement in Argentina . In: ila 279
- ^ Hans-Jürgen Puhle: Between protest and political style. Populism, Neo-Populism and Democracy . In: Nikolaus Werz: Populism. Populists overseas and Europe . Opladen, 2003, p. 33.
- ↑ Carrera 1999, pp. 84f.
- ↑ Perón already pursued this policy under the GOU and later continued it as president.
- ↑ Carreras 2002, p. 22.
- ^ Hans-Jürgen Puhle: Between protest and political style. Populism, Neo-Populism and Democracy . In: Nikolaus Werz: Populism. Populists overseas and Europe . Opladen, 2003, p. 29
- ↑ a b c Goñi 2006, p. 46 f.
- ↑ Knoblauch 1980, pp. 303f.
- ^ A b Theo Bruns: Mass exodus of Nazi war criminals to Argentina. The largest escape aid operation in criminal history . In: ila 299
- ↑ Mustapic 2002, p. 321.
- ↑ u. a. Carreras 2002, p. 21.
- ↑ This was testified by the casting of blank ballot papers by supporters of the Peronists in the elections, which would have received the majority in the elections included.
- ↑ The social infrastructure, facilities and financial provision were introduced under Perón and since then have been the responsibility of the Peronist organizations, especially the trade unions.
- ↑ Knoblauch 1980, p. 108ff.
- ↑ Hujo 2004, p. 146ff.
- ↑ Hujo 2004, p. 157ff.
- ↑ Patricia Flier: Social Security in Argentina. Social insurance 1943-1976, in: Yearbook for Research on the History of the Labor Movement , Issue I / 2005.
- ↑ Cf. u. a. Hujo 2004, p. 148; Sottoli 1999, p. 26.
- ^ Colin M. Lewis: Social Insurance: Ideology and Policy in the Argentine. C. 1920-66. In: Christopher Abel and Colin Lewis (Eds.): Welfare, Poverty and Development in Latin America. P. 190.
- ↑ a b c d Hujo 2004, p. 150.
- ↑ Sottoli 1999, p. 240.
- ↑ Hujo 2004, pp. 160ff.
