Immigration and Immigration Policy in Denmark since 1945

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Immigrants from a Danish perspective are people of foreign origin who settle permanently or at least for a longer period in Denmark ( Danish bindestregsdansker ). These can be refugees or asylum seekers , poor migrants , labor migrants , latecomers in the context of family reunification and others.

The immigration policy in Denmark is the set of policy guidelines and measures in Denmark with regard to the immigration into the country. In the 1980s, Danish immigration policy was still considered one of the most liberal in Europe. Since the 1990s, however, the immigration policy towards non-Western immigrants has been tightened and is now considered one of the most restrictive in Europe.

Possibilities of immigration to Denmark

There are several legal ways to immigrate to Denmark:

  • Citizens of the European Union and Switzerland can stay in Denmark for up to three months within the framework of the EU fundamental freedoms or the association agreement with Switzerland without the need for further permits. After that, a work permit or other residence permit is required (except for citizens of the other Nordic countries - see below)
  • Citizens of the other Nordic countries ( Norway , Sweden , Finland , Iceland ) can stay and work in Denmark for an indefinite period of time and work there due to a corresponding special regulation in the five Nordic countries
  • Citizens from third countries (non-EU or Switzerland) can stay in Denmark for a long time or possibly permanently if they are granted asylum or residence for humanitarian reasons, if they have a work or study permit or if they are family reunions. In addition, there are some other special regulations for foreign guest researchers , au pair girls or interns.

In the course of the refugee crisis in 2015, there was also an unregulated immigration of refugees to Denmark.

Historical development of immigration to Denmark

Denmark does not see itself as a classic immigration country. Historically, Denmark was ethnically, culturally and linguistically very homogeneous. There was no significant immigration until the early 1960s. In 1759, German families emigrated from the Odenwald and the Bergstrasse to Jutland, among other places. 59 families have now mixed with the local population. Among other things, the colonists brought the potato to Denmark. As a result of the expulsion of the German population from the eastern regions, around 250,000 German refugees came since 1945, but they moved to Germany in the following years.

The first significant immigration after World War II consisted of refugees from Eastern European regimes . Around 1,500 Hungarians fled to Denmark before the Soviet invasion in 1956. The numbers remained low, however, and since there was emigration from Denmark at the same time, the migration balance was even negative until 1958.

The first phase of significant immigration to Denmark began in the 1960s with the influx of guest workers (labor migration). Like other European countries, Denmark experienced a strong economic boom in the 1960s, which resulted in an increased demand for labor. Guest workers from Turkey, Yugoslavia, Pakistan and Morocco came to Denmark. In addition, there was an immigration of workers from West Germany.

The number of immigrants initially remained relatively small. In 1962 there were around 14,000 immigrants in Denmark, and in 1971 their number had risen to around 34,500. Due to the increasing unemployment in connection with the first oil crisis, the influx of guest workers was stopped by the Danish government in 1973. From then on, immigration was only possible from the other Nordic countries and the EEC . Many of the guest workers did not return to their home countries. As a rule, they received a permanent residence permit after five years or even earlier. Anyone who had been in Denmark for at least five years still had the right to bring their family to Denmark (family reunification), a right that they also made use of. In particular, the reunification of families, which began around the mid-1970s, resulted in the proportion of foreigners not falling, but actually increasing, despite the immigration freeze. Another factor here was the relatively high birth rate of immigrants.

Immigration to Denmark from both western and non-western countries has increased steadily since the 1980s. On the one hand, more and more labor migrants from other EU countries settled in Denmark, as the EU fundamental freedoms made migration within the EU considerably easier. On the other hand, more and more refugees came to Denmark from the Middle East and other regions who had fled armed conflicts in their home countries (the civil war in Lebanon, the Iraq-Iran war and others).

In 1983 there were about 60,000 non-Western first and second generation immigrants. In the decade from 1985 to 1994, immigration averaged around 20,000 people per year. In 1995 the number rose briefly to almost 40,000 because of the war in Yugoslavia, only to stabilize in the years up to 2004 at around 30,000 to 35,000 immigrants per year. In the past ten years the number of immigrants has risen sharply again. In 2005 the number of immigrants reached the 40,000 mark for the first time. Almost 65,000 immigrants came to Denmark in 2014, the highest number ever for a single year.

In 2005, the share of immigrants in the total Danish population was around 7.2% (389,000 people). As of January 1, 2014, there were 476,059 immigrants in Denmark. With a total population of 5.6 million, this corresponds to a share of 11.1%. Of these, approx. 199,829 came from western and 276,230 from non-western countries.

The immigrant population in Denmark is very heterogeneous. The most important countries of origin of non-western migrants are: Turkey , Iraq , Lebanon , Pakistan , Somalia . Important European countries of origin are Germany, Poland, Norway and Sweden. At the end of 2018, a law was passed according to which Danish citizenship is only granted by naturalization against a handshake.

Socioeconomics of Immigration

Socio-economic indicators

Immigrants in Denmark have, on average, a lower socio-economic status and a higher risk of poverty or unemployment than indigenous Danes.

education

The school performance of students from immigrant families on average lags behind that of Danish students. Students from non-Western immigrant families have a significantly lower average censorship rating than Danish students: 6.4 and 7.0 for Danish students, 5.0 and 5.4 for non-Western students. It is noticeable here that there are very large differences within the group of students with a non-western migration background. For example, students with a Vietnamese background score slightly better on average than students without a migration background, while students with a Middle Eastern migration background have particularly poor grades on average (e.g. 4.3 and 4.6 for Turkish, 4.2 and 4.7 for Lebanese migration background).

Students with a non-Western migration background are also below the Danish average in terms of educational level. Among the 30-year-old male and female offspring of the second generation, 47% and 64% respectively have completed vocational training, for Danes the values ​​are 72% and 80% respectively

unemployment

Participation in the labor market is less pronounced among people with a non-Western migration background than among Danes. Compared to the autochthonous population between 16 and 64 years of age, the group of non-Western immigrants or their descendants between 16 and 64 years of age have 38% lower employment levels. Among immigrants from western countries, underemployment compared to the native population is 20%.

Dependence on public utilities

People with a non-Western migration background are clearly over-represented among recipients of public utilities. For example, 22% of social assistance recipients ( kontanthjælp ) are non-Western immigrants or their descendants, while their share in the total population is 7%. The proportion of recipients of public utilities is highest among immigrants from the Middle East and Africa. E.g. Around 80% of migrant women from Somalia and Lebanon receive transfer income.

crime

The crime rate among first generation non-Western male immigrants (born abroad) is 53% higher than among male Danes. For people born in Denmark with a non-Western migration background, the value is 130% higher than for male Danes without a migration background. This information has already been standardized according to age (since the crime rate strongly correlates with age). The raw data show even higher deviations from the Danish average. If a further standardization is carried out according to the socio-economic status, the values ​​mentioned are still 27% and 120% higher than for male Danes without a migration background. Migrants with a Middle Eastern / African background within the group of non-Western immigrants are also well above average in terms of crime rates - but this also applies to immigrants from the former Yugoslavia.

Economic cost-benefit analysis

According to a ministerial report from 2011, the Danish state saved 6.7 billion euros in the ten years from 2002 to 2011 by tightening immigration legislation. According to the report, immigration from non-western countries costs DKK 15.7 billion (€ 2.3 billion) each year, while immigrants from western countries make a positive contribution of DKK 2.2 billion (DKK 295 million) annually Euros).

In 2014, the Rockwool Fund carried out an economic cost-benefit analysis of immigration in Denmark based on the so-called Danish Rational Economic Agents Model (DREAM). According to the analysis, immigrants from western countries (EU28, Norway, USA and Canada) paid a balance of 3.8 billion Danish kroner into the public coffers in 2014. Immigrants from non-Western countries, on the other hand, resulted in net public costs of 16.6 billion crowns in 2014. The researchers continue to believe that this pattern will continue in the long term: non-Western immigrants will be in the researchers' scenario in 2050 It will cause a net cost of six billion kroner, while the positive contribution from western immigrants will amount to 9.1 billion kroner.

Immigration debate

Historical development and main features of the Danish immigration debate

The beginnings of the Danish immigration debate can be traced back to the 1960s, when the first guest workers came to Denmark. However, due to the small number of immigrants at the time, this debate had a low public and political priority. The main issues discussed were the effects on the labor market, while topics such as integration, culture, religion, etc. played no role. An important front line in this debate was between employee representatives on the one hand and business on the other. Workers' representatives feared that the immigration of migrant workers with low demands could weaken the power position of the entire workforce and were therefore more likely to be opposed to labor migration to Denmark, while the business lobby welcomed the expansion of the labor supply.

It was not until the 1980s that the immigration debate gained momentum, with the focus shifting more and more from the earlier debate about labor migration to a refugee debate. This was in response to the growing number of asylum seekers, particularly from the Middle East. The debate became more heated and there was increasing polarization between supporters and opponents of the admission of refugees. While the former made humanitarian standpoints, the latter argued that Denmark needed to be saved from an "invasion" by people of very different cultural and religious backgrounds that would destroy the country in the long run. An important point of reference in the immigration debate was the initially very generous Aliens Act ( udlændingelov ), which was adopted in 1983 and came into force in 1984 , which was already heavily controversial in the decision- making phase and has been modified again and again since it came into force, with the trend towards increasingly restrictive legislation.

The immigration debate received a decisive boost from the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 (“9/11”) in the USA. As a result of the attacks, the issues of terrorism and Islam were inextricably linked. From then on, Islamism and political Islam played a prominent role in the immigration debate, immigration from Islamic countries was increasingly narrowed down to these issues and perceived as a threat to Denmark, the Danish system of values ​​and, last but not least, Christianity . Although such topics had already been put on the political agenda by Mogens Glistrup and his Progressive Party in the 1970s, for example , they remained marginal topics at that time (see below). It was only through 9/11 that the necessary resonance space for a broad and lasting reception of such topics was created.

The immigration debate today is largely limited to immigration from Muslim countries. The debate has been heated at times since 9/11 at the latest, and the polarization between opponents and supporters of a generous immigration policy has increased. Positions that are considered outside the democratic spectrum of opinion or that are taboo in countries like Germany or Sweden found their way into the mainstream of opinion. In this context, Danish opinion leaders believe that the immigration debate is conducted more freely and more realistically than in countries like Germany or Sweden and is not distorted by political correctness . Left and left-liberal forces, Danish and foreign non-governmental organizations , human rights groups, etc. criticized and criticized the increasing problematization of Islam and non-Western immigration in general, while in their opinion moral and humanitarian questions are increasingly taking a back seat. It is also criticized that the restrictive immigration policy is not compatible with “original Danish” liberal values.

The main topics of the Danish immigration debate in recent years have been:

  • the role of religion, particularly Islam, in the community
  • Family reunion
  • Segregation and ghettoization of immigrants, parallel societies
  • Citizenship and Danishhood ( danskhed )
  • Costs and Benefits of Immigration
  • Gender roles, values ​​and religion
  • Immigration and crime
  • Immigration and terrorism
  • Racism and Discrimination Against Immigrants

Debate on values

A central aspect of the immigration debate is the discrepancy, perceived by many participants in the debate, between “Danish” and “Western values” such as the free development of personality, gender equality , freedom of expression , ideological tolerance, separation of state and religion , sexual freedom etc. and with these as incompatible non-Western, especially “Islamic” values. In Denmark this is summarized under the catchphrase værdidebat (debate on values ). Muslim immigrants in particular cannot be integrated into Danish society due to their different values, so their immigration must be limited. Immigration from Islamic countries is leading to an increase in religious fundamentalism and a constant aversion to values ​​such as criticism of religion and freedom of expression. The headscarf (so-called headscarf debate - see also headscarf dispute ) and the question of the extent to which Islam is a religion that oppresses women plays an important role in the debate on values . In this context, a headscarf ban was and is being discussed.

The debate on values ​​flared up particularly intensely on the occasion of the publication of the Mohammed cartoons in the Jyllands-Posten newspaper in 2005, which led to global protests and violent riots among Muslims and plunged Denmark into the worst foreign policy crisis since the Second World War. The so-called Mohammed crisis in Denmark continues to this day and is a point of reference in the immigration debate. For many Danes, the Mohammed crisis confirms the image of intolerant Muslims who cannot be integrated.

In a survey carried out among Danish Muslims in 2009, 55% of those questioned were of the opinion that homosexuality was unacceptable, 80% were of the opinion that the Mohammed cartoons should have been banned, 55% were in favor of a general ban on religious criticism and 64% agreed Statement that freedom of expression must be restricted in certain cases. According to a 2015 study, 77% of Danish Muslims believe that the instructions in the Koran must be followed in full, 43% believe that girls should wear a veil and 52% believe that Islam adheres to Western values shouldn't adjust.

terrorism

The Danish immigration debate has often revolved around the subject of Islamist terrorism since 9/11 . In a survey among 26,000 EU citizens carried out on behalf of the EU Commission , 42% of the Danes surveyed named terrorism as one of the three topics that preoccupy them the most. The number is higher than in any other of the 17 countries included except Spain.

Danish citizens and institutions have been targeted by Islamist terrorism a number of times. In 2010 an asylum seeker from Somalia carried out a narrowly unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Kurt Westergaard , one of the cartoonists in the Mohammed cartoons. The perpetrator justified his act with the fact that Westergaard had insulted the prophet Mohammed. The editorial office of the Jyllands-Posten was also attacked, the building is now strongly secured. In 2015, an Islamist terrorist attack in Copenhagen killed a filmmaker and a synagogue security guard and injured several police officers. In the immigration debate, Islamist terrorist attacks (in Western countries) are regularly the cause of calls for a tightening of immigration law.

crime

Opponents of immigration from third world countries sometimes argue that the higher crime rates among people with a non-Western migration background living in Denmark are due to the cultural or religious background or different values ​​of these groups of people. This ethnically linked crime can therefore not be combated otherwise than by preventing immigration from the countries concerned. Other participants in the debate counter that the higher crime rate among certain immigrant groups has socio-economic causes or can result from the experience of discrimination and racism or from war trauma.

Economic debate

Economic cost-benefit considerations play an important role in the political and public immigration debate in Denmark. This facet is addressed primarily with regard to non-Western immigration. In Denmark there is a very widespread belief that non-western immigration is economically harmful to society. Corresponding cost-benefit calculations (see above) are therefore followed very carefully and widely received. Even opponents of the current restrictive immigration policy usually do not question the negative economic consequences of non-Western immigration, but they turn against pure cost-benefit considerations and instead emphasize the importance of ethical standpoints.

Non-Western Immigration and Welfare State

Denmark is a decidedly welfare state . This model with extensive transfer payments and correspondingly high taxation is widely accepted in Denmark. This welfare state was created for a homogeneous population in a national framework. A popular narrative in Denmark is that the success of the welfare state model is due to the ethnic and cultural homogeneity of society. Ulf Hedetoft, professor of migration sociology at the University of Copenhagen , said in an interview in 2011: “Since the Second World War and until today, the success of the Danish welfare state has been linked to population and ethnic homogeneity. Everyone does their part because we are all in the same boat. Immigrants were perceived as a disruptive element that posed a threat to the Danish welfare state model. This attitude was very widespread, both among politicians and in the media. "Since many non-western migrants do not make a positive net contribution to the welfare state," a determining element ... [of the restrictive course in immigration policy] is the fear of the sustainability of the Danish welfare model " .

According to historian and author Mikael Jalving , the welfare state is very attractive to immigrants from non-Western countries. At the same time, mass immigration from non-Western countries leads to the destruction of the welfare state in the long term, since its services can no longer be financed. Generous immigration legislation therefore requires a leaner, more liberal state, which in turn attracts very different types of immigrants than the welfare state.

The incumbent Danish Minister of Integration, Inger Støjberg , explicitly states that the aim of the recent and planned tightening of asylum law is that "it is not just about kronen and Öre, ie government spending, but to a large extent about preserving the Denmark we know".

identity

Closely related to the debate on values ​​and the debate on the welfare state is the debate about the impact of immigration on Danish identity. In the self-perception of the Danes, Denmark is a small, cozy and peaceful country, which as such is exposed to external dangers - such as globalization - relatively helpless. At the same time, the Danes have a relatively unbroken national consciousness, which is expressed in a playful rather than aggressive national pride. The often used word Danskhed (Danishism or being Danish), in which Danish characteristics and values ​​such as hyggeless , security, community feeling , equality, modesty, etc. are summarized, has a positive connotation. Against this background, immigration from completely different cultures is perceived by many as a threat or at least a challenge to this national identity. Jöhncke explains: “It is argued that the arrival of religious and ethnic minorities poses challenges for a new conception of the country, not only on the superficial level of 'Danish attitudes towards immigrants', but in a much broader sense for the entire ideological one and social fabric of the country. "

Immigration policy

Historical development and main features of the Danish immigration policy

Until 1983, Danish immigration policy was regulated in the Aliens Act ( udlændingelov ) of 1953, which initially contained relatively generous provisions. Until the early 1970s, the issue of immigration did not play a major role in the public and political debate due to the small number of migrants (guest workers). One of the first significant decisions in immigration policy was the immigration freeze imposed in 1973 as a reaction to increasing unemployment in the wake of the first oil crisis. This immigration freeze still applies today. In the years before, the initially very liberal entry conditions had already gradually been tightened somewhat. The influx of guest workers in the 1960s and 1970s was relatively disorderly, and an explicit political decision to recruit guest workers was never made. The guest workers came to the country largely on their own initiative.

In 1984 the new Danish Aliens Act came into force. The law was considered one of the most generous immigration laws in Europe at the time. It has been praised by the United Nations . The law contained very generous regulations for refugees and asylum seekers. Denmark also granted asylum to people who did not have grounds for asylum under the Geneva Convention. Recognized asylum seekers had the right to family reunification. In line with the immigration debate outlined above, which has occupied ever greater space in public discourse since the 1980s, immigration policy has also been given ever higher priority on the political agenda. The Aliens Act has been amended more than 60 times since 1984, with more and more tightening. The Danish Aliens Act is now considered one of the most restrictive in Europe.

When around 20,000 Bosnians sought protection from the Yugoslav wars in Denmark in the 1990s, special legislation was passed for the first time, according to which Bosnian refugees received a temporary residence permit, but their asylum applications were not dealt with, as the refugees were expected to return to Bosnia and Herzegovina hoped. Most Bosnians eventually received permanent residence permits, but the discussion about the extent to which refugees should only be temporarily tolerated has never been silent since then. As a result of the increasingly problematic ghettoization of immigrants and the concentration in a few large city districts, especially in Copenhagen , Aarhus and Odense , an integration law ( integrationslov ) was passed in 1999 , which should lead to a better, decentralized distribution of immigrants.

The 2001 Folketing Election , which took place in November of that year, was largely influenced by the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 . It must have been the first choice that was decided by immigration issues. Most political parties spoke out in favor of a clear tightening of the Aliens Act. The ruling Social Democrats were voted out of office and a liberal-conservative government came to power, supported by the Danish People's Party . The government decided to tighten the asylum law, tougher regulations on family reunification and to take measures to improve the integration of immigrants living in Denmark.

According to the migration researcher Ulf Hedetoft, questions of immigration policy largely determined Danish politics in the 15 years from around 1995 to 2010. Several elections were decided by immigration issues. After 2010, after Hedetoft, the immigration debate settled somewhat, as the population had been satisfied with the tightening of immigration legislation and other issues had become more important. In the course of the European refugee crisis in 2015 , however, the debate flared up again. Green-Pedersen sees the politicization of the immigration question as one of the most important developments in recent Danish politics. The decisive reason for this development was not a change in attitudes in the Danish population, but the decision of political elites, above all the two bourgeois parties Venstre and Conservatives , to give high priority to the immigration issue.

The focus of Danish immigration policy today is on immigration from non-Western, namely Islamic countries in the Middle East and Africa. Danish immigration policy has in recent years been increasingly geared towards reducing the influx of non-western foreigners to Denmark. A complete stop to non-western immigration has also been and is being discussed. In addition, to a lesser extent, poverty migration from south-eastern Europe is also discussed, as well as occasional labor migration from eastern European countries, especially Poland. Immigration from highly developed industrialized countries, on the other hand, does not play a role in the Danish immigration debate and policy or it has a positive connotation in political and public discourse. While isolation is more likely to be discussed with regard to refugees and poverty migrants , positive incentives are set for the immigration of highly qualified labor migrants, most of whom come from Western countries.

In addition to minimizing the number of non-Western immigrants, the demand for national autonomy in immigration policy and as complete control as possible over immigration to Denmark is another characteristic of Danish immigration policy. Denmark, for example, has stipulated a legal reservation within the European Treaties, which means, among other things, that the country is not obliged to participate in a common EU asylum and integration policy. The Danish people reaffirmed the reservation in a referendum on December 3, 2015.

Party political backgrounds

The Danish party system is traditionally divided into a red block (parties to the left of the center) and a blue block (parties to the right of the center). The blue bloc parties, which include the right-wing liberal Venstre and the Danish People's Party , tend to support restrictive immigration policies. Among the parties of the red bloc, the unity list , some of which is characterized as left-wing extremists , the Socialist People's Party and the Radical Venstre advocate a generous immigration policy, while the Social Democrats, as by far the largest party of the red bloc, occupy an intermediate position between these parties and the parties of the blue bloc. however, have now switched to a more restrictive course than before. This constellation leads to the fact that immigration policy measures of a previous government are sometimes repeatedly reversed, i.e. tightened or defused, when there is a change of power between the two blocs. However, since the Danish Social Democrats also take positions in immigration policy that can only be found far to the right of the political center in many other European countries, the basic tendency of Danish immigration policy remains relatively restrictive even when there is a change of power to the red bloc. In the meantime, an immigration policy that is very restrictive in European comparison is supported by all major parties on the right and left of the center. At the end of 2015, the leader of the Social Democrats, Henrik Sass Larsen, said that his party would do everything possible to limit the number of non-Western immigrants to Denmark.

The increasing tightening of immigration legislation that has been observed over the last few decades correlates with the increasing success of parties critical of immigration in Denmark. In 1972 Mogens Glistrup founded the Fremskridtsparti (Progressive Party). Glistrup and the party demanded a very restrictive foreigner policy towards Muslims, which Glistrup viewed collectively as enemies. The party won 15.9% of the vote in the 1973 Folketing election, but remained isolated and without any real political influence. In the period that followed, the Progress Party was never able to build on the election success of 1973.

A sustained political change towards a more restrictive immigration policy was initiated , at least in part, as a result of the establishment of the Danish People's Party in 1995 by former Progress Party politicians. The party took over the immigration policy demands of the Progressive Party in a somewhat defused form. The party leader (from 1995 to 2012) Pia Kjærsgaard knew how to give the party increasing acceptance and influence in politics and the public through her personal appearance and more realistic political demands. In the Folketing elections between 2001 and 2011, the party received between approx. 12% and 14% of the vote. In the 2015 folk election , the Danish People's Party became the second largest political party in Denmark with 21.1% of the vote. The party currently supports and has supported minority governments of the right-wing liberal Venstre party , with the Danish People's Party successfully pushing through many of its immigration demands. In addition, other parties have come closer and closer to the positions of the Danish People's Party in their immigration policy. However, Green-Pedersen takes the view that the founding and success of the Danish People's Party is more the result than the cause of the politicization of the immigration issue in Denmark.

The Danish People's Party is considered to be the Danish party with the toughest immigration policy. However, according to a 2015 study, 13% of Danes would vote for a party with an even more restrictive immigration policy than the Danish People's Party.

Content

Asylum and Refugee Policy

Denmark was the first country in the world to join the Geneva Refugee Convention in 1951 and is therefore obliged to observe the principles laid down there for the granting of asylum . The refugee convention is implemented through Section 7.1 of the Aliens Act ( udlændingelov ). Every foreigner who enters Danish territory has the right to apply for asylum in Denmark. If this is granted, the refugee receives the convention status according to the Geneva Refugee Convention.

Furthermore, according to Section 7.2 of the Aliens Act, asylum can also be granted to persons who are not Convention refugees. Reasons for this can be, for example, the threat of capital punishment in the home country, threat of torture or other threat of human rights violations. The granting of asylum means that the refugee receives a temporary residence permit which may be re-examined after expiry. No asylum is granted due to natural disasters, poverty, hunger or other adverse living conditions. If the competent authorities come to the conclusion that there is no grounds for asylum, the person will be expelled from Denmark. In exceptional cases, however, the Ministry of Justice can issue a temporary residence permit for humanitarian reasons.

In addition to refugees who seek asylum directly in Denmark, the country takes in several hundred so-called quota refugees every year. This was based on an agreement with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. At the end of 2015, the Danish government brought up proposals to amend the UN Refugee Convention. One of the main concerns was that refugees who have already resided in safe third countries should no longer be able to apply for asylum in another country. The admission of quota refugees was finally terminated by Denmark at the end of 2017.

The Geneva Refugee Convention offers leeway, which Denmark has used in recent years to tighten its asylum law. In November 2015, the daily Dagbladet Information quoted experts with the assessment that the current Danish refugee policy is only geared towards the goal of accepting as few refugees as possible. In contrast, the aim of protecting refugees has completely disappeared from the political agenda.

Only a few recent legislative measures can be discussed below. In 2014, the asylum law was tightened to the effect that war refugees generally only receive a one-year residence permit and can then be expelled if conditions in their home country have only improved slightly. From the perspective of refugees, this increases the risk of being deported.

The explicit goal of the right-wing liberal government in office since summer 2015, which is supported by the Danish People's Party, among others, is to reduce the number of asylum seekers in Denmark. Instead of unbridled immigration of refugees, Denmark should be able to determine how many refugees come into the country. This is to be achieved by tightening the asylum legislation.

In September 2015, a few months after the Folketing election, the new government decided on a package of measures to tighten the asylum law. Part of the package of measures was the reduction of cash benefits for refugees. The amount of cash benefits refugees are entitled to has been cut almost in half, to the level of transfer income for students. A single refugee without children is therefore only entitled to approx. 800 euros instead of the equivalent of 1,450 euros. This measure was particularly controversial. Opponents of the measure doubted whether this would achieve the goal of reducing the number of refugees, since refugees are only looking for security and the amount of cash benefits is not a relevant decision criterion. However, after this and other measures came into force, the number of asylum seekers in Denmark fell sharply. In interviews, many refugees named the reduction in cash benefits, about which they were informed in detail, as a reason for not wanting to stay in Denmark. Furthermore, the regulations on family reunification have been tightened - refugees now have to wait a year before they can bring their families to join them.

Also in September 2015, the Danish government placed advertisements in Lebanese newspapers informing them about the latest tightening of asylum law, e.g. the reduction in cash benefits and the tightening of family reunification for refugees. The aim of the measure was to inform potential refugees and smugglers and to deter them from traveling to Denmark. Contrary to what has been reported in some media, the advertisement does not contain a direct request to stay away from Denmark.

Against the background of the European refugee crisis from 2015, a further catalog of measures to tighten the asylum law was decided by a large majority at the beginning of 2016. In addition to the ruling party Venstre and the Danish People's Party, a majority of the Social Democrats also voted for the measures. Among other things, it was decided:

  • Family reunification is only possible after three years at the earliest
  • Confiscation of money and valuables with a value of over 10,000 kroner to finance the stay of refugees
  • Tightening of the rules for issuing a permanent residence permit
  • Further reduction in social benefits for persons entitled to asylum
  • Stricter regulations for quota refugees

This catalog of measures in particular met with a wide response in the international press. Against this background, fears have been voiced in Denmark that the measures could damage Denmark's reputation abroad. Danish government officials were convinced that these and other measures by Denmark to tighten asylum law would soon be adopted by other countries.

In addition, there have been and are further proposals to minimize the number of refugees in Denmark. In 2014, the Danish People's Party and the liberal Liberal Alliance tabled almost identical bills that would allow asylum seekers to be accommodated in refugee camps in the Middle East and Africa. The proposal was sharply criticized by Amnesty International .

The restrictive Danish asylum policy has resulted in refugees increasingly refusing to seek asylum in Denmark. Alongside Bulgaria and Hungary, Denmark is one of the countries that has a bad reputation among refugees. During the refugee crisis in 2015, Denmark was only a stopover for many refugees on their onward journey to Sweden or other Scandinavian countries where the general conditions for asylum seekers were perceived as more favorable. Due to the Dublin Agreement, Denmark is actually obliged to register every refugee residing on Danish territory. However, many refugees refused to register during the refugee crisis and actively evaded it. In the meantime, the Danish police refrained from forcing refugees to register.

In 2015, in the wake of the European refugee crisis, Denmark took in over 20,000 migrants. The numbers have been falling sharply since 2016. At times, Sweden took in more asylum seekers per week than Denmark in the entire period from January to October 1, 2015.

On November 30, 2018, the government and the Dansk Folkeparti decided to accommodate rejected asylum seekers and foreigners who have committed criminal offenses and who will not be deported on the Danish island of Lindholm. There are also plans to move these people to prisons in other countries.

Family reunification for non-EU nationals

The right to family reunification was originally handled generously in the Aliens Act of 1983. However, since the turn of the millennium, the regulations have been tightened several times. In particular, the requirements for the economic conditions of the stragglers and the common bond of family members to Denmark were tightened. In 2002, the reunification of spouses was tightened to the effect that both spouses must be at least 24 years old - officially to prevent forced marriages . Despite the official justification of wanting to prevent forced marriages, the main goal of the tightening is usually seen as reducing the number of family reunions in countries such as Somalia, Turkey or Pakistan. As a result, the number of stragglers fell drastically from just under 11,000 people in 2001 to just under 3,000 people in 2003.

In 2011, the then Vestre government, with the votes of the Danish People's Party among others, introduced a new regulation of family reunification, which aimed in particular at making the reunification of spouses from non-western countries practically impossible. The law provided for a points system in which foreigners over 24 years of age had to reach 60 points and foreigners under 24 years of age 120 points in order to be able to immigrate to Denmark. The main criteria were training, professional experience and language skills. The aim of the law was achieved: While almost 4,000 people were granted family reunification in 2010, family reunification fell to just 25 in the first five months after the law came into force.

In 2012, the new government, led by the Social Democrats, abolished the point system, which resulted in a sharp increase in family reunions. According to the new regulations, foreigners who are at least 24 years old can be brought in if the entire family has a stronger connection to Denmark than to the foreigner's home country (“affiliation clause”). In addition, a security must be provided. Different rules apply to children A rule that was in force in the meantime, according to which the joining clause was not applied if the Danish spouse had lived in Denmark for more than 26 years or had Danish citizenship for more than 26 years, was repealed after it was dated 2016 European Court of Human Rights has been found indirectly discriminatory. The non-governmental organization Danes Worldwide estimates that around 10,000 Danes living abroad currently do not have the right to live in Denmark with their families due to the affiliation clause.

In 2016, the waiting period for family reunification was extended to three years (see above).

Work permit

Persons from third countries who are not entitled to asylum in Denmark and who are not allowed to enter Denmark by way of family reunification require a residence and work permit in order to be able to live and work in Denmark. Foreigners from the EU only need this for long-term stays. The issuing of a work permit depends primarily on the applicant's qualifications.

There are several ways to get a residence and work permit. This can be granted within the framework of a green card scheme based on a points system. The higher the applicant's qualifications, the higher the chances of receiving a green card.

Furthermore, a work permit can be issued if the applicant carries out an activity that is listed on a positive list. This concerns activities where there is a shortage of qualified personnel in Denmark. Applicants who are offered a job that is paid above average have easier access to the Danish labor market.

In addition, special regulations apply for scientists, start-up entrepreneurs, trainees and some other groups of people.

Permanent residence permit

A permanent residence permit can be issued upon application under the following conditions:

  • The person must continue to meet the respective conditions for the existing residence permit
  • Completion of the 18th year of life
  • Legal residence in Denmark for at least five years
  • The person must not have committed any criminal offenses
  • There must be no forfeited debts to the public sector
  • No receipt of certain types of transfer income in the past three years
  • Signing of a declaration on integration and active citizenship in the Danish community
  • Danish language skills
  • Full-time employment or training in Denmark at the time of application and for at least three years within the last five years

naturalization

Danish citizenship law is a combination of Ius sanguinis and Ius soli . A Danish citizen by birth is any person born in Denmark with a Danish father or mother. If neither of the parents is Danish, birth in Denmark does not automatically result in Danish citizenship. The conditions for obtaining Danish citizenship are similar to those for obtaining a permanent residence permit (see above), but sometimes go beyond them. A declaration of loyalty to the Danish state is also required. However, as of September 1, 2015, you no longer have to give up your previous citizenship in order to obtain Danish citizenship. A corresponding law had previously been passed by the Folketing in December 2014 .

The regulations for obtaining Danish citizenship have been tightened repeatedly in recent years, most recently in October 2015 by the right-wing liberal minority government. The tightening concerns, for example, a longer minimum stay in Denmark, proof of better knowledge of Danish and better knowledge of Denmark, an extended waiting period for crime and stricter regulations with regard to the applicant's economic situation.

Integration policy

The integration policy is regulated in the Integration Act ( integrationslov ) of 1999. Denmark took extensive measures in the field of foreigner integration relatively early on. Danish immigration policy follows the principle that immigrants should be integrated into Danish society. At the beginning of the 1990s, Hamburger stated that, according to the will of politics, Denmark should by no means become a multiethnic or multicultural community, but rather the approach is more practically oriented towards the assimilation of immigrants into the majority society. De facto, however, the approach has led to segregation rather than integration or assimilation for some immigrants and groups of immigrants. Jöhncke says that Denmark is obsessed with the goal of integrating foreigners . This could be interpreted as an attempt to preserve the achievements and integrative social effects of the welfare state.

Integration policy today is largely geared towards activating immigrants. In particular, immigrants should be integrated into the labor market as quickly as possible. For this purpose, for example, social benefits for immigrants have been cut again and again and knowledge of Danish is promoted through compulsory language courses. In the integration debate, immigrants are seen primarily as having an obligation to deliver, and they are expected to adapt to Danish society. Despite continued segregation and below-average levels of socio-economic indicators (see above) among immigrants, the Danish integration policy has been quite successful.

Even the public libraries comes in Denmark a role in integration. Danish municipalities are legally obliged to run a public library that ensures the supply of special target groups (children, migrants, disabled people). According to a 2001 study, immigrant men used the libraries more often than Danish men, whereas immigrant women and children used them less than Danish women and children did. 84% of the young migrants surveyed in the study used the library at least twice a week. It is not only used to borrow materials, but also as a social meeting point and, by girls, as an open space.

The Danish People's Party occupies a certain exceptional position with regard to the objective of integrating foreigners. The party clearly prioritizes minimizing the number of immigrants. Integration should only take place in the case of foreigners who have no possibility of (later) deportation. In the case of refugees with temporary residence permits, on the other hand, the party favors models such as central accommodation and extensive isolation from society until the refugees are returned to their home countries. Nevertheless, Jöhncke states that there is a very broad consensus in Danish politics on the necessity of integrating immigrants, which includes the Danish People's Party.

Suspension and termination of the admission of quota refugees from 2016

Denmark has committed itself to accepting 500 UN quota refugees and has fulfilled this obligation up to and including 2015. After the enormous influx of over 20,000 migrants in 2015, the admission of quota refugees was suspended from 2016 on the grounds that the country needed a respite. This measure continued in 2017. The measure was approved by a broad parliamentary majority with the participation of all bourgeois parties and the social democrats. Denmark is the only country in the world that has made a voluntary commitment to accept quota refugees.

At the end of 2017, the exit from the UNHCR quota system was announced due to overload.

Reintroduction of permanent border controls from 2016

At the beginning of 2016, the Danish government decided to resume permanent border controls at the German-Danish border. This prevented around 3,000 people from entering the country without valid ID in 2016. The border controls continued in 2017, with police officers and soldiers also being deployed from autumn 2017.

"Ghetto Initiative"

In the future, the Danish government intends to have the courts impose twice as high sentences for crimes that are committed in residential areas with a high proportion of migrants. Parents who live in ghettos should be obliged to place their children in day care from the age of one; otherwise their child benefit could be reduced.

Since 2010 the Ministry of Transport, Construction and Housing has published an annual list of the areas officially classified as ghettos in Denmark. The classification as a ghetto is based on factors in the areas of education, income and origin.

See also

literature

  • Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen (eds.): Danmark og de Fremdmede: om mødet med den arabisk-muslimske verden. Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2009, ISBN 978-87-7675-816-5 .
  • Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19 ff.
  • Klaus F. Zimmermann , Holger Hinte: Immigration and the labor market: Germany and Denmark in comparison. Springer-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-540-23179-X .
  • Jana Sinram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ bindregsdansker. In: Ordnet.dk. The Danske Ordbog , accessed June 7, 2017 .
  2. ↑ Johannes Andersen: Stable but not hegemonic: Populism and parliamentary democracy in Denmark. In: Richard Faber, Frank Unger (ed.): Populism in past and present. Königshausen & Neumann, 2008, ISBN 978-3-8260-3803-7 , p. 131 ff, p. 138.
  3. ↑ amnesty.dk
  4. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  5. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  6. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  7. ↑ Steffen Jöhncke: Integrating Denmark: The Welfare State as a Nationa (ist) Accomplishment, in: Karen Fog Olwig (Ed.): The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , P. 30 ff., P. 31.
  8. ^ Karl-Georg Mix: German refugees in Denmark 1945-1949 . Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2005, ISBN 3-515-08690-0 , GoogleBooks
  9. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19.
  10. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19.
  11. ↑ http://img.kb.dk/tidsskriftdk/pdf/gto/gto_0070-PDF/gto_0070_71671.pdf pp. 4–5
  12. ↑ amnesty.dk
  13. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19.
  14. ↑ Jana Sinram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , pp. 95–96.
  15. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Malene Fenger-Grøndahl: Den danske indvandrerdebat. October 2013
  16. ↑ Karen Fog Olwig, Karsten Paerregaard: "Strangers" in the nation , in: (ed.) Karen Fog Olwig: The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , p 1 ff., P. 3.
  17. ↑ nyhederne.tv2.dk
  18. ↑ Deborah Nusche, Gregory Wurzburg, Breda Naughton: OECD Reviews of Migrant Education OECD Reviews of Migrant Education: Denmark 2010. OECD Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-92-64-08619-7 , p. 14.
  19. ^ "International Migration 2006" (English), United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. United Nations Publication, No. E.06.XIII.6, March 2006.
  20. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv p. 11.
  21. ↑ Deborah Nusche, Gregory Wurzburg, Breda Naughton: OECD Reviews of Migrant Education OECD Reviews of Migrant Education: Denmark 2010. OECD Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-92-64-08619-7 , pp. 14 f.
  22. ↑ Denmark demands a handshake for citizenship. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung GmbH, accessed on August 6, 2019 .
  23. ↑ Deborah Nusche, Gregory Wurzburg, Breda Naughton: OECD Reviews of Migrant Education OECD Reviews of Migrant Education: Denmark 2010. OECD Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-92-64-08619-7 , p. 7.
  24. ↑ Deborah Nusche, Gregory Wurzburg, Breda Naughton: OECD Reviews of Migrant Education OECD Reviews of Migrant Education: Denmark 2010. OECD Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-92-64-08619-7 , p. 7.
  25. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv p. 8.
  26. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv p. 56.
  27. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv p. 31.
  28. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv pp. 8–9; Pp. 86-87.
  29. ↑ http://www.dst.dk/Site/Dst/Udgivelser/GetPubFile.aspx?id=19004&sid=indv p. 9.
  30. ↑ spiegel.de
  31. ↑ welt.de
  32. ↑ rockwoolfonden.dk ( Memento from November 25, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  33. ↑ jyllands-posten.dk ( Memento of November 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  34. ↑ Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen: Inledning, in: Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen (eds.): Danmark og de Fremdmede: om mødet med den arabisk-muslimske verden. Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2009, p. 9 ff .; P. 9.
  35. ↑ Nils Holtung: Vi glemmer vores principper, når vi diskuterer flygtningeppolitik , in: Politiken from August 17, 2015, online at: http://politiken.dk/debat/ECE2797439/vi-glemmer-vores-principper-naar-vi- discuterer-flygtningeppolit /
  36. ↑ b.dk
  37. ↑ Karen Fog Olwig, Karsten Paerregaard: "Strangers" in the nation , in: (ed.) Karen Fog Olwig: The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , p 1 ff., P. 7.
  38. ↑ Jana Siram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , p. 114.
  39. ↑ b.dk
  40. ↑ avisen.dk
  41. ↑ Jana Sinran: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Diss., Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 3-593-50309-3 , p. 13.
  42. ↑ b.dk
  43. ↑ Jana Sinram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , p. 79.
  44. ↑ Heidi Vad Jonson, Klaus Petersen: Denmark: A National Welfare State Meets the World. In: Grete Brochmann, Anniken Hagelund (eds.): Immigration Policy and the Scandinavian Welfare State 1945–2010. Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, ISBN 978-1-137-01518-1 , pp. 97 ff., P. 100.
  45. ↑ videnskab.dk
  46. ↑ nzz.ch
  47. ↑ jyllands-posten.dk ( Memento of November 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  48. ↑ deutschlandfunk.de
  49. ↑ http://videnskab.dk/kultur-samfund/1864-gav-danskerne-mindrevaerdskompleks
  50. ↑ Steffen Jöhncke: Integrating Denmark: The Welfare State as a Nationa (ist) Accomplishment, in: Karen Fog Olwig (Ed.): The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , P. 30 ff., P. 32.
  51. ↑ Klaus F. Zimmermann, Holger Hinte: Immigration and the labor market: Germany and Denmark in comparison. Springer-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-540-26840-5 , p. 20 f.
  52. ↑ Jana Sinram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , pp. 93-95.
  53. ↑ kristeligt-dagblad.dk
  54. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19.
  55. ↑ Christoffer Green-Pedersen: Hvordan kom flygtninge- og indvandrerspørgsmålet på den politiske dagsorden i Danmark? in: Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen (eds.): Danmark og de Fremdmede: om mødet med den arabisk-muslimske verden. Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2009, p. 15 ff .; P. 15.
  56. ↑ videnskab.dk
  57. ↑ Christoffer Green-Pedersen: Hvordan kom flygtninge- og indvandrerspørgsmålet på den politiske dagsorden i Danmark? in: Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen (eds.): Danmark og de Fremdmede: om mødet med den arabisk-muslimske verden. Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2009, p. 15 ff .; Pp. 15-17.
  58. ↑ Jana Siram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , p. 106.
  59. ↑ dr.dk
  60. ↑ Jana Siram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , p. 115.
  61. ↑ nzz.ch
  62. ↑ http://politiken.dk/debat/ECE2982956/vi-vil-goere-alt-for-at-begraense-antallet-af-ikkevestlige-flygtninge-og-indvandrere/
  63. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 19.
  64. ↑ nzz.ch
  65. ↑ Christoffer Green-Pedersen: Hvordan kom flygtninge- og indvandrerspørgsmålet på den politiske dagsorden i Danmark? in: Tonny Brems Knudsen, Jørgen Dige Pedersen, Georg Sørensen (eds.): Danmark og de Fremdmede: om mødet med den arabisk-muslimske verden. Hans Reitzels Forlag, 2009, p. 15 ff .; P. 22.
  66. ↑ jyllands-posten.dk
  67. ↑ amnesty.dk
  68. ↑ amnesty.dk
  69. ↑ amnesty.dk
  70. ^ Nadine Mellis, Erik Magnus Sund: Denmark. In: Wolfgang Gieler (Ed.): Handbook of European Migration Policies . The EU countries and the candidate countries. 2nd, updated and expanded edition. LIT Verlag, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-8258-7509-1 , p. 20.
  71. ↑ http://taz.de/Rechtskonservative-in-Daenemark/!5264172/
  72. ↑ a b Reinhard WolfF: "Copenhagen decides to stop asylum" TAZ dated December 31, 2017
  73. ↑ information.dk
  74. ↑ nyhederne.tv2.dk
  75. ↑ dr.dk
  76. ↑ dr.dk
  77. ↑ nyhederne.tv2.dk
  78. ↑ deutschlandfunk.de
  79. ↑ dr.dk
  80. ↑ http://ekstrabladet.dk/nyheder/krigogkatastrofer/her-er-stoejbergs-skraemme-annonce-til-flygtninge/5718800 (content of the advertisement in English and Arabic)
  81. ↑ http://jyllands-posten.dk/politik/ECE8393586/12-stramninger-i-dag-vedtages-danmarkshistoriens-mest-misforstaaede-lovforslag/
  82. ↑ http://jyllands-posten.dk/politik/ECE8394820/regeringens-asylstramninger-vedtaget-med-stort-flertal/
  83. ↑ amnesty.dk
  84. ↑ sueddeutsche.de September 10, 2015 (Silke Bigalke / Peter Burghardt): Why Denmark is so cold towards strangers , accessed on November 13, 2015.
  85. ↑ sueddeutsche.de
  86. ↑ fr-online.de
  87. ↑ Florian Rötzer: Denmark is pioneering a policy of deterring refugees. In: heise.de. December 5, 2018, accessed April 1, 2019 .
  88. ↑ Jana Siaram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , p. 88, p. 103.
  89. ↑ b.dk
  90. ↑ b.dk
  91. ↑ jyllands-posten.dk ( Memento of November 24, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  92. ^ A b Rudolf Hermann: Denmark also alienates its own citizens with its tough immigration policy. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. May 4, 2017. Retrieved January 9, 2018 .
  93. ↑ amnesty.dk
  94. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  95. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  96. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  97. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  98. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  99. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  100. ↑ nyidanmark.dk
  101. ↑ Klaus F. Zimmermann, Holger Hinte: Immigration and the labor market: Germany and Denmark in comparison. Springer-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-540-26840-5 , p. 26.
  102. ↑ justitsministeriet.dk ( Memento of November 25, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  103. ↑ uibm.dk ( Memento from May 5, 2016 in the web archive archive.today )
  104. ↑ justitsministeriet.dk ( Memento of November 25, 2015 in the Internet Archive )
  105. ↑ Klaus F. Zimmermann, Holger Hinte: Immigration and the labor market: Germany and Denmark in comparison. Springer-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-540-26840-5 , p. 26.
  106. ↑ Klaus F. Zimmermann, Holger Hinte: Immigration and the labor market: Germany and Denmark in comparison. Springer-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-540-26840-5 , p. 25.
  107. ↑ Charlotte Hamburger: Danmark og indvandrerne. In: Politica. 22/1990, p. 306 ff. [1]
  108. ↑ Steffen Jöhncke: Integrating Denmark: The Welfare State as a Nationa (ist) Accomplishment, in: Karen Fog Olwig (Ed.): The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , P. 30 ff., P. 32.
  109. ↑ Jana Sinram: Freedom of the press or xenophobia? The dispute over the Mohammed cartoons and Danish immigration policy. Campus Verlag, 2015, ISBN 978-3-593-50309-7 , pp. 95–114.
  110. ↑ Patricia Kern: Libraries and Integration of Migrants in Denmark. In: Library Service, Volume 41, H. 2. 2007, accessed on May 17, 2018 . Pp. 121-135. See pp. 121–123.
  111. ↑ Steffen Jöhncke: Integrating Denmark: The Welfare State as a Nationa (ist) Accomplishment, in: Karen Fog Olwig (Ed.): The Question of Integration: Immigration, Exclusion and the Danish Welfare State, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, ISBN 1443827959 , P. 30 ff., P. 32.
  112. ↑ https://www.information.dk/indland/2017/09/danmark-gaar-enegang-stop-kvoteflygtninge
  113. ↑ http://www.fr.de/politik/rechtspopulismus-die-daenen-machen-dicht-a-1360544
  114. ↑ fr-online
  115. ↑ a b c Jenni Thier: How Denmark wants to become a country without parallel societies. In: NZZ. March 1, 2018, accessed March 8, 2018 .