Armed conflict in Peru

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The armed conflict in Peru is an internal conflict in Peru , which began on May 17, 1980th The Peruvian government was essentially confronted by the guerrillas of the Sendero Luminoso ( Shining Path ) and the Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru (MRTA).

Its end time is the subject of much debate. Some suggest that the conflict ended with the arrest of the Shining Path chief Abimael Guzmán in 1992. Others that it lasted until the fall of Alberto Fujimori's government in 2000. Another opinion is that the conflict is still topical today as an armed group professing the Shining Path frequently attacks the Peruvian army .

In 2001 a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was set up by interim President Valentín Paniagua to draw up a report on the causes of the armed conflict. The commission estimated the total casualties between 1980 and 2000 at 70,000 deaths (civilians, guerrillas and military personnel combined), of which around three quarters were ethnic Quechua and almost one tenth were Asháninka , while the warring leaders were without exception and the perpetrators were predominantly whites and mestizos .

Since the 1990s, Sendero Luminoso has lost most of its armed forces and, with the exception of a small area in the rainforest around Satipo, its areas of operation, while the Peruvian army has increasingly regained control of the entire country. In addition, the revolutionary Tupac Amaru in 1997 ceased its activities and disbanded. The Shining Path rebels are still raiding special forces, particularly in the Satipo rainforest area.

prehistory

Peru has seen a number of democratic and authoritarian governments. In 1968 General Juan Velasco Alvarado took power and installed a reformist military dictatorship. In 1975 General Francisco Morales Bermúdez succeeded him and established a process of democratic transition, notably by using elections in 1980. During the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces, the Shining Path organized as a Maoist political group at the National University of San Cristóbal de Huamanga in the Ayacucho region . The group was led by Abimael Guzmán , philosophy professor at the university. His ideology was directly inspired by the Cultural Revolution in which he took part when he visited China. The members of the Shining Path came into conflict with members of other political groups, they used graffiti to call for an armed struggle against the Peruvian state.

Start of hostilities

In 1980 the military government called elections for the first time in twelve years. At the time, the Maoist Shining Path was one of the few left-wing extremist groups that refused to vote and instead started a guerrilla war in the heights of Ayacucho province. On May 17, 1980, the day before the elections, ballot boxes were burned in the village of Chushi, Ayacucho Province. This action was the first act of war. However, the authors were arrested and the burnt ballot boxes were replaced. The elections took place without major incidents; the action received little attention from the Peruvian press.

The Shining Path conducted its armed struggle in the manner taught by Mao Zedong . Its strategy was to fight guerrilla zones where his guerrillas could operate by evicting government forces from those zones in order to create liberated zones that would then be called Base could be used for operations in other regions until the whole country would be liberated. The struggle should essentially be limited to the rural regions in order to gradually destabilize the situation in the cities. On December 3, 1982 , the Shining Path with the Ejército guerrillero Popular officially formed its armed arm.

Declaration of a state of emergency and “white” occupying power in indigenous settlement areas

After the Shining Path a police station in Tambo in the province of La Mar had invaded in Ayacucho, said President Fernando Belaunde Terry on October 12, the 1981 state of emergency in the Ayacucho region and sent 193 policemen to Ayacucho, including 40 Sinchis , members of one of the Green Beret's trained paratrooper unit. In the area of ​​the provinces of Huanta and La Mar between Huanta and San Francisco de Ravacayco on the Río Apurímac , the marines of the Peruvian Navy were stationed, from where they also carried out flights into the rainforest area, where coca cultivation was combated. Up to 250 of a total of around 2,000 Peruvian marines were deployed in the combat area at the same time, i.e. around an eighth. Army posts were set up in every provincial capital of the Ayacucho region and at other strategic points, with up to around 2,000 of a total of around 90,000 Peruvian navy and army soldiers in the region in the region. In the provinces of Huanta and La Mar, which were under the control of the Marines, in the following years more people died a violent death than anywhere else in Peru.

The Sinchis and the Marines were considered the " whitest " and most racist of all armed formations, because almost all of them came from the coast and did not speak the language of the rural population of Ayacucho, the Chanka Quechua . Sendero Luminoso appeared without uniforms, and the Costeños quickly suspected all indigenous peasants whose culture they did not know of terrorism because they could not see who was really supporting the Shining Path. The relationship between the Sinchis and the Quechua population was characterized by mutual distrust, which intensified after the first atrocities against the indigenous peoples and made many farmers sympathizers or fighters of the Maoists. According to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Sinchis committed a particularly high number of serious violations of human rights . Due to the atrocities committed in the armed conflict, the police and the armed forces, but especially the Sinchis, perceived as typical "whites", became an occupying power and cruel murderers without compassion for the Quechua farmers.

Massacre of the indigenous civilian population by both parties to the conflict

The armed conflict in Peru differed from other conflicts in Latin America in that both sides - especially the Shining Path, which according to the Truth Commission is a special case as a guerrilla due to its extraordinary cruelty - proceeded particularly ruthlessly and without any sparing of the lives of many of those who were not involved in the fight . Examples include the massacre committed by Sendero Luminoso on April 3, 1983 of 69 farmers in Lucanamarca , the murder of eight journalists and two companions in Uchuraccay at the urging of the Sinchis, and which took place in response to this in the course of 1983 The slaughter of 135 villagers, including 57 women, by Sendero Luminoso, so that Uchuraccay became a desert , or the Sinchis bloodbath of 32 men, women and children in Socos in the province of Huamanga on November 13, 1983. Far more fatalities than the Sinchis , which were especially important at the beginning , were caused by regular troops - units of the army and marine infantry set up outside Ayacucho. The marine infantry operated in the province of Huanta , but mainly army units in higher locations. The latter were responsible, among other things, for a massacre in the village of Putis of 123 women, men and children from the villages of Cayramayo, Vizcatampata, Orccohuasi and Putis in the Santillana district . The villagers were brought to Putis under the pretext that they were being protected from Sendero Luminoso and forced at gunpoint to dig an alleged construction pit (or a fish pond). After the women were raped, they and the others arrested were shot and thrown into the pit. At the end of 2015, the perpetrators were not yet to be determined and only 28 of the 92 exhumed skeletons had been identified. Shortly after Alan García took over government , a patrol of the Lince Army Unit ("Lynx") stationed in Huamanga destroyed the small town of Accomarca in the Vilcashuamán Province of Ayacucho on August 14, 1985 , which they saw as the base of operations for the Shining Path. Residents of the place were brutally tortured and some were burned alive. In the end, according to later information from the truth commission, 62 unarmed people - 24 men, 10 women, 1 adolescent and 26 children - were dead and the village wiped out. In addition, a total of seven witnesses were murdered by soldiers on September 8 and 13. On May 13, 1988 fell transmitter fashionistas a military transport at Erusco, killing four soldiers, including the captain. On May 14 and the following days, army soldiers murdered a total of 39 people in Cayara , Erusco and Mayupampa in the province of Víctor Fajardo . This crime is highlighted, among other reasons, because President Alan García publicly justified the army's actions.

The systematic murder of even potential opponents and large numbers of eyewitnesses to state crimes was, as in other conflicts in Latin America, characterized as a " dirty war " (guerra sucia) and, due to the state structures and their inability to identify members of the enemy guerrillas, regarded as "inevitable". Due to the brutality of both warring parties, there was no way for the Quechua people to remain "neutral" and they were viewed with suspicion by both sides. However, the Peruvian historian Carlos Iván Degregori agreed with Sendero Luminoso's claim to have “a thousand eyes and a thousand ears” and to know the people they murdered very well, while the state organs groped in the dark and murdered rather indiscriminately.

Army victory over Sendero Luminoso in Ayacucho

In 1990, in its “People's War”, the Shining Path passed into the phase of “military equilibrium”, in the context of which it demanded more performance from the farmers, while in 1989/1990 there was a drought. Due to the increasing violence, the Quechua farmers increasingly rejected the Shining Path. Since 1985, the tasks of the predominantly "white" marine infantry have been increasingly taken over by units of the army, which included more indigenous recruits from the Ayacucho region who were allowed to do their military service in their hometown. At the same time, the Peruvian army changed especially after the seizure of power by Alberto Fujimori in 1990 its approach by armed peasants (albeit primitive) guns and in sg Ronda had to defend the villages against Sendero Luminoso. Unlike the military, the Shining Path interfered in every minute affair of the village community. The terrorists "wandering at night" (tuta puriq) were identified with the legendary human butcher Nakaq . Initially still existing sympathies among the Quechua farmers, Sendero Luminoso finally lost due to his brutality, so that he quickly lost ground to the Peruvian army. In times of extreme violence, the Protestant mission to the Quechua was also very successful, including gruesome assassinations such as the massacre of 31 worshipers in the Pentecostal Church in Ccano in the province of La Mar in February 1990 or the murder of the pastor and translator of the Bible into Chanka -Quechua , Rómulo Sauñe Quicaña , 1992 could not prevent.

War in the valley of Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro

In 1989, Sendero Luminoso began operations in the valley of the Río Apurímac , Ene and Mantaro in the province of Satipo in the region of Junín , where he penetrated the villages of the Asháninkas who lived here and strengthened his ranks - partly through the forced recruitment of child soldiers . In 1991, according to later estimates by the Truth Commission, around 10,000 Asháninkas were under the rule or captivity of the Shining Path, many of them in camps in the Ayacucho mountains. The US drug law enforcement agency DEA and the Green Berets used the Cutivireni mission in the Río Tambo district of Satipo province as a base to fight the Maoists. At times, 2000 Asháninkas who had fled the attacks on the Shining Path were concentrated here, and some were fighting the guerrillas. On August 18, 1993, a group of 150 to 300 people murdered 72 Ashaninkas (including 16 minors) in several villages on the Tsiriari near the Sinchi base of Mazamari . To date it has not been possible to determine whether the Maoists or the military were responsible. The Ashaninkas suffered heavy losses from the fighting. To this day, Ashaninkas are still in the hands of the remaining broadcasters in the province of Satipo, against whom the Sinchis of Mazamari are fighting.

Activity by Sendero Luminoso in Lima and counter terror by Grupo Colina

As early as the 1980s, the Shining Path established itself in the slums of Lima , where it maintained a dense network of activists and informants, but also where many people lived who had fled the violence in Ayacucho. The target of his attacks were increasingly left politicians and members of social movements that did not want to submit to the doctrine of the Maoists. International attention to the murder of the mayor of the slum Villa El Salvador , María Elena Moyano , on 15 February 1992. This was four years later, the murder of the General Secretary of the self-government of the suburb Huaycan , Pascuala Rosado Cornejo , March 6 1996 follow. However, with the assassination attempt in Miraflores on July 16, 1992, in which 25 passers-by died in a car bomb on a commercial street, the traditional, well-to-do class of Lima was hit for the first time.

Under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori , it was the “advisor to the president on security issues” and de facto head of the army intelligence service Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE), Vladimiro Montesinos , the operations of SIE and the death squad Grupo Colina he set up conducted. In the La Cantuta massacre on July 18, 1992 in response to the Miraflores assassination attempt, Grupo Colina abducted nine students and a professor from the Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle ("La Cantuta") in order to then murder them. In the Barrios Altos massacre in the old town of Lima, Grupo Colina murdered 15 people, including an eight-year-old child, who were mistakenly mistaken for Sendero members. On 2 May 1992 kidnapped and murdered Grupo Colina at the massacre of Santa in the village of Santa in Chimbote nine farmers and painted subsequently to conceal the offense by the Shining Path slogans on the walls of houses.

The management of Sendero Luminoso is broken up from 1992 to 1994

With the arrest of the leader of the Shining Path, Abimael Guzmán , on September 12, 1992 in Lima , the centrally-run Maoist guerrilla finally lost its head. Other leaders of Sendero Luminoso, including José Arcela Chiroque ("Ormeño"), Florentino Cerrón Cardozo ("Marcelo") and Jaime Zúñiga Córdova ("Dalton"), were arrested or killed. In his “core area” Ayacucho, Sendero Luminoso had been on the defensive since around 1990. Following the adoption of a "repentance law" (Ley de Arrepentimiento) by the Peruvian government about 6,400 reported by the end of 1994 stations fashionistas from their weapons.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) is a Peruvian commission whose main task is to prepare a report on the Peruvian armed conflict between 1980 and 2000. It was created in 2001 by Interim President Valentín Paniagua and formed by various members of civil society. Its president was Salomón Lerner Febres , then rector of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú .

In addition to her research on the terrorist violence of the Shining Path and the Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru (MRTA), she has tried to analyze the deeper roots of this violence and has initiated investigations into the military crackdown on these terrorist movements. To this end, it collected testimony from 16,985 people and organized 21 public court sessions with the victims of violence, in which 9,500 people attended. The Commission's final report was published on August 28, 2003 before the President of Peru, Alejandro Toledo .

The victims of the conflict

According to the Commission's final report, the conflict, including those who " disappeared ", resulted in almost 70,000 deaths, of which 23,969 were registered by name by the Commission. Of these, 54% are the responsibility of Sendero Luminoso , 28% of the Peruvian military , 13% of paramilitary groups and 1.5% of the Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru .

The vast majority of those murdered belonged to socially disadvantaged groups. 79% of the registered deaths came from rural areas, 40% from the Ayacucho region alone . Over 80% of the victims were male, mostly killed by targeted executions, while the majority of the women killed were killed in major massacres. 75% of the victims spoke an indigenous language as their mother tongue, mostly Quechua or Asháninka . The two Quechua family names Quispe ( Qispi "free") and Huaman ( Waman "falcon") were the most common among the registered victims. Of a total of around 55,000 Asháninka in Junín , around 6,000 died, around 10,000 were displaced within the rainforest area of ​​the Ene , Tambo and Perené and around 5,000 were imprisoned in Sendero Luminoso camps in the Andes. Numerous Quechua villages, particularly in Ayacucho, were wiped out, and 30 to 40 Asháninka villages in Junín disappeared from the map.

Targeted assassinations of both right-wing death squads and the Shining Path were precisely personalities who publicly campaign for peace and human rights. The Maoists by no means spared left-wing politicians and activists. After the communist mayor of the city of Huamanga (Ayacucho), Fermín Azparrent Taipe, who was elected for the Izquierda Unida (United Left) survived four attacks by Maoists and three attacks by the death squad Rodrigo Franco , a murder squad from the Shining Path murdered him on September 19, 1989. The request not to accept the office of mayor or to resign, he had rejected shortly before with the words: "I was born as a communist and as a communist I want to die."

According to the Commission, the lack of interest of the media and public opinion in Peru in the fate of thousands of murdered indigenous people in the Andes and the Amazon region, which only increased with the expansion of the conflict to the economic centers, as well as the justification of state violence against them a persistent deep-rooted racism in Peruvian society.

Accelerated decline in the use of indigenous language and suppression of indigenous identity

The loss of life, trauma and forced migrations caused by the armed conflict have led to an accelerated decline in indigenous languages ​​in the affected regions, especially Quechua . There is evidence that the leadership of the Shining Path showed no respect for indigenous cultures not only through its real cruelty, but also programmatically. Thus, Abimael Guzman cited that'll just have a language in Peru, Spanish speaking after a victory of the revolution, and the indigenous "dialects" would be prohibited.

The prevailing opinion in Lima , but even in Huamanga (Ayacucho), on the other hand, showed a deep distrust of Quechua- speaking Ayacuchanos as potential "terrorists". A great many people fled the rural areas of Ayacucho to Lima to escape the violence. A long-term research project on bilingualism in the San Juan Bautista district of Huamanga comes to the conclusion that the passing on of Chanka Quechua to the next generation, especially among migrants to Lima, but also among those who remained in the city of Huamanga, has been torn down, and only the children grew up speaking Spanish. In 2014 Quechua was no longer stigmatized and bilingualism was viewed positively - with the Quechua variety Chanka enjoying the highest reputation in Ayacucho - which is expressed in the general desire of young students to improve their own Quechua knowledge and Quechua in general to promote, but the children in the investigated district lacked the language skills. At a school in rural Oqlo, on the other hand, the children were bilingual. In 2013 there were 110 schools with Quechua as the intended second language and only 22 with Quechua as the first language in the Ayacucho district , which belongs to the city or province of Huamanga / Ayacucho , which reflects the language conditions in the urban center with Spanish as the mother tongue. A study by the English linguist Rosaleen Howard (2004) in the rural Tantamayo in the province of Huamalíes in the Huánuco region also names the violence caused by the armed conflict and the subsequent migration to the cities as an essential factor for the rapid change from Quechua to Spanish as the everyday language , whereby the Huamalíes Quechua spoken here, a sub-variant of the Ancash Quechua (Conchucos), still has very poor prestige.

In contrast to Bolivia and Ecuador , there was no indigenous movement in Peru in the 1980s and 1990s ; At the time of the armed conflict, the political climate of fear and the struggle for bare survival did not permit this. The migrants to the cities, especially to Lima, usually gave up their indigenous identity and language. In contrast to this, the Parisian linguist César Itier stated in 2016 that the massive immigration from the Ayacucho region to Lima as a result of the armed conflict, due to the better publication possibilities in the capital, probably decisively led to most literary Quechua texts in in the last 30 years in Chanka-Quechua and often on exactly this topic.

Organization and political commitment of those affected

In 1983, relatives of those who had been abducted or who had " disappeared " founded the organization ANFASEP (Asociación Nacional de Familiares de Secuestrados, Detenidos y Desaparecidos del Perú) , a majority of which are women, especially from the Ayacucho region . The primary goal of the organization was and is to find the abducted family members. In addition, the organization is committed to legal drafting, remembrance work , compensation for surviving dependents and thus, according to its own statement, for the defense of human rights and the fulfillment of the recommendations of the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation .

In contrast to the numerous massacres by the army, the survivors of the Lucanamarca massacre committed by Sendero Luminoso received compensation. Abimael Guzmán was sentenced to life imprisonment and compensation of 3.7 million soles on October 13, 2006.

Another organization in which mainly women with ethnic Quechua and Ashaninka backgrounds came together in the city of Huamanga / Ayacucho during the armed conflict is the Chirapaq ("rainbow" or "rain from falling stars" association), which sees itself as an indigenous organization . ) and the affiliated youth organization Ñuqanchik (“ We ”), which among other things is committed to supporting the hungry and persecuted and is now associated with the development of a positive Quechua identity among some of the urban youth in Ayacucho.

With Chirapaq member Tania Pariona Tarqui (* 1984) from Cayara (Ayacucho region), where one of the largest massacres by the army took place, and Indira Huilca Flores (* 1988) from Lima, daughter of the union leader Pedro, who was murdered by the Grupo Colina death squad Huilca Tecse , in the parliamentary group of the left-wing alliance Frente Amplio in the Congress of the Republic of Peru, there are two people who died in the armed conflict. Both of them swore their oath in relation to the victims of the conflict when they took office as members of the Peruvian Congress in 2016, with Pariona pleading that there should never be terror again, neither subversive nor state, while Huilca took the oath on her father and other Fujimori victims -Pronounced dictatorship. Pariona, who emphasizes her identity as Quechua , also invoked the pursuit of the “good life” ( allin kawsayninta maskaspa) of the Quechua and other indigenous peoples in Chanka-Quechua . The statements and demands of these MPs for legal processing and compensation provoked strong reactions from some political opponents. For example, Tania Pariona was yelled down by members of the political right at an event by victims of terrorism in September 2016, 24 years after the capture of Sendero leader Abimael Guzmán . On the subject of sexual violence in armed conflict, Pariona campaigns, among other things, to ensure that not only victims of rape, but also women who have been sexually abused in other ways, receive compensation.

Literary processing

Several Peruvian authors have dealt with the traumatic events of the armed conflict, the deepest since the independence of Peru. In his novel Abril rojo (German 2008 Red April ) , published in 2006, Santiago Roncagliolo describes the abysses that open up in front of the protagonist who investigates unsolved crimes in Ayacucho in 2000 during the re-election of Alberto Fujimori , and Peru as a country of moral decline that he had not known. Alonso Cueto told in the novel La hora azul 2005 (German 2007 The Blue Hour ) the story of a lawyer who is looking for a woman who was raped by his father in the civil war. In this way he first gains a connection to the marginalized Peru, whom he had met repeatedly before, but whom he had not known. Dante Castro Arrasco from Callao was one of the first to deal with the " dirty war " in his story Tiempo de dolor ("Time of Pain") in 1987, and Washington Córdova Huamán from the Apurimac region as Ñakay Pacha (2007) has been translated into Quechua.

From the point of view of the worst affected by the conflict, the Quechua population of Ayacucho, there are also contributions to Quechua literature , predominantly in Chanka Quechua as it is spoken in the worst hit region. Carlos Falconí Aramburú from the Trío Ayacucho , previously known primarily as Ayacucho's folklore musician , wrote several lyrical texts in the traditional Waynu style , which realistically and clearly describe the situation of the indigenous peoples abused and murdered by both warring parties, but also the hope towards the end to express a better future. These texts - best known among others, Ofrenda (1982), Viva la patria (1986), Tierra que duele (1987) and Justicia punkupi suyasaq (2002, “In the door of the judicial building I will wait”) - are whole despite their Spanish titles or mostly worded in Quechua. Some of these texts were also sung by the musician Manuelcha Prado . According to the American musicologist Jonathan Knight (2012) established Falconí hereby own style of " testimony integrate" or " reminder integrate" (canciones testimoniales) or "social songs of Ayacucho" (canciones sociales ayacuchanas) , a direct statement from the perspective of the victims of the conflict and provided a much-needed space for protest. On August 29, 2003, Carlos Falconí appeared again in public with the song Ofrenda , when the Truth Commission in Lima published its final report. However, the idea was overshadowed by demonstrations and media campaigns directed against the work of the Truth Commission and justified by state violence in the armed conflict.

In his novel Aqupampa, published in 2016, Pablo Landeo Muñoz describes the living situation of the Quechua- speaking rural population who moved to the city of Lima because of the war. Due to its urban history, he is breaking new ground with the literary language Quechua. Although he used to write some things in Spanish, he does not want this novel to be translated - at least for the time being - in order to enable the discussion of the topic in the language of his home region, the language of those affected by the conflict, and to consolidate Quechua as a literary language.

The conflict at the beginning of the 21st century

Since Guzman's capture in 1992, the number of members of the Shining Path has decreased significantly. He no longer performs any operations in Lima and was only able to carry out sporadic attacks on a small scale. However, he continues to attack members of the Peruvian security forces. For example, on June 9, 2003, a group that professed the Shining Path attacked a camp in the Ayacucho region and took 68 employees of the Argentine company Techint and three police guards who were working on a gas infrastructure project hostage. According to the Peruvian Ministry of the Interior, the hostage-takers demanded a large ransom for freeing the hostages. They released the hostages two days after a quick military response. It is rumored that the company paid the ransom demanded.

On the 27th anniversary of the Shining Path's first attack on the Peruvian state, a self-made bomb exploded in a market in the city of Juliaca , killing seven people and injuring 58 others. The Peruvian authorities suspect that the Shining Path is responsible for this explosion.

In October 2008, the Shining Path in Huancavelica Province, armed with explosives and submachine guns, ambushed a military and civilian convoy, demonstrating its ability to attack simple targets and inflict great damage on them. The balance sheet of the attack was 12 soldiers killed and 7 civilians killed.

On April 9, 2009, according to the Peruvian Defense Minister Antero Flores-Aráoz , the Shining Path ambushed and killed 13 Peruvian soldiers in the valleys of the Río Apurímac and Río Ene in Ayacucho Province.

On September 3, 2009, the guerrillas shot down a Peruvian military helicopter, killing two military personnel and injuring a third. The helicopter attempted to bring back three soldiers injured in an ambush and, according to the Peruvian Defense Minister Rafael Rey, was possibly hit by a missile launched from a rocket launch pad.

On October 13, 2006, Abimael Guzman was sentenced to life imprisonment for terrorism.

For some years the Shining Path was led by Florindo Eleuterio Flores Hala ("Comrade Artemio"), but he was captured on February 11, 2012. In order to smash the Peruvian state in order to replace it with a communist state, Sendero Luminoso repeatedly carried out attacks. Short-term goals were the release of prisoners - supporters and members of the Shining Path - and negotiation of the end of the war. These demands were made during several video explanations of Artemio.

In August 2013, according to government information, two commanders of the Shining Path, Orlando Borda Casafranca and Martín Quispe Palomino, were killed by a unit of the government army in the vicinity of Llochegua in the Ayacucho region.

The guerrilla group of Sendero Luminoso, active in the coca-growing area of ​​the Apurimac , Ene and Mantaro rivers in the Satipo province of Junin, continues to hold many people, particularly Asháninka , as forced laborers. On July 27, 2015, government troops liberated 26 children, ten women and three men from a senderist labor camp, and a week later another eight adults and seven children. However, this Sendero group is no longer subject to the old party leadership.

See also

literature

  • Carlos Iván Degregori: Harvesting Storms: Peasant "Rondas" and the Defeat of Sendero Luminoso in Ayacucho. In Steve Stern (Ed.): Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995. Duke University Press, Durham / London 1998. ISBN 0-8223-2217-X . ( PDF )
  • Steve J. Stern: Beyond Enigma: An Agenda for Interpreting Shining Path and Peru, 1980-1995. In Steve Stern (Ed.): Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995. Duke University Press, Durham / London 1998.
  • Gustavo Gorriti Elbow: Sendero: historia de la guerra milenaria en el Perú . 2nd ed., Editorial Planeta Perú, Lima 2009 (nota: 1st ed. Editorial Apoyo, Lima 1990).
  • Monika Ludescher: Estado e Indígenas en el Perú. Una Análisis del Marco Legal y su Aplicación. In: René Kuppe, Richard Potz: Law & Anthropology: International Yearbook for Legal Anthropology, Vol. 10., Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, The Hague / Boston / London 1999, pp. 122-264.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Orin Starn: Villagers at Arms: War and Counterrevolution in the Central-South Andes. In Steve Stern (Ed.): Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995 . Duke University Press, Durham and London, 1998, ISBN 0-8223-2217-X .
  2. ↑ http://www.freebase.com/view/en/internal_conflict_in_peru
  3. ↑ a b c d Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : Conclusiones Generales del Informe Final de la CVR. Lima 2003, pp. 315-345.
  4. ↑ a b http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/americas/09/03/peru.chopper/index.html
  5. ↑ Gorriti, Gustavo. The Shining Path: A History of the Millenarian War in Peru. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1999, p. 17. ISBN 0-8078-4676-7 .
  6. ↑ Gustavo Gorriti Ellenbogen (2009), pp. 225-235.
  7. ^ A b Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.2. Fuerzas policiales. Lima 2003, pp. 154-160.
  8. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.3. Fuerzas armadas. Lima 2003, p. 175f.
  9. ↑ María Elena Castillo Hijar: Huanta, un pueblo que busca cerrar sus heridas . La República, February 9, 2015.
  10. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.2. Fuerzas policiales . Lima 2003, p. 164.
  11. ^ Carlos Iván Degregori (1998), p. 146.
  12. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.2. Fuerzas policiales . Lima 2003, pp. 160-161 and 251.
  13. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.2. La Violencia en las Comunidades de Lucanamarca, Sancos y Sacsamarca . Lima 2003.
  14. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.6. La Masacre de Lucanamarca (1983) . Lima 2003.
  15. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.4. El caso Uchuraccay . Lima 2003.
  16. ↑ Víctor Tipe Sánchez, Jaime Sánchez Tipe: uchuraccay, el pueblo donde los que Morian llegaban a pie . G7 Editores, Lima 2015.
  17. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.2. Fuerzas policiales . Lima 2003, p. 174.
  18. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.7. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Socos (1983) . Lima 2003, pp. 53-63.
  19. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.14. Ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Putis (1984) . Lima 2003, pp. 53-63.
  20. ^ Carlos Tapia: Masacre en Putis: 123 muertos. Diario Uno, November 23, 2015.
  21. ↑ Eduardo Vega: A 30 años de la masacre de Putis, Ayacucho. Los peruanos que nos faltan. Defensoría del Pueblo, published in El Comerio on December 12, 2014.
  22. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.15. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Accomarca (1985) . Lima 2003.
  23. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.15. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales y encubrimiento en Cayara (1988) . Lima 2003.
  24. ^ Ayuda Memoria - Caso Cayara. Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH), Área de Comunicación, Lima 2005.
  25. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 1.1. Los datos centrales del conflicto armado interno . Lima 2003, p. 63.
  26. ^ Carlos Iván Degregori (1998), p. 143.
  27. ↑ Carlos Iván Degregori (1998), pp. 128–157.
  28. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 3.3. La iglesia católica y la iglesia evangélica . Lima 2003.
  29. ^ A b Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.8. Los pueblos indígenas y el caso de los Aháninkas. Lima 2003, pp. 241-275.
  30. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.70. Asesinatos y violaciones de los derechos humanos en Mazamari (1993). Lima 2003, pp. 809-822.
  31. ↑ Pierina Pighi: Perú y los esclavos de Sendero Luminoso: "Si me fugaba de ahí, mataban a mis hermanos, a todos". BBC Mundo, 3rd August 2015.
  32. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.57. Los asesinatos de María Elena Moyano (1992) y Pascuala Rosado (1996). Lima 2003, pp. 809-822.
  33. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.70. Los Asesinatos y lesiones graves producidos en el atentado de Tarata (1992). Lima 2003, pp. 809-822.
  34. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.19. La Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle «La Cantuta». Lima 2003, pp. 605-632.
  35. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.45. Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en Barrios Altos (1991). Lima 2003, pp. 475-493.
  36. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.53. La desaparición de campesinos del Santa (1992). Lima 2003, pp. 475-493.
  37. ↑ Orin Starn: Villagers at Arms. War and Counterrovolution in the Central-South Andes. In: Erick Detlef Langer, Elena Muñoz (Eds.): Contemporary Indigenous Movements in Latin America . Jaguar Books, Wilmington (Delaware) 2003, pp. 135ff., Here p. 137.
  38. ↑ Peruvian Repentance Act ( Memento of the original of July 30, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.cajpe.org.pe
  39. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : Anexo 2 - ¿Cuántos Peruanos murieron? Estimación del total de víctimas causadas por el conflicto armado interno entre 1980 y el 2000. Lima 2003.
  40. ↑ Salomón Lerner Febres / Josef Sayer (ed. - i. A. von Misereor and Information Center Peru), “Against forgetting. Yuyanapaq ". Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Peru ad Span .: Beate Engelhardt / Elena Muguruza (and co-workers by Hartmut Heidenreich), ed .: Hartmut Heidenreich / Juan Josi / Elena Muguruza / Karl Weber], Ostfildern: Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag 2008.
  41. ^ Peru: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission - a first step towards a country without injustice . AI Index: AMR 46/003/2004. Amnesty International, August 2004. pp. 5-11.
  42. ^ A b Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : Hatun Willakuy, Versión abreviada del informe final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación - Perú. ( Memento of the original from May 16, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Lima 2003, p. 20.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / biblioteca.hegoa.ehu.es
  43. ^ Peru: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission - a first step towards a country without injustice . AI Index: AMR 46/003/2004. Amnesty International, August 2004. pp. 15f.
  44. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.35. El Asesinato de Fermín Dario Azparrent Taipe (1989). Lima 2003, pp. 343-349.
  45. ^ Peru: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission - a first step towards a country without injustice . AI Index: AMR 46/003/2004. Amnesty International, August 2004. pp. 16f.
  46. ↑ Gustavo Gorriti elbow: Sendero - historia de la guerra milenaria en el Perú . Editorial Planeta Perú, Lima 2008. p. 57.
  47. ↑ Mei Li Kwong: El genocidio de los quechua en el Perú entre 1980 y 1992 . UW-L Journal of Undergraduate Research IX, 2006.
  48. ↑ Utta von Gleich: Nueva dinámica en el bilingüismo Ayacuchano. Indiana 33.1, pp. 133-159. 2016 ( Download PDF ).
  49. ↑ Perú, Ministerio de Educación, Dirección General de Educación Intercultural, Bilingüe y Rural: Documento Nacional de Lenguas Originarias del Perú , Relación de variantes del quechua, Apurimac, Ayacucho, Huancavelica, Junín , 2013. pp. 254, 275f., 328, 378.
  50. ↑ Rosaleen Howard: Quechua in Tantamayo (Peru), toward a social archeology of language . International Journal of the Sociology of Language 167, 95-118. 2004.
  51. ^ Rosaleen Howard: Por los linderos de la lengua. Capítulo I. El panorama sociolingüístico andino: Ecuador, Perú y Bolivia. Institut français d'études andines, Paris 2007. pp. 15–41.
  52. ↑ Xavier Albó: Indigenous movements in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. CIPCA, Tallinn, October 2008. p. 8.
  53. ^ Sarah Brigham: Indigenous Mobilization and its Effects on the Political Process: the Transformation of Indigenous Identities in Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. . Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects, Paper 500. 2009.
  54. ^ A b César Itier: Aqupampa, de Pablo Landeo Muñoz - la primera novela escrita en quechua. Pututu 56 , pp. 1-5. Ollantaytambo (Peru), November 2016.
  55. ↑ ANFASEP (official website)
  56. ^ Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación : 2.1. Dicriminación de género. Lima 2003, p. 53f.
  57. ↑ Abimael Guzmán: hace 10 años fue condenado a cadena perpetua. El Comercio , October 13, 2016.
  58. ↑ Tapio Keihäs: ¿Ser y hablar quechua? The realidad sociolingüística de Ayacucho desde la visión subjetiva de los jóvenes indígenas. Ideologías e identidades en el discurso metalingüístico. Master thesis, University of Helsinki 2014.
  59. ↑ Jóvenes predicen un futuro incierto para las lenguas indígenas. ( Memento of the original from March 21, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / chirapaq.org.pe archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Chirapaq Ayacucho, accessed March 20, 2017.
  60. ↑ Indira Huilca juró por "víctimas de la dictadura fujimorista. Legisladora electa por el Frente Amplio juró también por los estudiantes asesinados de" La Cantuta "en 1992. El Comercio , 23 July 2016.
  61. ↑ Cristiano Morsolin: Perú: La fuerza ética de la Izquierda no permite el indulto de Alberto Fujimori. ( Memento of the original from February 16, 2017 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. ADITAL, August 9, 2016.  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / site.adital.com.br
  62. ^ Matheus Calderón: Tania Pariona, abucheada hasta las lágrimas tras recordar "terrorismo de Estado". Altavoz, September 13, 2016.
  63. ↑ Congresista Pariona presenta proyecto para incluir nuevos casos en registro de víctimas. La legisladora sostuvo que hay un conjunto de víctimas de violencia sexual, que no pueden ser reparadas. Ideele Radio, February 2, 2017.
  64. ↑ Abilio Vergara: La tierra que duele de Carlos Falconí: Cultura, musica, identidad y violencia en Ayacucho. Chapter 4 and 5, pp. 139-222. IV. La Tierra que duele de Carlos Falconí. La historia de la violencia en la canción popular , pp. 139–169. V. “Ofrenda” y las formaciones de la violencia en uns sociedad poscolonial , pp. 170–222. Universidad Nacional de San Cristóbal de Huamanga. Ayacucho, 2010.
  65. ↑ Arariwa 1 (1) , August 2003. Publicación coleccionable, Vocero de la Dirección de Investigación de la ENSF "José María Arguedas", p. 4: La Verdad en las Canciones. Carlos Falconí Aramburú: Justicia punkupi suyasaq.
  66. ↑ Jonathan Ritter: Complementary Discourses of Truth and Memory. The Peruvian Truth Commission and the Canción Social Ayacuchana . Part III (Musical Memoralizations of Violent Pasts), 8 in: Susan Fast, Kip Pegley: Music, Politics, and Violence . Wesleyan University Press, Middletown, Connecticut 2012.
  67. ↑ Vanessa Londoño: Why a Quechua Novelist Doesn't Want His Work Translated . Americas Quarterly, Fixing Brazil, 2016.
  68. ^ The New York Times . "Pipeline Workers Kidnapped." June 10, 2003. Available online . Retrieved September 18, 2006.
  69. ↑ Americas.org “Gas Workers Kidnapped, Freed.” Available online ( Memento of the original from May 15, 2005 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.americas.org
  70. ↑ "Blast kills six in southern Peru" May 20, 2007 BBC News
  71. ↑ BBC "Peru rebels launch deadly ambush '" Available online . Retrieved October 10, 2008.
  72. ^ AP Press "Peru says 14 killed in Shining Path attack" ( Memento October 15, 2008 in the Internet Archive ). Retrieved October 10, 2008.
  73. ↑ BBC "Rebels kill 13 soldiers in Peru" available online . Retrieved April 12, 2009.
  74. ^ Canadian Broadcasting Corporation . "Shining Path militant leaders given life sentences in Peru." October 13, 2006 . Available online . Retrieved February 15, 2007.
  75. ^ Government reports death of two leaders of "Shining Path" SPIEGEL ONLINE on August 13, 2013
  76. ^ Matthias Rüb: The slave state of Comrade José. Frankfurt Allgemeine Zeitung , August 2, 2015.
  77. ↑ Doris Aguirre: Falta recuperar a 180 jóvenes y niños de campamentos senderistas La República, August 2, 2015.