European public

European public sphere is an extension of the concept of the public sphere , which in the broadest sense describes the entirety of all circumstances that are important for the formation of public opinion . A “European public” is a public created by the mass media that overcomes delimited (linguistic) spaces in Europe or connects them with one another. The public and thus transparency in public affairs and, among other things, political decisions are an essential element of modern democracies. The prerequisites for the formation of a political will in a democratic way are only created by being public. It also enables the public to control political power in the EU. The concept of democracy within the EU is inevitably linked to an idea of a European public.

The decisive criteria are generally free access to all relevant conditions and their unhindered discussion. Language use is decisive here; the most common languages in the EU are English (around 51 percent of speakers), German (32 percent) and French (28 percent). Mass media play a crucial role in public communication, as they convey information and opinions on a variety of topics to a mass audience and can map discourses across spaces. The European public should therefore be defined as freely accessible and freely discussed, cross-border communication. However, due to existing linguistic, cultural and political barriers in Europe, these processes still rarely take place. Accordingly, there is hardly any European public opinion that would allow a transnational European formation of opinion and will.

Media initiatives for a European public are already in the making, for example with the digital single market , the European Broadcasting Union and multilingual offers such as the special interest channels Euronews , Eurosport and arte . In addition, most of the major European media portals now have offers in several languages, primarily in English in addition to the national language.

In this context, the European public sphere is also understood as a prerequisite for legitimizing the politics of the European Union . Through Europe-wide public communication, EU politics should become more transparent, which portals like EurActiv and EUobserver take up. At the moment there is no established European public. In addition to the understanding of a European public as a shared mass media space of all Europeans, there is also the notion of European specialist public. The concept of a democratic deficit in the EU often appears in this context . The Lisbon Treaty therefore provides for the first time a European citizens' initiative as an instrument for political participation for European citizens .

Creation conditions for the European public

Theoretical explanatory models

As a research subject, the European public is interesting for several disciplines. In addition to communication and media science approaches that deal with cultural aspects, contributions from political scientists who focus on institutional issues were presented. Occasionally, European law experts have also worked out essays and monographs.

At least two approaches are distinguished in research to explain the possible emergence of a general European public:

1) Model of the growth of transnational, pan-European media

One can therefore speak of a transnational European public when a communication space is created that is created by European media. This situation has not yet occurred due to the linguistic diversity, cultural identities, media policy and the political system of the EU, which hinder the development of a broad pan-European media infrastructure.

2) Model of an increasing Europeanization of debates and references in national media

National media are now independent actors in the process of Europeanization. You assign relevance to topics in public debates and can even support the European integration project. It can be stated here that increased competence at the European level also leads to an increase in the Europeanisation of debates, for example in agricultural policy . There is a need to accompany public political communication at the same time during further integration steps, since otherwise sufficient transparency, control and participation cannot be guaranteed. According to Eder and Kantner, a European public arises through the synchronization of European political debates. So if the same European issues are debated at the same time in different countries under the same relevance aspects, then national publics become European. Koopmans and Pfetsch differentiate here between horizontal and vertical Europeanization. Vertical Europeanization occurs when supranational actors (e.g. representatives of the European Commission) increasingly find access to national media. A transnational diffusion and an exchange of topics and actors between national media systems, however, hide behind the horizontal Europeanization.

This process can also take place within delimited (linguistic) spaces: when the number of European political issues and actors in the national media grows and these media increasingly refer to each other or network, a European public arises.

The 2011 EHEC epidemic can serve as an example of horizontal Europeanization . When they were reported, the national reports took up the debates in other member states.

Requirements and related problems

Research on the European public locates the problems associated with their emergence, especially in political actors, institutional structures and media systems. In addition to general conditions for public education, reference is also made to specific problems arising from the nature of the European Union.

Linguistic diversity

Above all, early works and essays on the European public and the often assumed public deficit of the European Union named the linguistic diversity in Europe as the greatest obstacle to the emergence of a transnational public. Today, however, the prevailing opinion is that the importance of language barriers has been overestimated. On the one hand, the notion of a vertical or horizontal Europeanization of national publics makes it clear that a European public can in principle develop within the linguistic constitution of national publics. On the other hand, it is empirically shown in comparison with other transnational political areas such as the South American Mercosur that the influence of political structures on the formation of a transnational public is apparently much greater than that of a common language.

Common space of experience

A common space of experience and identity arises principally through common changing problem and situation situations, through the experience of shared political rule as well as shared traditions, semantics and value references. These properties must be publicly and collectively available, always up to date and applicable to a diverse reference group. In order to establish the common space of experience, researchers refer to the media. It is their responsibility to process the information that is available on European topics and to make it understandable for a wide audience. The biggest problem is their comprehensibility. Either the facts are too complex, too detailed knowledge is required or the amount of technical jargon is too high.

Collective European identity

The 1789 Declaration of Human and Civil Rights is the first human rights declaration in Europe. As the basic text of the Enlightenment, it shaped the cultural identity and the concept of mankind in modern Europe. Against the historical background of the Greco-Persian contrast, Herodotus assigned the characteristic of love of freedom to the "Europeans"

In the debate about the constitutionalization of the EU, it is repeatedly discussed whether a collective European identity is a prerequisite or the result of the development of a European public sphere. From a sociological perspective, what counts in “identity building” is the process of political self-understanding and collective identification. Trenz believes that European integration is in this process. These identity-strengthening negotiation processes are carried out in day-to-day administration, for example in regional, migration or cultural policy. In addition, the official rhetoric of the EU and the media engaged in an identity discourse. Trenz concludes from this that the EU's public deficit cannot be justified by a lack of identity communication.

Institutional democracy and public deficit

According to Thalmeier, the development of a European identity is made more difficult by a democratic deficit. This relates not only to the European institutions, but also includes structural deficiencies in intermediary mediation structures such as the media, parties and associations. A low level of Europeanization of national sub-publics and an even weaker European public are further reasons for insufficient identification with the EU. The difference between the EU and "conventional international organizations" or nation states as well as the persistence of the national principle also contribute to this.

The EU's public deficit is closely related to the institutional democratic deficit. According to Eurobarometer surveys, citizens within the EU feel left out by the EU and would like to have a greater degree of opportunities to participate. In order to achieve this, political decision-making processes must be democratized and opportunities for participation at European level, for example through consultations, must be expanded. The development of a European identity depends crucially on the emergence of a European public. The Federal Constitutional Court also made a connection between the European public and a democratic deficit in its Lisbon judgment .

Better participation of the population in EU decision-making processes is intended to promote public European dialogue. To this end, changes to the contract are required.

Persistence on the nation-state principle

One problem in developing a European identity is the EU's responsibility for so-called low politics, not for high politics such as social and labor market policy (which lie within the national area of responsibility), which are more “political” and therefore more likely due to the distribution issues and value conflicts that arise Generate identity. Identity is usually conveyed through education and training policy, which is also the responsibility of the member states.

The problem is the lack of a convincing narrative for the EU after the unification of Europe. Integration goals such as the reconciliation of Europe or mobility are now a reality and a matter of course. An expansion of identity must take place in the direction of Europe, which should coexist alongside the national identity. Here EU education must be promoted at the national level.

Opportunities through institutional reform

According to Thalmeier, the greatest potential lies in the institutional changes associated with more intensive participation in the European decision-making process. The Lisbon Treaty provides for a strengthening of the participatory elements. By expanding the opportunities for participation, action structures of the political public and intermediary communication structures would also be expanded. A stronger politicization of European politics and the establishment of a European controversial communication are necessary to create a European communication area. Like any democratic system, the EU is dependent on recognition and legitimation. The EU is accepted and legitimized by the citizens' identification with the system.

According to Easton, two forms of actual recognition can be distinguished. A political system is specifically supported if it produces political results that correspond to the citizens' own interests. Diffuse support is independent of the current or future performance of the system. The system is therefore supported even if policy results do not reflect the interests of the citizens. Diffuse support should always be sought; this is the only way to build trust in the institutions and their actions. So not only the output legitimation of the EU should be strengthened, but especially the input legitimation , that is to say, the structures of European politics must be applied.

Trenz puts forward the thesis that the European public has long been equipped with too little conflict and argument and too much identity rhetoric. The establishment of a European public sphere had been promoted through an empathic identity rhetoric, a so-called permissive consensus, but the public resolution of conflicts was neglected. In the Council of the European Union , decisions are mainly made in accordance with the principle of unanimity , in contrast to competitive democracy , where conflicts are usually dealt with within the framework of the majority principle. In the context of the "institutional balance", the European institutions are forced to compromise. Only discussions within the European Parliament are publicly held . Franzius also sees the solution for creating a broader European public in the area of decision-making processes in the European Union . More transparency should give citizens more opportunities to participate in European politics.

Opportunities through political communication

Trenz cites the debate about the enlargement of the EU and the Lisbon Treaty as an example of a high degree of positive and affirmative identity rhetoric with little dispute communication. The media also reported on the friction between the governments, but always assumed that deepening and enlarging the EU was undisputed and necessary. This type of positive reporting is surprising, since it goes against the logic of journalism. This consensus reporting could lead to a disinterest on the part of the readers, Trenz suspects.

Establishing a European dispute communication

According to Thalmeier, the lack of controversial communication must be sparked by further institutional reforms. In their opinion, this includes the direct election of the Commission President. It is not enough to assign this competence to the European Parliament; the citizens should be able to decide directly on its election. The direct election of the Commission President would lead to a stronger personalization of European politics. Further proposals are a Europeanisation of the electoral system for the European Parliament, which could be implemented through the introduction of transnational electoral lists. Andrew Duff, rapporteur for the European Parliament on electoral reform , also made this request . In April 2011, the European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional Affairs presented a specific proposal for such an electoral reform, which, although not abolishing the national seat contingents, is intended to add more seats to pan-European lists. The vote on the proposal in the European Parliament, planned for July 7, 2011, was postponed at short notice and the report was referred back to committee. The main controversial issue is whether the parliament should be expanded by 25 additional seats to accommodate the transnational MEPs or whether the seats will be withdrawn from the national lists.

media

European public in political practice

Even if it is not possible to speak of an existing European public at the present time, steps in this direction and established sub-publics can still be recognized. Franzius also points out that the differences between these sub-publics and their Europeanization form the basis of a European public. Ultimately, the goal must be to connect the differing sub-publics in such a way that they can function as a democratic element.

Situation in the European Union

Since 2005 the European Commission has initiated a series of measures to remedy the public and democratic deficit, including Plan D, a Europe-wide discussion process. With the White Paper on a European Communication Policy , the Commission put forward proposals for concrete political steps on how European public relations can be created through European public relations.

For its part, the European Parliament is trying to establish a mass media public by operating its own television channel EuroparlTV , which broadcasts in almost all official languages of the European Union .

Situation in Germany

In Germany there is only a fragmentary European public. It is created by political actors as a by-product of European public relations work. The Press and Information Office of the Federal Government and the Foreign Office are responsible for general and cross-departmental European public relations work , for the European level the Representation of the European Commission and the Information Office of the European Parliament are responsible. The German federal states coordinate European public relations work in a sub-working group of the Conference of European Ministers (current chair: Berlin). The Representation of the European Commission also has its own communications department.

In addition to state-organized European communication, associations, foundations and many other actors in civil society try to enter into a European political dialogue with citizens and to Europeanize the German national public.

The Federal Agency for Civic Education (bpb) also tries to promote civic participation in European discourse and to create a European public. On the one hand, it promotes the Young European Professionals network “Shaping YEP Europe!” In order to stimulate personal and active engagement with Europe, to convey the necessary information in a way that is suitable for young people and to encourage personal commitment. The YEPs see themselves as an association of young multipliers who want to bring other young people closer to Europe, the EU and its politics with a diverse range of workshops and events. On the other hand, it has set up a European education network for political education, the NECE - Networking European Citizenship Education, to promote the Europeanization of political education and to contribute to the creation of a European public. The forum serves for interaction and through a series of activities it aims to make actors and approaches in political education transparent and to guarantee cross-border discussions on the topics and challenges. It brings together academics, practitioners and policymakers at European level, and stimulates the transfer of knowledge and information exchange, such as raising awareness of the effects of political education and promoting cooperation and projects. In addition, the bpb operates the internet project eurotopics , a kind of press review that reflects the European discourse in the individual sub-publics and thus promotes a common European public.

literature

Katharina Benderoth: Europeanization tendencies of the media public in the Federal Republic of Germany . Kassel 2010.

European public . In: Cathleen Kanther (Ed.): Berliner Debatte Initial . tape 13 , no. 5/6 . Berlin 2002.

Ulrich K. Preuss: European public . Ed .: Claudio Franzius. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2004.

Hans-Jörg Trenz : European public sphere and the belated polishing of the EU . In: Journal of International Politics and Society . 2006.

Bettina Thalmeier: Possibilities and Limits of a European Identity Politics, CAP Analysis . Bertelsmann Politics Research Group, 2006.

Michael Brüggemann , Andreas Hepp, Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw, Hartmut Wessler: Transnational Public in Europe: State of Research and Perspectives . In: Journalism . tape 54 , p. 391-414 .

Bernd Hüttemann , Monika Wulf-Mathies : The German patient in the military hospital Europe: On the European coordination and communication in Germany. European Movement Germany , September 22, 2005. ( europaeische-bewegung.de ( Memento from January 30, 2012 in the Internet Archive ))

Matthias von Hellfeld: Europe from the start. The history of our continent. Herder, Freiburg 2019, ISBN 978-3-451-38552-0 .

Individual evidence

^ Friedhelm Neidhardt: European public sphere as a process. Comments on the state of research. In: Wolfgang R. Langenbucher, Michael Latzer (eds.): European public and media change. 2006, ISBN 3-531-14597-5 , pp. 46-61. doi : 10.1007 / 978-3-531-90272-2_2 .

↑ Cathleen Kantner: No modern Babel: communicative requirements of the European public. VS publishing house for social sciences. Wiesbaden 2004.

^ Michael Brüggemann , Andreas Hepp et al.: Transnational Public in Europe: State of Research and Perspectives. In: Journalism. Volume 54, Number 3, 2009, pp. 391-414. doi: 10.1007 / s11616-009-0059-4

^ Claudio Franzius, Ulrich K. Preuß: European public. Nomos. Baden-Baden 2004.

^ Benjamin Page: The Mass Media as Political Actors. In: Political Science and Politics. Volume 29, Number 1, 1996, pp. 20-24. doi: 10.2307 / 420185

^ Ruud Koopmans , Barbara Pfetsch: Obstacles or motors of Europeanization? German media and the transnationalization of public debate. In: Communications. Volume 31, Issue 2, 2006, pp. 115-138. doi: 10.1515 / COMMUN.2006.009

^ Ruud Koopmans, Barbara Pfetsch: Towards a Europeanised Public Sphere? Comparing Political Actors and the Media in Germany. ARENA Working Paper, 23/2003.

↑ Don't be afraid of the Europeanization of Germany Bernd Hüttemann in an interview with EurActiv.de. August 30, 2011, accessed January 12, 2015 .

^ ^A ^b ^c Hans-Jörg Trenz: European public sphere and the belated politicization of the EU. IPG 1, 2006, pp. 117-133.

↑ Rene Mono: One political area, many languages, which public? Questions about the potential and restrictions of the public in transnational political areas using the example of the European Union. Münster, 2008, ISBN 978-3-8258-1919-4 .

^ Wolfgang R. Langenbucher: European public sphere and media change. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006, ISBN 3-531-14597-5 , p. 10 ( limited preview in Google book search).

↑ No. 251, BVerfG, 2 BvE 2/08 of June 30, 2009, paragraph no. (1 - 421), Guidelines on the judgment of the Second Senate of June 30, 2009. Accessed on January 12, 2015 .

↑ The German Federal Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble made a corresponding proposal, who called for the President of the European Council to be directly elected by the citizens of the Union . Schäuble for directly elected EU President. EurActiv.de , August 1, 2012. ( euractiv.de ( Memento from August 2, 2012 in the web archive archive.today )). The idea, on the other hand, was already represented by Schäuble in 2009. Speech by Federal Minister Dr. Wolfgang Schäuble on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the European Movement Germany on June 16, 2009 in Berlin. (PDF; 69 kB) (No longer available online.) European Movement Germany , June 16, 2009, archived from the original on March 8, 2012 ; Retrieved August 6, 2011 .

^ ^A ^b ^c Bettina Thalmeier: Possibilities and limits of a European identity politics. CAP Analysis, Edition 6. Bertelsmann Politics Research Group 2006.

^ Claudio Franzius : On the way to the European public? In: Humboldt Forum Law. HFR 1/2004, Berlin, p. 2.

^ Andrew Willis: Call for Europeans to elect 25 MEPs from EU-wide list. In: euobserver.com . April 19, 2011, accessed January 12, 2015 .

^ Reform of the electoral law: Parliament should become more European. In: europarl.europa.eu. April 19, 2011, accessed January 12, 2015 .

^ EU electoral reform postponed: "Embarrassment for Parliament". (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on January 12, 2012 ; accessed on January 12, 2015 . In: euractiv.de