European identity

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The European flag is formally recognized by 16 member states as a symbol of the European Union through Declaration No. 52 to the Treaty of Lisbon . As early as 1955, the Council of Europe had adopted the “European identity emblem” as its symbol.
Rally of the pro-European movement Pulse of Europe at the portal of Cologne Cathedral , March 2017
Two people wearing hats in the EU colors demonstrated for a second referendum on the UK's exit from the EU on October 20, 2018
Europa Prima Pars Terræ in Forma Virginis (Europe as the first continent in the form of the Virgin), a map of Europe by Heinrich Bünting , 1582, shows a Christian, Eurocentric image of Europe.
Map of Europe , 1589: According to the understanding of the Renaissance geographer Gerhard Mercator , who contributed to creating a European spatial awareness through cartography and the distribution of maps , formed a line from the Kara Sea along the rivers Ob , Irtysh , Don and Dnepr to Black Sea the eastern border of Europe.
Equestrian statue of Charlemagne by Agostino Cornacchini in St. Peter's Basilica in Rome , 1725: Through the expansion of the Franconian Empire over large parts of Europe, Karl created an area of ​​power, for whose rule it was necessary to specify a uniform font, the Carolingian minuscule . The lower case letters of the Latin script later developed from it . At his court, Karl gathered scholars from all over Europe, from whose exchange and knowledge the Carolingian educational reform and a Europe-wide upswing of early medieval culture proceeded. Thereby he laid important foundations for the further development of Europe. He himself was idealized as “Pater Europae” (Father of Europe).
Representation of the medieval European idea of ​​empire in an illumination from the Gospel Book of Emperor Otto III. , around 1000: Sclavinia , Germania , Gallia and Roma , who personify the ethnic groups of the Slavs , the Teutons , the Gauls and the Romans , pay homage to Otto III. , their Christian emperor .
William Penn (1644–1718) developed the concept of a European union of states with a parliament of the states of Europe at the end of the 17th century .
The 1789 Declaration of Human and Civil Rights is the first human rights
declaration in Europe. As the basic text of the Enlightenment , it shaped the cultural identity and the concept of mankind in modern Europe. Against the historical background of the Greco-Persian antagonism , Herodotus assigned the characteristic of love of freedom to the “Europeans”, while he ascribed the tendency to despotism to the “Asians” .
Five DM banknote (Series II) depicting the Greek myth of Europe , first issued in 1950 by the Bank deutscher Länder

The European identity is that part of the identity or consciousness of a person or group of people that enables them to see themselves as Europeans and an affirmative attitude towards a common identity (“ we-feeling ”) and the coexistence of people and peoples in Europe to take in the sense of a community . In a broad identity discourse , the term also refers to attitudes towards the constitution of Europe, towards the European public or towards the role and self-image of Europe and the Europeans in the world.


In the discourses of the 19th and first half of the 20th century, the synonym Europeanism still prevailed . Is a European identity alone in the room or the association of states of the European Union (EU) based, so the terms are sometimes EU identity or identities of the EU used. If approving attitudes to the idea of ​​European integration and the development of a European identity are expressed, the terms Europeanism or Europhilism are used, if negative attitudes the term anti-Europeanism or Europhobia (see also: EU skepticism ); Hesperialism occupies a middle position , which is positive towards European unification but critical of the present European Union. People who express a Europeanist belief are often referred to as staunch Europeans or Europhiles .

Origin and content

According to theories of social psychology , a view of European identity emerges


  • as a write-up of typical system features from the outside (construction of a foreign image about "Europeans" by individuals and groups who do not count themselves among the "Europeans").

The image , "thought picture ", concept or construct consists of typifying individual features ("personifications", " mental representations "), which a viewer or a group of viewers assess as essential and forms a section of a " social panorama " ( Lucas Derks ) . In this ontological concept, essential characteristics , mentalities , characteristics of social behavior , culture and civilization , cultural heritage and cultural identity , talents and skills , habits , social codes , customs , attitudes , myths , ideas , ideals , worldviews and values ​​come as "Identity hooks" ( Erving Goffman ) into consideration, which characterize the inhabitants of the continent of Europe and their coexistence as well as significantly differentiate them from the inhabitants of other continents ( foreign groups ) and their coexistence (should). "Identity offers" (identity-creating role models , symbols , landmarks , stereotypes , stories , "narratives" ( Hayden White ), news , cultural memories ) that are conveyed via the respective social milieu , " opinion leaders " and the various media of the information society and a part of the collective memory is of central importance here. The development of an identity does not proceed without conflict if a developing identity - for example a developing European identity - contradicts an existing one - for example a national identity - which creates an identity conflict . As a consequence of constant influences that affect the construction of an identity and change it, a facet of identity related to being European is not a static, but basically a dynamic structure. Because of its construction from heterogeneous components, European identity can be understood as the result of a Europeanization and linking of different social identities to a “hyphenated identity” or “multiple identity” in Europe; for many it appears as a “secondary identity” to a national identity ( Thomas Risse ).

Identity foundation in the context of European politics

Different concepts of what European identity means (or should mean) formed the basis for the discussion and development of political concepts of European integration, but also for Euroscepticism . Until the 20th century there was no uniform and generally accepted basic conception of European integration and "Europeanism". Up until the middle of the 20th century, attempts at integration in modern times were dictated by the national interests of a hegemony in or over Europe. The development of a collective European identity against the background of the historical experiences of the First and Second World War has become a fixed target of European politics , at the latest since 1973, after the states of the European Communities had adopted the document on European identity . The creation of the European integration process is explained with the political awareness that a stable order of states in Europe had to pacify Germany in a European cooperation structure (→ German question ). The community that was created, gradually expanded and built up, then began to construct concepts of a collective European identity.

In addition to regional, state and supranational levels , local, non-state and private initiatives and organizations have also been involved in a European identity policy . Examples of this are the European Movement International (since 1948), the annual award of the International Charlemagne Prize of the City of Aachen (since 1950), the Action Committee for the United States of Europe (1955–1975) initiated by Jean Monnet , and the projects to award the title European of the Year , awarded annually by various organs of the press. In 1995 the Europa-Union Deutschland adopted a charter of European identity . The Roman Catholic Church has appointed European Patrons since 1964 in order to draw attention to the spiritual foundations of this continent and its peoples from its religious point of view of the identity of Europe. Since the mid-1980s, the European Economic Community has intensified its efforts to convey the ideas of identity formulated in its self-image and to provide reference points for a European identity. In 1985, the European Council set up the Committee for a “Europe of the Citizens”, as a political reaction to a lamented “ Eurosclerosis ”, proposed a large number of measures, especially those aimed at the perception of the European Community by its citizens, such as simplification or the complete abandonment of identity checks when crossing European internal borders, achieved in the Schengen area , and the introduction of a Europe Day . Scientists today see the European Union (EU) as the main actor in a comprehensive European identity discourse. The EU has secured the authority to interpret the content that is seen as “European”. On the initiative of the European Parliament , a House of European History was established, in which concepts of European identity are also illustrated.

In 1950 the states of the Council of Europe , the international organization for cooperation in Europe founded in 1949, adopted the European Convention on Human Rights , which finally came into force in 1953 and the European Court of Human Rights has been monitoring compliance with it since 1959. These states thus committed themselves to the idea of ​​a European community of legal and fundamental values on the basis of a catalog of basic and human rights under international law . At the same time, it is stated that a European public sphere, as a presumed condition for a collective European identity finding, hardly exists, at best in the form of sectoral European specialist or sub-publics. This fact, also known as the lack of a “European demos ”, is associated with the lack of strong identity and loyalty-creating resources, with structural communication problems (particularly due to linguistic and cultural barriers), with the effects of nationalism and the ties between people and structures explained the concept of the nation state as well as a “democratic deficit” on the level of European politics .

With the Single European Act , the European Council created a contractual basis for European political cooperation in 1986 , which is based in particular on the political, also identity-creating concept of cohesion as an expression of the solidarity of their states and regions. With the Treaty of Maastricht on February 7, 1992 the Treaty on European Union was concluded, Article 2 of which states:

“The values ​​on which the Union is founded are respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values ​​are common to all member states in a society that is characterized by pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men. "

In 1993, the European Council defined the Copenhagen criteria for the admission of new member states to the European Union . In doing so, he defined democratic and constitutional standards in the sense of fundamental and indispensable values ​​for the Union and its identity. A treaty signed in 2004 on a constitution for Europe , which provided for fundamental legal provisions on competencies, values, goals and principles of the EU, failed in 2005 due to referendums in France and the Netherlands . After drawing up a Berlin Declaration , the EU states succeeded in anchoring a number of these provisions, some of them modified, in the Lisbon Treaty in 2007 . At the request of Great Britain , however, the contractual stipulation of certain identity-creating symbols of the European Union such as the European flag , the European anthem and the European motto " United in diversity" was waived, but the treaty supplements Declaration No. 52, in which 16 EU states formally the symbols recognize. At the same time as the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union came into force on December 1, 2009. It codifies the fundamental rights of the EU for the whole of the EU with the exception of Great Britain and Poland . Furthermore, with the Treaty of Lisbon, the 1957 Treaty establishing the European Economic Community was transferred to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union , the preamble of which contains the much-cited identity goal “to create the basis for an ever closer union of the European peoples ". The concept of graduated integration is also included in regulations on enhanced cooperation . In 2012, the EU received the Nobel Peace Prize for six decades of efforts to achieve peace, reconciliation, democracy and human rights .


On July 22, 1848, the German Catholic politician Robert Blum presented the idea of ​​a free, united and democratic Germany in the peaceful unification of a "European family of states" in the Frankfurt National Assembly .

Based on the racist concept of the rule "predestined master race " tried the Nazi- ruled Greater German Reich Europe to totalitarian ideas to submit and re-arrange the concept of " Germanization " of a " habitat in the East made" a central component (see: National Socialist European Plans ).

The Federal Republic of Germany was due to the historical experiences in the era of National Socialism 1949, a Basic Law , in its preamble, the statement is preceded by the constitutional provisions that the "German people" was "inspired" by the will "as an equal partner in a united To serve Europe for world peace ”. It thus declared the idea of ​​European integration to be one of its national goals . By revising Article 23 of the Basic Law (“Europe Article”) in 1992, Germany specified its relationship as a federal state to the EU , emphasizing the principle of subsidiarity under Union law . With reference to the preamble, the Federal Constitutional Court ruled in its Lisbon ruling in 2009 that the German constitution was “aimed at European integration” and wanted “an organized coexistence in Europe”. The German government reacted to the euro crisis in 2012 with the political demand for “more Europe”, which, according to press reports, is to be understood as a bundle of measures that should lead to a further transfer of national sovereignty from European states to the European level. In contrast, Chancellor Angela Merkel remarked in press interviews that “more Europe” could also mean greater coordination of national political action. In connection with the euro crisis and the agreement reached on the European banking union , the EU Vice-Commission President Olli Rehn said of Germany's European policy: "Germany tends towards intergovernmentalism , and that is the playground of the big states."

Visions, concepts, attempts at definition, comments, analyzes

“We must proclaim the mission and the design of a United Europe whose moral conception will win the respect and the gratitude of mankind, and whose physical strength will be such that none will dare molest her tranquill sway. [...] I hope to see a Europe where men and women of every country will think of being European as of belonging to their native land, and wherever they go in this wide domain will truly feel: 'Here I am at home'. "

“We must proclaim the mission and blueprint of a United Europe, whose moral concept wins the respect and gratitude of humanity, and whose physical strength is so great that no one interferes with its quiet walk. [...] I hope to see a Europe where men and women of all countries regard Europeanism as belonging to their country of birth and - wherever they go in this vast area - feel: 'Here I am at home.' "

  • With the Speech Europa , written in 1799 , the early romantic writer Novalis called on the peoples of Europe to adopt a new “ religion ” which is characterized by a freer and poetic approach to biblical writings and which would unite Europeans in a peace community.
  • Napoleon Bonaparte linked his rule over the continent with the vision of legal unity, a European people and - under the sign of this imperial idea - with a capital Paris. The 19th century was accompanied by the thought that an eventual triumph of Napoleon might have thwarted the hostile nationalism of European states.
  • On April 15, 1834, the political secret society Young Europe was founded in Bern under the leadership of Giuseppe Mazzini . It initially consisted of seven Italians, five Poles and five Germans. His goal was the establishment of a federation of nation states by the peoples of Europe and the overcoming of the monarchies and multiethnic states restored at the Congress of Vienna by republics . Mazzini had already formulated the ideal basis for this in 1831 in Marseille when the political movement Young Italy was founded .
  • On March 6, 1848, shortly after the February Revolution of 1848 , the German Vormärz poet and exile democrat Georg Herwegh , who had worked on August Lewald's magazine Europa from 1837 , sketched in his message To the French People! the idea of ​​a "European republic". On the basis of the principle of popular sovereignty , he counted only such a new republican order of the European peoples, under the revolutionary slogan Liberty, Equality, brotherly love , the democracy won, broken so "with the old time and the banner [had] the new planted for all Peoples of the world. ”A few days later, Herwegh left his exile in Paris as leader of the German Democratic Legion to support the Hecker uprising in the Grand Duchy of Baden .
  • In his work Jenseits von Gut und Böse , published in 1886, the stateless philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche described "good Europeanism" as the ability of a European to " overcome atavistic attacks of patriotism and clod stickiness and to return to reason [...]."
  • From 1922 onwards, the Japanese-Austrian writer Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi developed the pan-European idea after the experience of the First World War, which he had perceived as a “ civil war among the Europeans” , after which Europe was named between Poland and Portugal into a confederation of states Pan-European Union or United States of Europe should be joined. The Austrian Karl Anton Rohan , founder of the monthly magazine Europäische Revue , countered this idea with an elitist-conservative concept of the “ Occident ”.
  • In the context of French European policy, the French President Charles de Gaulle spoke of a " Europe of the Fatherlands " in the 1960s . With historical reference to the Franconian Empire , he meant an area made up of West Germany , Italy , the Benelux countries and France of intergovernmental cooperating nation -states , which was supposed to overcome the East-West conflict under French leadership .
  • In his 1935 lecture The Crisis of European Humanity and Philosophy , the German philosopher Edmund Husserl noted a “special inner kinship in spirit” among the European nations. This - he called it “spiritual Europe” - was born in the 7th and 6th centuries BC. Chr., Where through a "new attitude of individuals to the environment [...] the breakthrough of a completely new kind of spiritual structure, rapidly growing to a systematically closed cultural figure" took place. Husserl meant the philosophy of antiquity , the beginnings of which lie with the pre-Socratics in ancient Greece . To overcome the “crisis of European existence” he called for a “rebirth of Europe from the spirit of philosophy through a heroism of reason that finally overcomes naturalism ”.
  • On September 29, 1953, the Spanish philosopher and sociologist José Ortega y Gasset presented his idea of ​​Europe in a lecture to the culture group of the Federal Association of German Industry . Accordingly, “Europe” should be understood as a common “European cultural awareness”, the existence of which is indisputable and should not be confused with the problem of geographical delimitation or the legal constitution of Europe. Ortega y Gasset formulated the idea that the European peoples always lived together and thereby created a “common store of ideas, forms and enthusiasm” in a social space , even before the emergence of European nations. Living together in this understanding always creates a “system of customs”. In the coexistence of the European peoples, "general European - both intellectual and [also] moral - customs" had therefore also arisen. These “customs” have always formed a “public European power”. One constant of European culture is to be seen in the fact that it repeatedly reached beyond itself as it went through periodic crises and thus grew beyond itself.
  • In his 1993 work Europa, an Eccentric Identity, the French philosopher Rémi Brague emphasized the role of Roman culture , which consisted in absorbing and passing on Greek culture and Greek philosophy and assigning Roman law as a further basis for contemporary European and Western culture and identity donate.
  • The identity discourse also deals with the question of the original pan-European lingua franca . Latin had this function in Europe for centuries , but because of its linguistic death , Latin is no longer suitable as a modern means of communication. New concepts in the form of planned languages , such as Interlingua , therefore combine modern language requirements with the cultural heritage of Latin.
  • The German historian Hagen Schulze presented the European identity as the product of an imagined community ( Benedict Anderson ), whose perceptions of tradition were particularly and to a large extent fed by the “return of antiquity ” in the form of “many renaissance”. According to Peter Burke , he describes the coherent development of these renaissances as the “ Westernization of the West ”. In substance, he understands European civilization as “a phenomenon of the European, Latin West”.
  • The German philosopher Jürgen Habermas tried to define a European identity to strive for in terms of a whole series of abstract principles, which he subsumes under the term constitutional patriotism. The central European project, the EU, is based on the principles of freedom , democracy , the recognition of human rights and the rule of law , which are transferred from the nation- states to trans- and supranational levels. In addition, Europe is characterized by the idea of ​​a " social model ". According to Habermas, Europe must include “the preservation of a specific culture and way of life that is now in danger”. In this context he also speaks of a “ biotope of old Europe”. In this regard, the European Union is the legal community that the peoples of Europe have agreed with the citizens of Europe. He calls for a democratization of the European level, which he understands as a " higher-level political community ". The “European project” can no longer be continued in “ elite mode ” and through a “ post-democratic exercise of rule ” by the European Council in order to cope with the enormous setting of the future course. In 2003, together with the French philosopher Jacques Derrida , Habermas called for a group of European states to move forward as the “ avant-garde core Europe ” like a “locomotive” in order to develop the “image of a peaceful, cooperative, open and open dialogue with other cultures Of Europe ”. Derrida and Habermas, who saw a “signal for the birth of a European publicin the face of “overwhelming” mass demonstrations against the entry of European states into the Iraq war , saw their appeal as a response to the Open Letter of the Eight , with the one led by Tony Blair and José María Aznar eight European states in the Iraq conflict had advocated more solidarity with the United States. Derrida and Habermas accused the United States and its President, George W. Bush , of a “boyish breach of international law ” and “ hegemonic unilateralism ”. They advised the Europeans to take a self-critical look at their “ bellicose past” in order to gain an “identity-forming power” through the conscious appropriation of historical experiences.
  • After the Anglo-American political scientist John McCormick Europeanism (is european ness ) a property that a certain level of acceptance of ideas of Europeanism ( Europeanism called). Europeanism denotes a number of formative ideas of the Europeans, for example - based on the "political mentality" of the Europeans from the point of view of Habermas and Derrida - the advocacy of the principles of secularism , the trust in the role of the welfare state , doubts regarding the regulatory forces the free market, realistic expectations with regard to technical progress, a low tolerance threshold for the use of force and a preference for multilateralism within the framework of reformed United Nations .
  • In a speech given to the College of Europe by the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1988 , she explained - also with a view to the European nations living behind the Iron Curtain - the view that Europe is as little a creature of the Treaty of Rome as the “European idea “Be owned by some group or institution and that the European Community is only one, but not the only, manifestation of European identity. In this context, in addition to the special contributions Great Britain made to Europe, its culture and values, she also referred to the fact that the United States had become a "brave defender of freedom" through European values.
  • The former constitutional judge Jutta Limbach stated with a view to the union of states of the EU that a “European citizenship” was to be searched in vain and saw reasons for this in the complex functional mechanisms of the EU and in a low trust in the observance of European treaties: “Whoever If you want to meet citizens where they are in their European consciousness, you must first address their discomfort and their lack of understanding of how the EU works. [...] How do I expect the citizens to get involved in the European project if they cannot trust that the politicians will adhere to the agreed treaties and their norms? "
  • In view of the sovereign debt crisis in the euro area , the political scientist Peter Graf von Kielmansegg warned against “imposing a kind of compulsory integration for Europe”, [...] an “integration not as a result of a free debate about what is desirable and necessary, but as a result of constraints that arise resulting from previous actions that have not been thought through to the end. [...] It would be a Europe imposed by a well-meaning political class. An imposed Europe would be a rootless Europe. The European federation in its concrete form, not just the European idea, must be accepted by the Europeans. ”In line with Kielmansegg's criticism, the publicist Henryk M. Broder , who characterized his Europeanism as a“ matter of course ”like daily showering, compared in 2013 the euro zone with a house community in which five of 17 parties could no longer pay their contribution. He described the “talk” that this model was a “house of peace” as “illogical and constructed”; the argumentation is "as lopsided as the Tower of Pisa." In his book The Last Days of Europe , Broder, who judges the European idea positively, also criticized the EU's bureaucratism , the role that lobbying plays in its structures, as well as a lack of democratic legitimation and control.
  • The political scientists Ulrike Guérot and Robert Menasse stated in a 2013 article that in the "logic of a European res publica " the profits of the pan-European value chain had to be distributed transnationally and an economic balance had to be found between the center and the periphery. Other authors, such as the business journalist Rainer Hank , warned against a centralism of European institutions and pointed out that the diversity, small states and fragmentation of Europe have distributed and limited power in a decentralized manner, which promotes diversity of opinion, enables creativity, stimulates ambition of competition and nourishes prosperity has been. Through the existence of various domains, citizens in Europe would have had the liberating opportunity to open up new opportunities for their lives by emigrating to a neighboring state.
  • The Bulgarian- born French philosopher Julia Kristeva found that identity in Europe was an object of continuous, irreversible search. The cultural characteristics of Europe were rooted in multilingualism, diversity and thus in the freedom to continually question identity. Europe is alive when it is alien to itself. An important European tradition that is at the center of Judeo-Greco-Christian thought is the thought of the unmistakable uniqueness of each subject . This thought makes people able to share with the weaker . Dealing with human vulnerability shows what Europe actually is.
  • The Hungarian sociologist Frank Furedi argued that the fundamental European value is the pursuit of freedom . This freedom manifests itself through a democratic debate. Democracy and popular sovereignty would not be achieved through the “technocratic style of government of the EU” and through a “condescending and negative attitude of the European political class towards normal people” - both expressions of “demophobia”. By supporting regional identity formation, the EU had worked to fragment and weaken national identities. However, in many cases this did not mean that there was any identification with Europe.
  • The Dutch writer Arnon Grünberg , who was once referred to as Eurotrash in New York City , advised Europeans to best experience their own Europeanism in non-European countries in the status of a “self-confident pariah ” ( Hannah Arendt ), much like the Jews themselves would become aware of their Judaism in the Diaspora . Publicist Carolin Emcke took a similar point of view : “What is one's own always lies in the blind spot of perception. In this way, only those who move among non-Europeans become Europeans, who only become white who go among non-whites, and Christians only who mix with Jews, Muslims and atheists. It will not be a coincidence that the debate on Europe arises right now, at this historic moment. It doesn't have anything to do with integration at all. But more with globalization and with emerging powers that disturb Europe because it has to look at and question itself in the mirror of others. "
  • The right-wing French intellectual Dominique Venner went back to the time of the Persian wars on the question of the emergence of a European identity and, over long periods of history, looked particularly at the moments when external forces tried to force Europe. He sees the threat posed by the “ other ” as a historical constant for the development of a common identity of peoples .
  • The French political scientist Dominique Moïsi sees a significant connection between the phenomena of fear of ' white ' Europeans in particular and the type and intensity of the construction of their identity: “More than ever, fear has become the dominant force in European politics in recent decades. Above all, it is about the fear of the non-European 'others', who are perceived by a growing number of 'white' Europeans as a threat to their identity and way of life, even their security and jobs. The focus of these debates is on Islam and immigration . [...] Globalization and the disorientation that goes with it triggers a nervous search for self-worth in many people. The less people are convinced of their future, the more they tend to focus on their identity in a negative, defensive way. When someone lacks confidence in their own ability to master the challenges of modernity, they withdraw into themselves and focus on who they are instead of what they want to achieve together with others. "
  • The German writer Tanja Dückers called for the development of a “new concept of identity” that includes multi-faceted, multicultural, transnational and migrant identities in a “daily multiculturalism ”.
  • From 1998 the German political scientist Bassam Tibi called for Europe without an identity? a " European guiding culture " as a "democratic, secular consensus based on the civilized identity of Europe " in order to avoid a "multiculturalism of any value" in Europe, which would plunge Europe into conflict according to the principle of anything goes in the "age of migration ", which in particular caused the conflict potential of growing “ parallel societies” and an overall fragmented society. He sees European civilization and its “empirically ascertainable, value-based civilizational identity”, the heart of which is the “pluralism of ' open society ' ( Karl Popper )”, threatened by “ culturally relativistic and nihilistic left- wing greens” on the one hand, who “only bear the burden of their own civilization "And whose perspective leads Europe into a" left-wing self-denial ", and" Diaspora - Islamists "on the other hand," who seek and find refuge in Europe, but at the same time want to Islamize the continent . "Under the guise or pretext of a humanitarian policy To operate against the refugees, left-wing Greens supported the Islamists. With the support of these “religious absolutists” they challenged European identity. They abuse the refugees as minorities in order to conduct politics with them as a “replacement proletariat”.
  • The journalist Jochen Thies remarked in 2001: “Is that Europe that we know disappearing? In Germany in particular, the demographic development means that at the end of this new century the proportion of the German population will fall by 50 percent, in the big cities probably within a generation. This will change the composition of the nation dramatically. Politics can try to control these developments. But she will not master the problem. Because it is reinforced from additional directions: Poverty migration will continue, climate disasters , for which the signs are increasing, could occur and make parts of the world uninhabitable . This could make Europe through the back door what America already is: a multicultural society with the prerequisites for a global society . In it, the peculiarities that have made Europe for centuries will no longer play a role. "
  • The historian Heinrich August Winkler said in an article that appeared in the journal Internationale Politik in 2003 that Turkey's accession to the EU would call the identity of this community into question because then an “ imperial overstretch ” ( Paul Kennedy ) threatened Risk of "spatial overstretching at the expense of internal cohesion". A thus "immensely enlarged Union could no longer appeal to a European 'we-feeling'." Also because of the "different political cultures and the socio-economic gap" to the EU, the "problem of Turkish accession [...] is the acid test for the future of the project Europe. ”To solve the problem, Winkler suggested in his contribution that instead of Turkish accession, a“ privileged partnership ”between Turkey and the EU should be sought. The American psychoanalyst Vamık Volkan said that, in the process of forming their identity, the Europeans revived the Turks as a historical enemy and - consciously or unconsciously - saw today's Turks “as the representatives of the Ottomans before Vienna ”. The prejudices would solidify the more Turkey appeared with an Ottoman image.
  • Various groups of an “ Identitarian Movement ” fear an Islamization of Europe and a loss of European identity through multiculturalism , which - based on the Nouvelle Droite of France and right-wing intellectuals like Alain de Benoist - have been forming in the field of the New Right and right-wing extremism in Europe for several years . They represent concepts of " ethnopluralism ".
  • In a contribution for the Heinrich Böll Foundation , Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski remarked that “EU elites” through “identity templates” and “identity technologies” in an “elite-dominated discourse about identity-relevant commonalities” began to create a collective European identity, “from which the EU citizens often remain excluded. "This creates" some European collective identity that is constructed by elites for EU citizens. "
  • The US sociologist Neil Fligstein stated that direct contact between people in Europe had created the basis of a “European society” since 1945, a European society whose members (individuals and their organizations) experience a change in their identity through transnational interaction would have. In his book Euroclash: the EU, European identity, and the future of Europe , published in 2008 , he made an interaction-based definition of “European identity” clear. He distinguished between two different groups of Europeans: the " white collars ", more educated citizens who acted transnationally in terms of work, study and travel and benefited from the EU, and on the other hand the " blue collars ", mostly less educated citizens, who tend not to behave transnationally. In order to overcome this discrepancy, an attempt should be made to involve EU citizens more in the process of policy-making at European level, be it through direct participation or a European public . Through the interactive conceptualization of identification, European identities - united in diversity - could be formed.
  • The international research project Youth and European Identity , based on a scientific survey of young people in various European countries carried out in 2002, showed that national and European identities vary and are each different in strength. The results suggest that European young people feel more connected to Europe the more they are interested in political issues and European foreign languages, the higher their educational qualifications, the more internationally oriented their education. Other scientific studies have shown a tendency for Europeans in the next generation to see themselves increasingly as Europeans, often in the context of a “multiple identity” (a combination of European and national identity).
  • When asked about values ​​that best represent the EU, a Eurobarometer survey conducted by the TNS Infratest institute in the EU states gave the values ​​of human rights , democracy and peace the highest approval in 2008 and 2010. When asked about their trust in the EU, in the Eurobarometer survey in May 2011, 47 percent of EU citizens answered that they tend not to trust the EU and 41 percent that they tend to trust the EU, while 12 percent “knows the answer not "preferred.
  • Europe from the point of view of a cartoonist in the United States in 1906: The political cartoon shows the application and expansion of the Monroe Doctrine under President Theodore Roosevelt by the Roosevelt Corollary , according to which Europe in particular is to be kept out of the " Western Hemisphere " and the United States States there claim a referee function and a right to intervene. While the United States according to their self-image as a casual, on a giant gun ( " Big Stick " ) be supportive cowboy hat -carrier be presented with the trains Roosevelt, Europe in the US is foreign image displayed as gray-haired king. The Dominican Republic appears to be politically insignificant in this conflict situation , as it is personified as a tearful Latino.
    In 2003 , the British historian
    Timothy Garton Ash reported in the weekly newspaper Die Zeit on stereotypes cultivated mainly by anti-European Americans on the right-hand side of the political spectrum, especially by neoconservatives who used the same rhetoric against Europe as they did against liberals in their own country . According to this, Europeans are seen as “ warm brothers ” and, especially when using the phrase “ EU-nuchen ”, as female, impotent or neutered. This sexual metaphor could also be read in Robert Kagan , who wrote in the Policy Review 2002: "Americans are from Mars , Europeans from Venus ." Europeans are often described by anti-European US-Americans as sissies ("Euro sausages"), weak, troubling, hypocritical, quarreling, at times judged as anti-Semitic. From this point of view - Ash is referring to Richard Perle , for example - they would have lost their moral compass and their values ​​in multilateral, transnational, secular and postmodern games. In general, however, a distinction must be made between a legitimate and well-informed criticism of the EU on the one hand and deep-seated, inveterate hostility towards Europe on the other, whose leitmotif is “irritation riddled with contempt”. Indeed, the most widespread American attitude towards Europe was a slight benevolent indifference mixed with impressive ignorance. Regarding the process of European identity formation, against the background of the Iraq crisis in 2003 and the resulting deepening “ transatlantic alienation”, Ash remarked that there was a great temptation to form the European self-image by listing Europe as the “ other “Differs.
  • The US political scientist Andrei S. Markovits stated that anti-Americanism or the European confrontation with phenomena of Americanization and the US's foreign policy role conception as a “counter-identity” contribute to establishing a European identity.
  • In an article for the US magazine Foreign Policy , political scientist Joseph Nye said in 2006 that Europe counts too much on “ soft power ” in its politics , while the United States prefers “hard power” too much. In this respect, Robert Kagan's “wise exaggeration” would suggest that the Europeans come from Venus but the Americans from Mars.
  • With regard to the question of the “foreign policy ratio” of Europe, political scientist Werner Link stated that the EU and its predecessors understood themselves early on as “an element of balance and a pole of cooperation”. In the international system, Europe wants to be an “equilibrium power” according to its self-image, in order to assert its interests in the world and to jointly represent them effectively. Furthermore, it wants to act as an “anti- hegemonic association of states” in order to create an “integrative power balance ” in Europe to obtain. As the world's largest economic power , with around seven percent of the world's population generating around a quarter of the global gross domestic product, the EU has a decisive, system-relevant influence in the world. On the other hand, it is obvious that the EU alone is not easily capable of large-scale, robust military action, which is why some observers ascribe to EU foreign policy that it remains “unfortunately toothless for the time being”. The possibilities of EU foreign policy are also limited by the fact that the nation states belonging to the EU pursue their own foreign policy, also in other or opposite directions in accordance with the definition of their national interests . The most valuable contribution of Europe to world politics is its cooperative interregionalism , the relations developed by the EU with large and small regional organizations in the world, whereby the EU, in contrast to the great powers USA and China, shows an "anti-hegemonic ratio" which is valued by the cooperation partners will.
  • With a view to the Euromaidan protests, the 2014 coup in Ukraine and the subsequent Crimean crisis, journalists Matthias Krupa and Michael Thumann took the view that Russian President Vladimir Putin's Crimean and Ukraine policies lead to Europeans doing theirs Sharpen your imagination about yourself. During this time, under Russia's Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky, a model with the core thesis "Russia is not Europe" was propagated. "Russia [...] should be viewed as an independent and unique civilization that leans neither to the 'West' ('Europe') nor to the 'East'," it says there. Putin's principle is preceded by the following motto: “Our movement forward is not possible without intellectual, cultural and national self-determination. Otherwise we cannot withstand the internal and external challenges. ”Individual Russian cultural workers criticized the paper. In the opinion of the author Sonja Margolina , Putin is pursuing a new state ideology that is reactionary, with the idea he has spread in speeches that Russians characterize "Russian" values ​​that are contrary to Western values ​​and a higher moral determination such as the readiness for patriotic self-sacrifice -conservative concepts of the thinker Iwan Ilyin, whom he admires, and of Eurasism . The Russian traditionalist Alexander Geljewitsch Dugin , who belongs to the think tank Izborsk-Klub , represents a concept of “neo-Eurasism” . He rejects Western values ​​and sees a "Russian spirit" as having been revived by the war against Ukraine.
  • The historian Wolfgang Schmale pointed out that in the current age of postmodern borders would become fluid. The changes in the world in the course of globalization would cause a confusion to grow and known reference values ​​(state references to transnationality or supranationality) would fall apart. Innovations in communication technology would create new transnational relationships. The resulting “liquefaction” creates a pluralism of references and relationships, the boundaries of which are becoming increasingly blurred. It should not, in this context of , but by the spoken European identities, not of the European history, but from the European stories. With a discourse away from singularities and towards pluralism, on the one hand, the changing times and the liquefaction are met and, on the other hand, the motto of the EU “United in diversity” is lived.
  • After Central and Eastern European member states of the EU, in particular heads of state and government from the Visegrád Group , resisted the admission of Muslim refugees and a concept of a more even distribution of refugees, German Chancellor Angela conjured up a protest after the 2015 refugee crisis in Europe Merkel in a speech before the European Parliament expressed the unity of the Europeans in overcoming this crisis. She repeated her call for “more Europe”. It had become clearer shortly before at a closed event by the European People's Party . There she said, with a view to the attitude of some EU countries, among other things: “How should we stand up for the freedom of Christians in the world when we say that Muslims and a mosque do not come into our country? That will not do. A principled stance like that is [...] a danger to Europe. [...] The fact that especially those who can be so happy about the end of the Cold War think that one can stay out of globalization seems somehow strange to me. ”In view of the European refugee crisis, its causes (for example in the Youth Bulge Asian and African countries) and other developments, in particular growing support for EU-skeptical and nationalist attitudes and parties in the EU states (e.g. in the form of the alternative for Germany or the Front National ), the ongoing euro crisis and an impending Brexit , increased at the turn of the year In 2015/2016 the voices of politicians and commentators in the media - such as Henry Porter in Vanity Fair or Henrik Müller in Spiegel Online - raised the question of the end of the path to European integration, identified an existential crisis in the EU and likely consequences discussed the collapse of the Schengen system , the European economic and monetary system ion and the EU would have for Europeans. The US journalist Fareed Zakaria took the view that in the wake of the refugee crisis, many Europeans would increasingly subordinate their European identity to their national identity. This created an important and new challenge for the EU, European integration and European identity.
  • In the Yearbook of European Integration 2015, published by the Institute for European Politics, political scientist Werner Weidenfeld emphasized that a transparent and legitimized management structure in the EU is strategically expedient and can strengthen the formation of a European identity.
  • In view of the failure of a common European asylum policy in autumn 2015, the Austrian political scientist Markus Pausch emphasized the need for a political debate about the renationalization of Europe and its concrete effects. Among the consequences of a comprehensive renationalization, he counted the end of Union citizenship, the reintroduction of internal borders, the questioning of the currently applicable nation-states, problems for the economy and demography as well as the introduction of an “ exclusive democracy ” with strong polarization.
  • Hesperialism , which was developed in 2019 by a European collective of authors led by David Engels , occupies a middle position between Europeanism and Euroscepticism . Hesperialism advocates strong European unification, especially in the areas of border protection, foreign policy, securing strategic resources and infrastructure, but demands that this unification take place within the framework of a strengthening of the traditional historical values ​​of the West .

See also

Web links


  1. Heiner Timmermann: Identities in Europe - From the past into the future . In: Michael Salewski, Heiner Timmermann (Ed.): Europe and its dimensions in change . Documents and writings of the European Academy Otzenhausen, LIT Verlag, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-8473-2 , p. 42 ( online )
  2. See also: Collective Identity and the Foreign (Oswald Schwemmer)
  3. ↑ For an overview of the history, complexity and dynamics of the concept of Europe, see: Dominik Kremer: The concept of Europe on non-European websites. A comparison of the semantic context of selected domains with the help of computer-aided text analysis methods. There: Chapter 2: Perspectives on Europe . Diploma thesis in the geography course, Bamberg 2007, PDF file in the portal , accessed on September 24, 2013
  4. Stefan Seidendorf: Europeanization of National Identity Discourses? A comparison of French and German print media. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2007, ISBN 978-3-8329-2268-9 ( Regieren in Europa series , vol. 13). Table of contents and book review by Claudia Wiesner. ( Memento of the original from October 23, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  5. Andreas Reckwitz: The Identity Discourse. On the change in meaning of a social science semantics . In: Werner Rammert (Ed.): Collective identities and cultural innovations. Ethnological, sociological and historical studies . Leipzig 2001, pp. 21–38 ( Memento of the original from October 23, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , PDF file in the portal , accessed on 22 October 2013 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  6. Beate Janosz, Wolfgang Hessberger, Melanie Tatur: Discursive generation of “European identity”? Feedback to the Habermas / Derrida initiative in Germany and Poland . In: Melanie Tatur: National or Cosmopolitan Europe? , VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-16317-8 , p. 97 f.
  7. For example with Annika Laux: The identity of the EU - The EU as identity . PDF file, Master's thesis at the Department of Scientific Policy at the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg, Freiburg i.Br. 2007, published in 2009, accessed on April 10, 2013 in the portal
  8. Cf. also Carl August Emge : The spiritual mastery of the so-called Europaidee, a social-psychological attempt (= treatises of the humanities and social sciences class of the Academy of Sciences and Literature in Mainz. Born 1965, No. 1).
  9. Overview of the topic of European identity as a subject of scientific interest in: Achim Trunk: Europe, a way out: Political elites and European identity in the 1950s . Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-486-58187-4 , p. 53 ff.
  10. See theory of social identity : Henri Tajfel , John C. Turner: The social identity theory of intergroup behavior . In: S. Worchel, WG Austin (Ed.): Psychology of intergroup relations . Nelson Hall, Chicago / IL 1986, pp. 7-24.
  11. See: Lorraine Bluche, Veronika Lipphardt, Kiran Klaus Patel (eds.): The European - a construct. Stocks of knowledge, discourses, practices ( memento of the original dated August 14, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-8353-0444-4 . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  12. On aspects of the construction of a European identity see Georg Datler: The concept of “European identity” beyond demos-fiction - essay . Article from January 17, 2012 in the portal , accessed on April 8, 2013.
  13. On the constitutive meaning of demarcation from “others” , distinction and exclusion, see for example Marcel Berlinghoff: European identity in the mirror of migration policy , In: Teresa Czech (Ed.): National and European identity in the field of tension between global society orientation (= lectures on the doctoral colloquium from September 12th to 17th, 2010 at Villa Vigoni)  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , PDF file, p. 3, accessed on the portal on April 8, 2013.@1@ 2Template: Dead Link /  
  14. The identifying elements that are used in the construction of a European identity are extremely heterogeneous, complex and sometimes contradicting one another. - Cf. Natascha Zowislo: In Search of a European Identity - Symbols, Myths and History Didactics in the Discourse on European Integration . Dissertation University of Mannheim, 2000, p. 262 ff. ( PDF, online )
  15. On the construction of identity in the media society and the “ postmodern ” see for example: Christian Körber, Andrea Schaffar: Identity constructions in the media society : Theoretical approaches and empirical findings , PDF file in the portal , September 2002, accessed on January 27, 2013.
  16. On the breadth of the visualizations of concepts of Europe and European identity, see for example: Michael Wintle: The Image of Europe. Visualizing Europe in Cartography and Iconography throughout the Ages ( Memento of the original from October 5, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 267 kB). Cambridge Studies in Historical Geography (No. 44), Cambridge University Press, New York 2009, ISBN 978-0-521-88634-5 . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  17. A major problem in the scientific research of European identity is the fact that the terms Europe and identity are not defined and understood uniformly by individuals or by political communities. Research suggests that symbols and messages have a strong influence on the development of a European identity (see priming (psychology) , media priming ). See also: Michael Bruter: Winning Hearts and Minds for Europe. The Impact of News and Symbols on Civic and Cultural European Identity(PDF; 120 kB). Comparative Political Studies Vol. 36, No. 10, pp. 1148-1179, Sage Publications, London 2003.
  18. On the criticism of "historical development laws", which were used to explain a historical origin (for example a " cradle of Europe ") or to explain processes in Europe in the sense of a teleology or linearity of the history of Europe, and to this extent a questionable foundation of a collective European Form identity, see: Wilhelm Tielker: The Myth of the Idea Europe. On the criticism and significance of historical development laws in the spiritual anchoring of European unification . LIT Verlag, Münster 2003, ISBN 3-8258-6659-9 .
  19. See in relation to the topic of Europe : Identity Conflicts in Europe , In: Deutschland & Europa. Series for social studies, history, German, geography, art and economics (State Center for Civic Education Baden-Württemberg). H. 53/2007, ISSN  1864-2942 , PDF file, accessed October 4, 2013
  20. Dirk Jacobs, Robert Maier: European identity: construct, fact, fiction ( Memento of the original dated November 2, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . Utrecht University, published in: Gastelaars, M., de Ruijter, A. (Eds.): A United Europe. The Quest for a Multifaceted Identity . Maastricht, Shaker, pp. 13–34, PDF file, p. 3, accessed from the portal on October 30, 2013 @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  21. Thomas Risse : Solidarity among strangers? European identity in the acid test . Working Paper No. 50 of the Kolleg research group "The Transformative Power of Europe", May 2013, pp. 7, 10 ( PDF in the portal ), accessed on August 3, 2014
  22. ^ Otto Urban : The Czechs and Central Europe . In: Urs Andermatt (Ed.): Nation, Ethnicity and State in Central Europe . Book series by the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe, Volume 4, Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 1996, ISBN 3-205-98544-3 , p. 110.
  23. ^ Anna Pollmann: Doing Europe - Europe's search for a collective identity . Article from May 22, 2005 in the portal of the Institute for Media Education in Research and Practice (Munich), accessed on October 20, 2012.
  24. Jochen Roose: What is a European identity for? Article from May 22, 2005 in the portal of the Institute for Media Education in Research and Practice (Munich), accessed on October 20, 2012.
  25. Document on European identity dated December 14, 1973 ( Memento of the original dated May 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 36 kB), published in the Bulletin of the European Communities , December 1973, No. 12, pp. 131–144, accessed on the portal on November 10, 2012. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  26. ^ Caspar Borkowsky: European identity - history and functioning of a concept . GRIN Verlag, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-638-80181-2 .
  27. ^ Mathias Hildebrandt: Does the European Union need a civil region? In: Hartmut Behr, Mathias Hildebrandt (Hrsg.): Politics and religion in the European religion. Between national traditions and Europeanization . Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2006, pp. 429–450
  28. For example the European regions
  29. For example, the Plan D project
  30. Europa-Union Deutschland: Charter of European Identity of October 28, 1995 (with a foreword by Václav Havel , 1994), PDF file, accessed on the portal on October 4, 2013
  31. ^ André Zimmermann: The identity politics of the European Union . Lecture from June 19, 2010 in a symposium of the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich , Introduction, p. 3, PDF file in the portal , accessed on September 25, 2013
  32. On the European value discourse see: Heinz Kleger: Is there a European civil religion? Paris lecture on the values ​​of Europe . Universitätsverlag Potsdam, Potsdam 2008, PDF file in the portal , accessed on October 22, 2013
  33. See: Thomas Meyer : The Identity of Europe. A soul to the EU? Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-518-12355-6 .
  34. Also: Julian Nida-Rümelin (ed.), Werner Weidenfeld (ed.): European identity: requirements and strategies . (Munich Contributions to European Unification, Volume 18). Nomos, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8329-2727-1 .
  35. Jürgen Kocka : Paths to the political identity of Europe. European public and European civil society . PDF file, text of the lecture at the conference on European identity of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung on June 16, 2003 in Berlin, accessed on the portal on April 19, 2013.
  36. Gerd Strohmeier: The EU between legitimacy and effectiveness . Article of February 23, 2007 in the portal of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , accessed on April 19, 2013.
  37. Gian Enrico Rusconi: A European identity must be built . Article from April 2007 in the portal ( Goethe-Institut ), accessed on October 4, 2013
  38. Federal Agency for Civic Education (ed.): European identity . In: From Politics and Contemporary History . Issue B38 / 2004, Bonn 2004. In particular: M. Rainer Lepsius : Process of European Identity Foundation . P. 3 f. and Jan Delhey: Transnational trust in the enlarged EU , p. 6 f.
  39. ^ Lammert De Jong: (Mis-) Understanding the European Demos . Article from October 1, 2013 in the portal (Social Europe Journal) , accessed on October 28, 2013
  40. Bettina Thalmaier: Possibilities and Limits of a European Identity Politics . Bertelsmann Forschungsgruppe Politik, CAP Analysis, Edition 6, December 2006, p. 5, PDF file in the portal , accessed on November 17, 2013
  41. Declaration No. 52 In: Official Journal of the European Union . C 115, May 9, 2008, p. 355, accessed January 20, 2013.
  42. A forerunner of this formulation can be found in the Solemn Declaration on European Union (PDF; 678 kB), which was signed on June 19, 1983 at a summit of the heads of state and government of the then ten states of the European Community. There it says about the objectives of the declaration (objectives, 1.1): “ The Heads of State or Government, on the basis of an awareness of a common destiny and the wish to affirm the European identity, confirm the commitment to progress towards an ever closer union among the peoples and Member States of the European Community. ”See also article Solemn Declaration on European Union in the English language Wikipedia.
  43. ^ Roland Obenland: 1848/49 Revolution. III. Robert Blum. A death in Vienna - death of the national German revolution. 2. Materials (M1) . Article in issue 35 (issue 2/1997) of the magazine Deutschland & Europa , accessed on the portal on September 24, 2013
  44. BverfG, 2BvE 2/08, judgment of June 30, 2009, (Rn 220, 222) , accessed on the portal on November 3, 2012.
  45. Stephen Evans: 'More Europe!': Germany's battle-cry for the eurozone . Article from June 22, 2012 in the portal , accessed on November 17, 2012.
  46. Andreas Rinke: Because of "less Europe". Once again the British misunderstood Merkel . Article of October 21, 2013 in the portal , accessed on January 12, 2014
  47. European politics: EU criticizes Chancellor for banking union . Article from December 15, 2013 in the portal , accessed on December 15, 2013
  48. Michael Borgolte : Before the end of national histories? In: Rolf Ballof (ed.): History of the Middle Ages for our time . Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 2003, ISBN 3-515-08224-7 , p. 34, footnote 32 with reference to Peter Burke : Did Europe Exist Before 1700? In: History of European Ideas I (1980), pp. 21-29.
  49. Katja Riedel: Concepts of Europe and Europe's borders in medieval authors . GRIN Verlag, Munich, 2009, ISBN 978-3-640-95033-1 , p. 11.
  50. Dieter Hägermann : Charlemagne. Ruler of the west . Propylaen Verlag, Berlin, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-549-05826-8 , p. 10.
  51. ^ Heinrich August Winkler : The West needs the dispute . Article from February 14, 2007 in the portal , accessed on March 31, 2013.
  52. Stephan Baier: The Invention of Europe . Article from April 2, 2014 in the portal , accessed on April 4, 2014
  53. ^ Heinz-Gerhard Justenhoven: International arbitration. Ethical norm and legal reality . Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2006, ISBN 978-3-17-019529-5 , p. 96 ( online )
  54. Heiner Timmermann: Identities in Europe - From the past into the future . In: Michael Salewski, Heiner Timmermann (Ed.): Europe and its dimensions in change . Documents and writings of the European Academy Otzenhausen, LIT Verlag, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-8473-2 , p. 36 ( online )
  55. ^ Anton Schäfer : Zeittafeln der Rechtsgeschichte I: from the beginnings via Rome to 1919 with a focus on Austria and contemporary references . BSA Verlag, Dornbirn 2002, p. 58.
  56. Jacques Le Goff : The Birth of Europe in the Middle Ages . Verlag CH Beck, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-406-63093-6 , p. 253.
  57. Magda Schusterova: On the Tractatus pacis toti cristianitati fiendae by Georg von Podiebrad ( Memento of the original from April 7, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , PDF file in the portal , accessed on April 5, 2013. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  58. ^ František Palacký : The History of Bohemia , Volume IV, The Age of George von Poděbrad , Prague 1860, p. 312 ff.
  59. Till Janzer: Wise visionary - the "heretic king" Georg von Podiebrad . Report from May 17, 2008 in the portal (Radio Prague), accessed on April 5, 2013.
  60. Thomas Sukopp: Europe's self-image in the mirror of others . Article from November 15, 2005 in the portal , accessed on July 31, 2013
  61. ^ Rolf Felbinger: "Europe, belle Europe, objet de mon amour ...". Reflections on the early modern process of a European identity formation between state pluralistic and universal monarchical thinking . In: Wolfgang Schmale, Rolf Felbinger, Günter Kastner, Josef Köstlbauer: Studies on European identity in the 17th century . (= Challenges. Historical-Political Analyzes, Volume 15), Verlag Dr. Dieter Winkler, Bochum 2004, ISBN 3-89911-021-8 , p. 21.
  62. ^ Franz Bosbach : Monarchia Universalis. A key political concept of the early modern period . (Series of publications by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Issue 32). Goettingen 1988.
  63. ^ Javier Vergara: The History of Europe and its constituent Countries: considerations in favor of the new Europe . In: Journal of Social Science Education. Volume 6, Number 1, June 2007, pp. 15–22, accessed as a PDF file from on January 6, 2013.
  64. ^ Wilfried Loth: Unification plans. European Resistance in World War II and the Renaissance of Europe . In: Unikate Universität Duisburg-Essen , Volume 34, Essen 2009, ISBN 978-3-934359-34-5 , p. 113
  65. ^ David B. Goldman: Globalization and Western Legal Tradition: Recurring Patterns of Law and Authority. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-68849-9 , p. 226 ( limited preview in Google book search)
  66. ^ Friedrich Sieburg (Ed.): Conversations with Napoleon, Munich 1962, pp. 182f. (= Conversation with Joseph Fouché in December 1811).
  67. Andrea Weibel: Young Europe. In: Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz ., Accessed on May 2, 2014
  68. ^ Herbert Kraume: 1848/49 Revolution. IV. “For a European Republic”: Georg and Emma Herwegh 1848. 2. Materials (M3) . Article in issue 35 (issue 2/1997) of the magazine Deutschland & Europa , accessed on the portal on September 24, 2013
  69. Friedrich Nietzsche: Beyond Good and Evil. Eighth main piece. Peoples and fatherlands. Rn 241 , accessed on November 10, 2012 from the portal
  70. Edmund Husserl: The crisis of European humanity and philosophy . Lecture on May 7th and 10th, 1935 at the invitation of the Wiener Kulturbund, accessed on the portal of the bibliotheca Augustana on February 10th, 2013.
  71. ^ European lecture 1953 , website in the portal (2013) on the lecture by José Ortega y Gasset: Is there a European cultural consciousness ? , accessed September 24, 2013
  72. Silvio Guerra: Interview with Rémi Brague . In: traces. International magazine of Comunione e Liberazione (2007), website accessed on June 6, 2016
  73. ^ Mario Di Piazza: European Identity , VDM-Verlag Dr. Müller, Saarbrücken 2008; ISBN 978-3-8364-8462-6 . P. 50
  74. Call for the entry of Latin and ancient Greek in the UNESCO list of world cultural heritage p. 18 ( Memento of the original of December 5, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (accessed on December 3, 2014) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  75. Hagen Schulze: The Identity of Europe and the Return of Antiquity . Discussion Paper, C 34, 1999, Center for European Integration Research, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, pp. 8, 12, 13, 23
  76. ^ Anthony Giddens: Eight theses on the future of Europe . In: Helmut König, Julia Schmidt, Manfred Sicking (eds.): Europe's memory - The new Europe between national memories and a common identity. transcript Verlag, Bielefeld 2008, ISBN 978-3-89942-723-3 .
  77. Georg Diez: That's it! , Article from November 21, 2011 in the DER SPIEGEL portal , accessed on July 20, 2012.
  78. Alexander Cammann: The dream of world domestic politics. Jürgen Habermas works on the European construction site and writes the book of the hour. Article from November 14, 2011 in the portal , accessed on November 4, 2012.
  79. Jacques Derrida, Jürgen Habermas: After the war: The rebirth of Europe . , Article from May 31, 2003 in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, accessed on the portal on November 4, 2012.
  80. See details on the person in the article John McCormick in the English language Wikipedia
  81. ^ John McCormick: Europeanism , Oxford University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-19-955621-2 .
  82. John McCormick's preliminary remarks in the book Europeanism , PDF file  ( page no longer available , search in web archivesInfo: The link was automatically marked as broken. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Retrieved from the portal (Oxford University Press) on January 1, 2013.@1@ 2Template: Dead Link /  
  83. Video (56:27 min) of the lecture European Union at 50 by John McCormick to the World Affairs Council of Western Michigan , 2008 , accessed on the portal on January 1, 2013.
  84. Margaret Thatcher: Speech to the College of Europe ("The Bruges Speech") , Europakolleg Brugge, September 20, 1988 , accessed on June 24, 2016 from the portal
  85. Jutta Limbach: There is no European identity . Debate from August 26, 2012 in the portal , accessed on October 19, 2012.
  86. ^ Peter Graf Kielmansegg: On the restructuring of the EU: forced integration . Article from December 15, 2012 in the portal , accessed on April 29, 2013.
  87. ^ Henryk M. Broder: EU is a tenement house with a brazen culture of extortion . Article from August 25, 2013, accessed on the portal on August 25, 2013
  88. Ulrike Guérot, Robert Menasse: Long live the European Republic! , Article from March 28, 2013 in the portal , accessed on March 29, 2013.
  89. Rainer Hank : Europe's recipe for success is small states . Article from July 24, 2011 in the portal , accessed on October 22, 2016
  90. Elisabeth von Thadden: Question and Share (Interview with Julia Kristeva, published on January 9, 2014) , accessed on the portal on January 12, 2014
  91. ^ Frank Furedi : The betrayal of Europe's democratic heritage . Article from April 20, 2017 in the ( Novo ) portal , accessed on April 21, 2017
  92. Arnon Grunberg: Plea for the self-confident pariah , article from December 24, 2010 in the SPIEGEL ONLINE portal , accessed on January 21, 2012.
  93. Carolin Emcke: In the olive grove of life , article from October 19, 2010 in the portal , accessed on January 27, 2013.
  94. Dominique Venner: Le Siècle de 1914: Utopies, guerres et révolutions en Europe au XXe siècle . Pygmalion, Paris 2006.
  95. Dominique Moïsi in the Hungarian weekly newspaper Heti Világgazdaság of February 4, 2010. Quoted in: Debate 'Europa controvers'. European values ​​and identity. A selection from . Article of February 4, 2010 in the portal of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , accessed on April 20, 2013.
  96. Tanja Dückers: Multiculturalist from birth . Article dated February 6, 2015 in the portal , accessed on February 6, 2015
  97. Bassam Tibi : Europe without Identity? Leading culture or arbitrary values . 3. Edition. 2002, C. Bertelsmann Verlag, Munich
  98. Bassam Tibi: Leitkultur as a consensus of values. Balance of a failed German debate . Article from May 26, 2002 in the portal of the Federal Agency for Civic Education, accessed on February 7, 2013.
  99. ^ Bassam Tibi: The left-green Islamization threatens . Article from March 3, 2017 in portal , accessed on March 19, 2017
  100. Jochen Thies: End of a story? Germany, Europe and America (PDF; 10.1 MB). In: The New Society. Frankfurter Hefte (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin), Heft 1–2 / 2001, p. 6.
  101. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: Limits to Expansion. Turkey is not part of the “Project Europe”. Article from February 1, 2003 in the journal Internationale Politik , 2/2003, pp. 59–66, accessed on June 26, 2013
  102. United against Turkey: "The Europeans need a common enemy image" . Article from December 5, 2013 in the portal , accessed on December 8, 2013
  103. ^ Arno Klönne: Declaration of war against the "old arch enemy" , article in the portal , accessed on March 17, 2013.
  104. Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski: Collective Identity in the European Union. Article from May 28, 2009 in the portal of the Heinrich Böll Foundation , accessed on June 27, 2013
  105. Neil Fligstein : Euro Clash. The EU, European Identity, and the Future of Europe . Oxford University Press, New York 2008, ISBN 978-0-19-954256-7 , p. 2 ( online )
  106. Fligstein, Neil (2008): Euroclash: the EU, European identity, and the future of Europe . Pp. 123 ff., 147 ff.
  107. ^ Schmale, Wolfgang (2008): History and future of the European identity . P. 139
  108. ^ Risse, Thomas (2010): A Community of Europeans? Transnational Identities and Public Spheres . Pp. 250, 251
  109. Dobrosielski, Marian (1996): quo vadis - Europe? In: Reimund Seidelmann (Ed.): Crises Policies in Eastern Europe. Imperatives, Problems and Perspectives . Pp. 41-44
  110. ^ Daniel Fuß: Youth and European Identity. Results from an international research project ( Memento of the original from September 10, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . Article in the portal of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung , accessed on October 22, 2012. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot /
  111. Andrea Naica-Loebell: Multiple Identity of Young Europeans , article from October 22, 2006 in the portal , accessed on January 27, 2013.
  112. Article European values from December 20, 2011 in the portal of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , accessed on November 7, 2012.
  113. Article Trust in the EU of December 21, 2012 in the portal of the Federal Agency for Civic Education , accessed on November 7, 2012.
  114. ^ Robert Kagan : Power and Weakness . In: Policy Review, June / July 2002; also in Robert Kagan: Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order . First Vintage Books Edition, New York City, 2004, ISBN 1-4000-3418-3 ( online )
  115. Andrea Böhm: US-Helden und Eurowürstchen , article from September 11, 2002 in the portal , accessed on October 30, 2013
  116. Timothy Garton Ash: Warm Brothers and EU-nuchen . Article from June 2003 in the weekly newspaper Die Zeit , accessed on the portal on January 1, 2013.
  117. Heidi Huber: Euroscepticism and Anti-Europeanism in the USA: Causes and Sources for the Mistrust over the Atlantic , GRIN Verlag für academic texts, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-640-70733-1 , p. 9.
  118. On the mutual perception of Europe and the USA see also: Rudolf von Thadden , Alexandre Escudier (Ed.): America and Europe - Mars and Venus ?: the image of America in Europe . Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 2004, ISBN 3-89244-794-2 .
  119. Caroline Fehl: European identity formation as differentiated from the USA? An examination of the German and British media discourse on the transatlantic relationship . Research reports on international politics, issue 32, LIT Verlag, Münster 2005, ISBN 3-8258-8136-9 , p. 7 ( online )
  120. ^ Andrei S. Markovits : Uncouth Nation: Why Europe Dislikes America . Princeton University Press, Princeton (New Jersey) 2007
  121. ^ Joseph S. Nye Jr .: Think again: Soft Power . Article dated April 6, 2010 on , accessed December 19, 2013
  122. Werner Link: Europe in the World: Approaches, Possibilities and Limits of a Common Foreign Policy ( Memento from January 11, 2014 in the Internet Archive ). In: Das Parlament, issue No. 6/7 of February 4, 2013
  123. ^ Matthias Krupa, Michael Thumann: Proud to be European . Article from March 20, 2014 in the weekly newspaper Die Zeit (13/2014) and in the portal , accessed on March 20, 2014
  124. Ulf Mauder: "Russia is not Europe" - Putin decrees a new cultural policy . Article from April 11, 2014 in the portal , accessed on April 12, 2014
  125. Sonja Margolina: Putin's ideology of the Eurasian Greater Russia: The whites have won . Article from November 27, 2014 in the portal , accessed on December 4, 2014
  126. ^ Schmale, Wolfgang (2008): History and future of the European identity. Pp. 137-147.
  127. Bollier, David (2003): The Rise of Netpolitik How the Internet Is Changing International Politics and Diplomacy. A Report of the Eleventh Annual Aspen Institute Roundtable on Information Technology . P. 38 ff.
  128. ^ Schmale, Wolfgang (2008): History and future of the European identity . Pp. 137-147.
  129. European Union (2016): The EU motto. European union . Available online at .
  130. Florian Eder, Maïa de la Baume: Merkel slams eastern Europeans on migration . Article of October 7, 2015 in the portal , accessed on September 8, 2015
  131. Peter Müller: Appearance in the EPP parliamentary group: Merkel dismisses Eastern Europeans . Article from October 8, 2015 in the portal , accessed on October 8, 2015
  132. ^ Henry Potter: Terrorism, Migrants, and Crippling Debt: Is This the End of Europe? Article in Vanity Fair , January 31, 2016 issue, accessed January 24, 2016
  133. Henrik Müller: Continent of Crises: What happens when Europe fails . Article from January 24, 2016 in the portal , accessed on January 24, 2016
  134. Henrik Müller: Future of the EU: The Brexit trap . Article from February 7, 2016 in the portal , accessed on February 7, 2016
  135. Alexandra Ma: Fareed Zakaria: Migrant And Refugee Crisis Is Testing Europe's Identity . Article from January 20, 2016 on the portal , accessed February 7, 2016
  136. Weidenfeld, Werner; Wessels, Wolfgang (ed.) (2015): Yearbook of European Integration 2015: pp. 23–26
  137. On Weidenfeld's position see also: Giving the EU a shape. The capital letter, September 10, 2015, accessed on September 13, 2016 .
  138. The consequences and risks of a renationalization of Europe. Austrian Society for European Politics , June 23, 2016, accessed on March 11, 2017 .
  139. David Engels (Ed.): Renovatio Europae. Plea for a new hesperialist building in Europe . Manuscriptum, Lüdinghausen / Berlin 2019, ISBN 978-3-948075-00-2 .