Ingrid Persdotter

Ingrid Persdotter is the name of a Swedish nun who is said to have written a love letter of style and literary history to a knight named Axel Nilsson in 1498. The letter was received intensively by the Swedish Romantics and also by August Strindberg . Doubts about the authenticity of the letter and its alleged author, which were first put forward at the end of the 19th century, hardened in the course of the 20th century.

In 1959, the Swedish literary scholar Magnus von Platen declared the letter to be a forgery in a lengthy essay. He proved that many of the names and events mentioned in the letter can not be historically verified . The cosmos of values manifested in the document was, in his opinion, alien to the end of the 15th century. Even linguistically, there was little to suggest that the letter was written in the late Middle Ages for von Platen . The theologian Nils Rabenius, who worked in Uppsala around 1700 and is considered a Swedish “master forger”, came into question as the author of the prose piece.

Even if research today is convinced that the letter is bogus, it continues to enjoy a high reputation as a literary work.

Life

Model of the Vadstena monastery around 1450

Wilhelmina Stålberg

Most of the few published details about Ingrid Persdotter's life date from the 19th century, when her love letter was at its heyday in the context of Swedish romanticism . Ingrid Persdotter is said to have been the daughter of the mayor of Vadstena , Petri Jönsson; however, her date of birth was never disclosed. According to tradition, the forbidden love affair with a nobleman, the knight Axel Nilsson (also Axel Nilsson Roos), led to her entering the Vadstena monastery of the Birgit Order on October 25, 1495 . The couple could not marry due to the difference in class . Entry into the monastery was not voluntary, but presumably under pressure from Ingrid's parents. In 1498 she is said to have written a long love letter to Axel Nilsson in the monastery. The name Ingrid Persdotters is primarily associated with this letter; For a long time she was one of the first known letter writers in Sweden. Ingrid Persdotter is said to have died on March 28, 1524 in the Vadstena monastery.

The Swedish writer Wilhelmina Stålberg (1803–1872), whose historical-romantic novels enjoyed great popularity in the 19th century and were also translated into German, played a key role in the dissemination of these arid life data . Together with the publisher Per Gustaf Berg , she edited the biographical lexicon Anteckningar om svenska qvinnor (Notes on Swedish Women), which is important for women's history from 1864 to 1866 . Apparently it was known to Stålberg and Berg that the diary of the Vadstena monastery for the year 1498, the supposed date of the letter, does not contain a nun named Ingrid Persdotter. In contrast, an Ingeborg Persdotter who entered the monastery in 1495 is historically guaranteed. Since Stålberg and Berg were convinced of the historicity of the letter - including the date of origin 1498 - they identified the actually verifiable Ingeborg Persdotter with the traditional letter writer Ingrid Persdotter. They name her Ingeborg Jönsson in their lexicon, taking into account that she is said to have been the daughter of Mayor Petri Jönsson. In doing so, they made a historical inaccuracy. At the end of the 15th century it was not yet common in Sweden for children to take their father's surname , and this practice only gradually emerged in the 17th century. Patronymies were common around 1498 . The name Ingeborg Persdotter (= daughter of Petri / Per) is such a patronymic.

Love letter

content

The love letter attributed to Ingrid Persdotter is about six book pages in length. The letter is available in different versions (see section on manuscripts and editions ), with variations mainly in terms of the spelling and a few details, although some of them are of some importance. There are no major deviations in terms of content.

The letter does not contain a salutation by name . The alleged author of the letter, the nun Ingrid, thanks the alleged recipient, the knight Axel Nilsson (whose name is briefly mentioned in a speech), for his last letter. Ingrid happily remembers the last conversation on St. Barbara's Day and pledges her eternal love and loyalty to the knight. She strikes a high note right from the start: “God grant, I could show you my loyal heart on this paper, which should be lovingly linked to you until death as long as I live in this miserable world, even if it is 5000 years . "

In the letter, Ingrid mentions an incident that may have resulted in her admission to the monastery. She asks the knight to watch out for a woman named Margareta who "has already made fun of us" when she witnessed a secret meeting between Ingrid and Axel in a cemetery and watched Ingrid write a letter the cleavage fell. Shortly afterwards Ingrid compares the monastery to a prison:

"Aldrakiärste Glädie, you weet choose sielf, att iag med frij willja, och upsåth aldrig til desse reglor samtyckt, mine föräldrar hafwa choose min kropp i detta swåra catching set incastat, men hiertat also tanckarna kunna kunna eyter så så menniskia af kiött och blod, det qwinliga kiönet är swagt och bräckeliget som S. Paulus saw; Men ibland alla werdslige ting, tyckes mig ändå intet så hårdt gå til sinnes som det, att hag med tig, min hiertans Skatt, ey for lefwa och döö.

"Very dearest joy, you probably know yourself that I could never agree to these rules [in the monastery] with free will and resolution, my parents probably threw my body into this heavy prison, but my heart and my thoughts cannot so easily with the world renounce, I am a person of flesh and blood, the female sex is weak and frail, as St. Paul says, but nothing of all worldly things touches me harder than that I do not live and die with you, the treasure of my heart may."

- Ingrid Persdotter (attributed to)

In the following, Ingrid also repeatedly addresses her lack of freedom. In contrast, she remembers hours spent happily with the knight. Axel liked to play the harp for her in the grove . “Do you remember what you sang about? The bird that once sang so vividly in the forest now sits sadly in the cage. What you announced at the time, that is now up to me. ”Ingrid also gives several insights into monastery life. She names some people by name, such as B. the nun Kirstin Andersdotter, who feels drawn to Bertil, one of the monks in the brother house. The letter shows that both women, Ingrid and Kirstin, “made” hats for their loved ones, which are supposed to remind the men of the women. The sisters and brothers come together for "many vain hours", it says in the letter; they would drink wine, dance and "play" with each other.

Ingrid also reports to the knight that “our confessor” will soon be leaving for Marienkron, a Birgittine monastery near Stralsund . The bishop in Linköping, on the other hand, announced himself to the Laurentius Mass to consecrate “some people”. She asks Axel to have her letter followed up with an answer soon and to come back to the “outermost conversation gate of the sister house”, alluding to an opening in the monastery wall where encounters were possible. The letter ends with an indication of the place and time as well as the sender note “Af Syster Ingrid Pährs Dotter” (from Sister Ingrid Persdotter).

Manuscripts and editions

The letter is available in more than 30 different manuscripts , most of which were written in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The two oldest manuscripts date from 1677 and 1682. These manuscripts differ from all the others in their distinctively ancient spelling. While most manuscripts contain the date “1498” at the end of the letter, the two oldest manuscripts note the year “1445”.

There are also large numbers of printed editions of the letter. The historian Petter Dijkman (1647-1717) published short excerpts from the letter in his work Antiquitates ecclesiasticae eller gamle swenske kyrkie-handlingar , published in 1703 . A first complete version of the letter appeared in 1708 as part of an anonymously published collection of folk literary writings under the title Trenne kortta Relationer (Three Short Stories). However, the narrow book fell into the disgrace of the book censor Gustaf Lillieblad, who described it as "förargelig lättfärdig skrifft om hvarjehanda Älskogs-saker" (annoyingly frivolous writing about all kinds of love affairs) and had it banned. So it shouldn't have reached many readers. Why the censorship intervened can no longer be clarified beyond doubt. Magnus von Platen pointed out that the letter deviated greatly from the current “ideal of women and love” around 1700, because here a woman (supposedly) freely confesses to her love and passion. This could have snubbed the authorities. However, it is also possible that the family of a count's daughter to whom the booklet was dedicated was not very happy about this kind of publicity.

In the course of the 18th century alone, the letter was distributed in five other editions. Even after that it was published again and again. The theologian and literary historian Peter Wieselgren gave an overview of early prints of the letter in 1834 .

reception

Ingrid Persdotter experienced a first high point of literary reception at the time of the Swedish Romanticism, which was keenly interested in the Middle Ages and also saw her own values ​​such as sensitivity, individuality and a strong emotionality reflected in the supposed letter from the nun. One of the leading theorists of the romanticists in Sweden, the critic Lorenzo Hammarsköld (1785–1827), named the document in 1818

”[...] ett bref, mot hvilket Popes rhetoriskt hoprimmade och så oftena berömda heroid är af ingen betydenhet. Ty, hvad der är matt tillkonstling och eftersökt pathos, är här strong, egentlig naivitet och i hjertats innersta djup glödande passion. "

“[...] a letter against which Pope's rhetorically rhymed and so often praised verse [= Eloisa to Abelard , 1717] is comparatively of no importance. Because what there is dull artificiality and striving pathos is here strong, original naivety and glowing passion in the innermost depths of the heart. "

- Lorenzo Hammarsköld : Svenska vitterheten, 1818

In his book Histoire de la littérature en Danemark et en Suède , published in 1839, the French Germanist and Scandinavian scholar Xavier Marmier described the letter as “le premier monument de la prose suédoise” (first monument of Swedish prose) and agreed with Hammarsköld's judgment : "On y verra que le cœur est toujours le plus éloquent des poetes" (You can see that the heart is always the most eloquent poet). Marmier translated large parts of the letter into French. Even more solemn than Hammarsköld and Marmier, the writer and lawyer Constans Pontin commented on the letter in a book about Vadstena in 1846: “This letter hides a deeper melancholy and a richer poetry than in some of the collected works [...] He makes me cry touched."

PDA atterbom

Like Hammarsköld, one of the most prominent Swedish romantics, Per Daniel Amadeus Atterbom , compared the fate of Ingrid Persdotter with that of the young Héloïse , whose love for her teacher Abelard took on tragic traits in the 12th century. Ingrid's love letter was glowing with "true and deep suffering" and need not fear comparison with Héloïse's famous Latin letters. It also bears testimony to the excellent “women's room education” that could be found in the upper classes of the middle class in the late Middle Ages . When the Danish poet Hans Christian Andersen visited the Swedish Birgittine Monastery on one of his numerous trips and heard about the nun's love letter, he also referred to Ingrid as "Vadstenas Heloise". Her letter opened up "the stories of many, clear and human".

August Strindberg

The letter made a strong impression on August Strindberg , the most important pioneer of modernism in Sweden. In 1882, in his cultural and historical work, The Swedish People (Svenska folket), he claimed that the letter was “more beautiful and, above all, truer” than any medieval novel. The influence of the letter can be demonstrated in several of its pieces. The writing of his first important drama, Meister Olof (Mäster Olof) from 1876, begins with a broad description of the moral decline in the monasteries, with the smuggling of letters and the love affair between brothers and sisters being explicitly mentioned as examples. However, the text does not unilaterally portray these breaches of the rules as reprehensible. Novicius, one of the monks, refers to his youth and does not consider it unnatural in a lengthy reply to return “a friendly look” from the sisters. The letter is even more present in the comedy The Secret of the Guild (Gillets hemlighet), published in 1880 and set in Uppsala in 1402 . Cecilia testifies to her socially unrecognized love for the sculptor Sten in formulations that are taken almost verbatim from Ingrid's letter:

”Aldra käraste hjärtans glädje. Gud give jag customer utvisa dig with trofasta hjärta som med dig skall in i döden vara förenat så length jag lever i denna osälla världen, almost det än before i femtusen år. ”

“The dearest joy of my heart. God grant, I could show you my faithful heart, which should be united with you until death as long as I live in this unhappy world, even if it is 5000 years. "

- August Strindberg : The Secret of the Guild, 1880

Mikael Lybeck

In other texts by Strindberg, too, certain formulations are reminiscent of Ingrid's letter. In Frau Margit (Herr Bengts hustru) from 1882, the nun Margit sends her lover, a knight, secret letters through an administrator. Her confessor towards describing the incipient feelings of (socially impossible) love with the words: "My heart jumped out of my chest like a bird from its cage when he wants out." The Bird Cage imagery had already chosen Ingrid.

The last significant author to make strong reference to Ingrid's letter was the Finnish-Swedish writer Mikael Lybeck . He published a poem in the Finsk Tidskrift in 1887 entitled Vadstenanunnan (1498) (The Vadstena Nun (1498)). The eleven stanzas of the text paraphrase well-known motifs from the love letter in rhyme form , for example playing the harp in nature and the intimate togetherness experienced in the process. In 1890 Lybeck took the poem into his debut book Dikter (Poems).

Doubts about authenticity

Discussion around 1890

The love letter from Vadstena was considered genuine until well into the second half of the 19th century. In Strindberg's time, however, the source-critical research began to raise doubts about the authenticity of the letter and its author. Strindberg himself did not want to admit this and was outraged that the "authenticity [of the letter] was questioned without evidence". The nestor of Swedish literary historiography, Henrik Schück , wrote in his Svensk litteraturhistoria in 1890 that the letter had "undeniably its merits, but [was] probably a forgery from the end of the 17th century". Around the same time, the archivist Carl Silfverstolpe thought the letter in a magazine article was a "lyckadt skämt" (successful joke). He described the carefree interaction of the brothers and sisters with one another, their feasts and lovemaking, as a "somewhat surprising Offenbachiade ".

Shortly afterwards, however, Henrik Schück changed his mind. He had found a manuscript in Uppsala University Library that contained parts of the letter and stated that it was made from a copy that had been "compared with the original itself in 1677". Schück's find is the second oldest of the known manuscripts of the letter from 1682. The language in this document is much more ancient than almost all other manuscripts. In terms of spelling, the Uppsala manuscript can be compared with the printed version that Dijkman published in excerpts in 1703. In view of his find, Schück now spoke of "real medieval language". In contrast to Silfverstolpe, Schück was of the opinion that the letter describes the historical conditions in the Vadstena monastery very precisely. The existence of a "conversation gate" at which contact with the outside world could be maintained could hardly be invented. Also, a forger of the 17th century could not have known that the Marienkron monastery was in a subsidiary relationship to Vadstena or that it was the responsibility of the Bishop of Linköping to consecrate novices in Vadstena. The fact that Ingrid warned her knight so urgently against Margareta should be understood as typical distrust of informers, as was customary in the late Middle Ages and was expressed in a strikingly similar way in the medieval poem Klosterjungfrun (The Maid of the Monastery).

Magnus von Platen

This view was opposed as early as 1901 by the participants at the annual meeting of the Svenska Fornminnesföreningen (for example: Society of Swedish Classical Studies), which took place in Vadstena. The language of the letter is "clear evidence" that it cannot be genuine; in addition, it is "absurd" to give a woman the authorship, since in the 15th century very few people could have written her name. The Finnish-Swedish literary scholar Henrik Hildén (1920) and the Stockholm poetics professor Henry Olsson, who assessed the nun's letter in 1936 - rather en passant - as a forgery, subsequently reported considerable doubts . In 1959, the literary scholar Magnus von Platen dealt intensively with Schück's arguments in a lengthy research article. According to Platen, they are not very convincing. Denouncing, for example, existed just as much in the 17th century as it was in the 15th century. Names and events that are mentioned in the letter could not be historically verified at all - which must make one suspicious even if one generously accepts gaps in the tradition. If one were willing to mistake Ingeborg Persdotter , who was historically guaranteed towards the end of the 15th century, to be the alleged letter author Ingrid Persdotter, this would not match the date "1445" in the oldest manuscripts, which should contain the "real medieval language", i.e. authentic be. The times in the letter are confusing and contradicting anyway.

Magnus von Platen points out that characteristics such as emotionality, subjectivism and sentimentality, which clearly left their mark on the letter, are incompatible with “our knowledge” from the 15th century. “Romanesque elements” such as the loving girl who is locked up by hard-hearted parents, hours of joy “in the grove”, the malicious Margaret who overhears conversations are “too good to be true”. The communication structure is also treacherous: the letter communicates all the connections that an outside reader needs in order to be able to follow the text, but also mentions a number of details that an authentic recipient like Axel Nilsson would have long known, but which would have been superfluous. Words like “manufacture” or “person” (instead of persona ) were not yet known in the Middle Ages. Platen considers the “you” address in the letter to be an anachronism ; in letters from around 1500 one only encounters the addresses "you" and "you". In his opinion, the numerous Danisms in the text reflect a view of late medieval Swedish as it was around 1700.

Mariana Alcoforado, (fantasy) drawing by Amedeo Modigliani

Because of all these findings, the letter is not even a particularly skilful forgery; rather, one should speak of a "letter novella" of not insignificant literary quality. Magnus von Platen can also name a number of texts from the period before 1700 that would have clearly inspired the author of this novella, such as the tragedy Blanckamäreta by the Jesuit Johannes Messenius , which appeared for the first time in 1614 and was published for the fifth time around 1660. In the sixth ( sic ) act, the play is about a young Holstein nobleman named Ingerdh, who “falls” through no fault of her own and is therefore forced to enter the Vadstena monastery. There she complains of their suffering to St. Birgitta and two nuns in a conversation. She has “no nun's meat” and “would rather have stayed in the world”. It goes against her heart that she has to "sleep alone without a husband"; in the monastery she would “die alive”. In addition, the author of the letter was probably aware of the correspondence between Héloïse and Abelard, which was published in 1616 and gained popularity after 1675, when a biography of the lovers also contained the letters in French translation. Platen suspects a further source of the forger in the five love letters from the Portuguese nun Mariana Alcoforado , which appeared in several editions in Paris in 1669 and were considered a sensation all over Europe. These five letters full of passion, "a tragic monologue of persistent emotional strength" (Platen), later turned out to be a forgery (by the French translator Gabriel de Guilleragues ), which the public in the 17th century could not have known.

Who made the forgery - probably at the end of the 17th century - can hardly be proven beyond doubt. The first editor of excerpts from the letter, Petter Dijkman, is not suspected by Magnus von Platen, as he was considered a conscientious and reliable researcher throughout his life. Platen considers it more likely that a person from the Dijkman area invented the nun Ingrid and her letter. He is thinking of the theologian Nils Rabenius (1648–1717), who at times served as a clergyman at the court of the Swedish King Karl XII. worked and also took part in his campaign against the Danes in 1700. Rabenius was an avid collector of old documents and very knowledgeable about history. However, in Uppsala he also had the reputation of being a kind of Eulenspiegel figure who loved to stage himself theatrically. At a young age, he was accused of forging a certificate of appointment in his favor. It is certain that he fabricated other documents, for example an alleged papal bull from the year 954. Rabenius' interest in the Swedish Middle Ages, Saint Birgitta and the monastic system is well documented. The historian Nils Ahnlund ascribes to him, among other forgeries, the song about a nun named Elisif Eriksdotter, who allegedly lived in the Riseberga monastery in the 14th century . The song was published in several editions in the early 18th century. The song's author, presumably Rabenius, went to great lengths to recreate the language of the Middle Ages, albeit with varying degrees of skill. In addition, Nils Rabenius is very likely the author of a robinsonade about the protagonist Peter Sparre, who is still known in Sweden in the 20th century , who sets off from Spain for the West Indies and ends up on an unknown island. This work of the “master forger”, like Ingrid's love letter, testifies to considerable literary talent.

If these circumstances make Nils Rabenius a possible author of the Vadstena letter, the likelihood of this increases through personal acquaintance with Petter Dijkman. Both men were about the same age, attended high school in Västerås and at the same time began studying in Uppsala, where they stayed in the same student residence (Västmanlands-Dala Nation). Platen thinks it plausible that Dijkman, who had already completed his Antiquitates ecclesiasticae (with excerpts from Ingrid's letter) around 1678, exchanged ideas with Rabenius about his publication plans. Rabenius, who on similar occasions deceived Haquin Spegel among others , apparently first made one of the more modern versions of the letter and showed it to his friend. Dijkman was fascinated by the letter and quickly suggested that the text must go back to an original in the Middle Ages, which the literary scholar Schück also claimed much later. Rabenius then did not hesitate - according to Platen's hypothesis - to fabricate this "original" himself. Dijkman gave excerpts from this in his book. The "original" itself can no longer be found today and was possibly destroyed again by Rabenius himself; its text form can only be guessed at from the oldest manuscripts, copies of the "original". According to Platen, the quality-conscious Rabenius could have decided to circulate more modern versions and copies of his forgery, since errors were more difficult to detect there.

Assessment today

Despite a number of indications and a high probability, speculation must remain that Nils Rabenius is identified as the author of the letter attributed to Ingrid Persdotter. Since the study by Magnus von Platen, however, no evidence to the contrary has been presented against the thesis. In medieval research there is no longer any doubt that the allegedly late medieval letter is a forgery. In 1999, the archivist Ingemar Carlsson considered the text to be “a purely literary product” that was “by no means genuine”. The Swedish diplomatarium on letters from the Middle Ages, which was last updated in 2015, lists the letter as "false / fake". Since the discussion about the letter took place almost exclusively in Swedish, its results have not yet been considered everywhere internationally. In 1986 (and again in an online edition in 2008) the so-called Love Letters [in the plural!] By Ingrid Persdotter were honored as historical documents in the first volume of the renowned New Cambridge Modern History published by George Richard Potter and other experts . However, for the publication with Harold Lawton , the letter was dealt with by a Franco-Romanist who had not previously made himself known as a genuine connoisseur of Scandinavian culture. In addition, the first edition of the first volume of New Cambridge Modern History appeared in 1957, shortly before Platen's groundbreaking work. The section on Ingrid Persdotter has remained unchanged since the first edition. In the treatise The Story of Lutheran Sects by Aarne Ruben , which was also published in Cambridge in 2020, Ingrid Peersdotter's surviving dates of life and some quotations from letters are reproduced without any consideration of the fact that the document could be incorrect.

In addition, popular science and journalistic texts, as well as travel literature distributed in analogue and digital formats, almost never draw attention to the fact that Ingrid's love letter is to be regarded as a forgery. The Brooklyn Museum , which as part of the feminist installation The Dinner Party by Judy Chicago presents 999 names of historically significant women, including that of "Ingrida" (= Ingrid Persdotter), refers to the nun's (allegedly) 1498 letter in accompanying information down. The museum explicitly refers to the work of "scholars", mentions the often pointed out parallels between Ingrid and Héloïse - but in no way that the research denies Ingrid's authenticity.

The high level of style and literature in the letter has been appreciated at all times. Some romantics, such as the publicist Johan August Hazelius (1797–1871), considered Ingrid's epistle to be “the most beautiful love letter” they had ever read and placed it at least alongside works by Rousseau and Pope. Philologists in the 19th century called the letter "a small stylistic masterpiece". Even researchers who were convinced that the letter was a forgery gave it "a prominent place in the history of Swedish prose". Magnus von Platen described the letter as "one of the most interesting contributions to profane art prose from the time of the Swedish great powers ".

literature

• Nils Ahnlund, Nils Rabenius (1648–1717). Studier i svensk historiografi , Stockholm 1927.
• Ingemar Carlsson, På lögnens väg. Historiska bedrägerier och dokumentförfalskningar , Lund 1999. ISBN 9188930025
• Henrik Hildén, Studier af naturen i stormaktstidens verklighet och dikt , Helsingfors 1920.
• Anders Lindblom (ed.), Vadstena klosters minnebok. Diarivm vazstenense , Stockholm 1918.
• Henry Olsson, Nationell göticism och religious mystik. Utveckligslinjer 1797-1830 . In: Verner Söderberg, Henry Olsson and Gunnar Heckscher: Johan August Hazelius. En levnadsteckning , Stockholm 1936, pp. 61-216.
• Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99.
• Henrik Schück, Våra äldsta historiska folkvisor . In: Historisk tidskrift , vol. 11, 1891, pp. 281-318.
• Carl Silfverstolpe, Lyckadt skämt . In: Samlaren , Vol. 10, 1889, pp. 106-110.
• Wilhelmina Stålberg / PG Berg, Anteckningar om svenska qvinnor , Stockholm 1864, p. 213 f.
• Svenska Fornminnesföreningens tionde allmänna möte i Vadstena the 19-21 august i 1901 . In: Svenska Fornminnesföreningens tidskrift , Eleventh Bandet, 3: e häftet, 1902, pp. 255–301.

Web links

• Entry about Jönsson, Ingeborg (Ingrid Persdotter) . In: Wilhelmina Stålberg / PG Berg, Anteckningar om svenska qvinnor , Stockholm 1864, p. 213 f. (Swedish)

Individual evidence

1. ^ Wilhelmina Stålberg / PG Berg, Anteckningar om svenska qvinnor , Stockholm 1864–1866.
2. ↑ Erik Benzelius the Younger published the diary in the Latin original in 1721. A translation into Swedish has also been available since the beginning of the 20th century: Anders Lindblom (Ed.), Vadstena klosters minnebok. Diarivm vazstenense , Stockholm 1918.
3. ^ Wilhelmina Stålberg / PG Berg, Anteckningar om svenska qvinnor , Stockholm 1864, p. 213 f.
4. ^ Gudrun Andersson, Ett namn betyder så mycket. Namnskick inom Arbogaelites under eldre tid . In: Astrid van Nahl et al. (Ed.), Worlds of Names. Place and person names in a historical perspective . Berlin 2004, pp. 453-465, here: p. 454.
5. ↑ "Gudh gifwe iag kunde uthwijsa dig på detta papperet mit trofasta hierta, som med dig skall i döden ganska käirligen wara förknippadt, så length iag lefwer i denna usla werlden, almost changed wore i 5000 åhr". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here p. 63.
6. ↑ "[...] förr giordt spott af oss". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here p. 64.
7. ↑ Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: pp. 64 f.
8. ↑ “Mins du hwad du siungde? Foglen siunger liufligt i skogen, men sitter så bedröfwadt i buren, det är nu så skiedt mig, som du då sade ”. Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 65.
9. ↑ "[...] förfärfärdigat". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 63.
10. ↑ "[...] många fåfänge stunder". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 66.
11. ↑ "[...] leka [...], dricka wijn och dantza med hwar andra". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 66.
12. ↑ "[...] wår Confessor". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 66.
13. ↑ "[...] någre personer". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 66.
14. ↑ "[...] systrarnas yttersta tahleport". Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 66.
15. ↑ Quoted from the first printed version from 1708, reproduced in: Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 67.
16. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 74.
17. ↑ Petter Dijkman, Antiquitates ecclesiasticas, eller gamle swenske kyrkie-handlingar, angående wåra förfäders christeliga troos, och kyrckiocerimoniers beskaffenheter, några hundrade åhr tilbakas , Stockholm 1703, pp. 57 and 242.
18. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 68.
19. ↑ Cf. Carl Silfverstolpe, Lyckadt skämt . In: Samlaren , Vol. 10, 1889, pp. 106–110, here: p. 108.
20. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 79.
21. ↑ Carl Silfverstolpe, Lyckadt skämt . In: Samlaren , vol. 10, 1889, pp. 106–110, here: p. 109 f.
22. ↑ Peter Wieselgren, Sveriges sköna literature. En öfverblick vid akademiska föreläsningar , 5 vol., Vol. 2, Lund 1834, p. 408 f.
23. ↑ See Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99.
24. ↑ Lorenzo Hammarsköld, Svenska vitterheten. Historiskt-kritiska anteckningar . Andra upplagan, öfversedd och utgiven av PA Sondén, Stockholm 1833, p. 35.
25. ↑ Xavier Marmier, Histoire de la littérature en Denmark et en Suède , Paris 1839, pp. 269-273.
26. ↑ “I detta bref gommes ett djupare vemod, en rikare poesi än i mångens:” Samlade dikter ”. [...] Mig har det kostat tårar. ”Quoted from Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 69.
27. ↑ "[...] thought och djup lidelse". Per Amadeus Atterbom, Samlade skrifter i obunden style . Fjerde delen, Örebro 1864, p. 256.
28. ↑ "[...] fruntimmersbildning". Per Amadeus Atterbom, Samlade skrifter i obunden style . Fjerde delen, Örebro 1864, p. 256.
29. ↑ "[...] Manges historier, klar og menneskelig". Hans Christian Andersen, I Sverrig , Copenhagen 1851, p. 39.
30. ↑ See Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: pp. 69 ff.
31. ↑ Michael Robinson, Strindberg and Autobiography , Norwich 1986, p. 112.
32. ↑ "[...] vackrare och framförallt sannare än romanerna [i medeltiden]". August Strindberg, Samlade skrifter , ed. by John Landqvist, 55 vols., Stockholm 1912-1920, vol. 7: Svenska folket , Del 1, p. 285.
33. ↑ "[...] en vänlig Blick". August Strindberg, Samlade sold. Nationalupplaga , 72 vols., Stockholm 1981-2013, vol. 5: Mäster Olof , ed. by Hans Sandberg, p. 326 f.
34. ↑ August Strindberg, Samlade skrifter , ed. by John Landqvist, 55 vols., Stockholm 1912-1920, vol. 9: Tidiga 80-talsdramer , p. 37.
35. ↑ "Mitt hjärta sprang uti mitt bröst som en fågel i sin bur, när den vill ut." August Strindberg, Samlade skrifter , ed. by John Landqvist, 55 vols., Stockholm 1912-1920, vol. 9: Tidiga 80-talsdramer , p. 157.
36. ↑ See on this Henry Olsson, Nationell göticism och religious mystik. Utveckligslinjer 1797-1830 . In: Verner Söderberg, Henry Olsson and Gunnar Heckscher, Johan August Hazelius. En levnadsteckning , Stockholm 1936, p. 545.
37. ↑ "[...] äkthet [...] utan bevis blifvit ifrågasatt". August Strindberg, Samlade skrifter , ed. by John Landqvist, 55 vols., Stockholm 1912-1920, vol. 7: Svenska folket , Del 1, p. 285.
38. ↑ "[...] one-class sina förtjänster, men är sannolikt ett falsarium från slutet af 1600-talet". Henrik Schück, Svensk litteraturhistoria , Stockholm 1890, p. 142.
39. ↑ "[...] i en liten öfverraskande offenbachiad". Carl Silfverstolpe, Lyckadt skämt . In: Samlaren , Vol. 10, 1889, pp. 106–110, here: p. 107.
40. ↑ "[...] efter en copia, som år 1677 blifvit jämförd med själfva originalet". Henrik Schück, Våra äldsta historiska folkvisor . In: Historisk tidskrift , vol. 11, 1891, pp. 281–318, here: p. 318.
41. ↑ "[...] värkligt medeltidsspråk". Henrik Schück, Våra äldsta historiska folkvisor . In: Historisk tidskrift , vol. 11, 1891, pp. 281–318, here: p. 317.
42. ↑ Henrik Schück, Våra äldsta historiska folkvisor . In: Historisk tidskrift , vol. 11, 1891, pp. 281–318, here: p. 318.
43. ↑ "[...] ett tydligt bevis [...] orimligt". Svenska Fornminnesföreningens tionde allmänna möte i Vadstena 19-21 august i 1901 . In: Svenska Fornminnesföreningens tidskrift , Eleventh Bandet, 3: e häftet, 1902, pp. 255–301, here: p. 286 f.
44. ↑ Henrik Hildén, Studier af naturen i stormaktstidens verklighet och dikt , Helsingfors 1920, p. 16.
45. ↑ Henry Olsson, nationell göticism och religious mysticism. Utveckligslinjer 1797-1830 . In: Verner Söderberg, Henry Olsson and Gunnar Heckscher, Johan August Hazelius. En levnadsteckning , Stockholm 1936, p. 117.
46. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: pp. 74 and 84.
47. ↑ "[...] vår uppfattning". Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 75.
48. ↑ "[...] romaneska elements [...] i lunden". Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 75.
49. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 75.
50. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 83.
51. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 75.
52. ↑ "[...] come på fall [...] Oh Nunne kiött iagh icke har, / Häller wore i would be qwar: / Ty thet är migh til hiärtans meen / För vthan Man soffua alleen [...] O iagh poor, oh miserable, dear! / J Clöstret iagh leffuandes dödh. ”Johannes Messenius, Blanckamäreta , Stockholm 1614. Here cited from an online edition of the Litteraturbanken project, there pp. 56–58.
53. ^ "[...] en tragisk monologue av aldrig mattad känslostyrka". Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 78.
54. ↑ Nils Ahnlund, Nils Rabenius (1648–1717). Studier i svensk historiografi , Stockholm 1927, p. 16.
55. ↑ Nils Ahnlund, Nils Rabenius (1648–1717). Studier i svensk historiografi , Stockholm 1927, p. 80 ff.
56. ↑ Nils Ahnlund, Nils Rabenius (1648–1717). Studier i svensk historiografi , Stockholm 1927, p. 122.
57. ↑ "[...] mästerförfalskare". Ingemar Carlsson, På lögnens väg. Historiska bedrägerier och dokumentförfalskningar , Lund 1999, p. 71.
58. ↑ See Henrik Schück, Våra äldsta historiska folkvisor . In: Historisk tidskrift , vol. 11, 1891, pp. 281–318, here: p. 318.
59. ↑ Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 96.
60. ↑ "[...] en rent literary product [...] akta är det i varje fall inte". Ingemar Carlsson, På lögnens väg. Historiska bedrägerier och dokumentförfalskningar , Lund 1999, p. 185.
61. ↑ SDHK no. 33566 , Svenskt Diplomatariums huvudkartotek över medeltidsbreven, Riksarkivet, last amended on June 5, 2015 (accessed March 5, 2021).
62. ↑ H [arold] W [age] Lawton, Vernacular literature in Western Europe . In: George Richard Potter (ed.), The New Cambridge Modern History , Volume 1: The Renaissance 1493–1520 , Cambridge 1986, pp. 169–193, here: p. 191.
63. ↑ Already the Encyclopædia Britannica spoke in its ninth edition of "Love Letters". Encyclopædia Britannica. A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature , 9th ed., Vol. 22 (Sib-Szo), Edinburgh 1887, p. 753.
64. ^ Aarne Ruben, The Story of Lutheran Sects. "In Christ We Speak" , Cambridge 2020, p. 50.
65. ↑ Ingrida. Flourished late 15th century, Vadstena, Sweden , Brooklyn Museum (accessed June 8, 2021).
66. ↑ "[...] det vackraste kärleksbref jag någonsin läst". Quoted from Henry Olsson, Nationell göticism och religious mystik. Utveckligslinjer 1797-1830 . In: Verner Söderberg, Henry Olsson and Gunnar Heckscher, Johan August Hazelius. En levnadsteckning , Stockholm 1936, p. 116 f.
67. ↑ "[...] ett litet stylistically mästerstycke". Gustaf Claëson, Öfversigt af svenska språkets och litteraturens historia , 4th edition, Stockholm 1877, p. 24.
68. ↑ "[...] en prominent plats i den svenska prosaberättelsens historia". Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: p. 75.
69. ↑ "[...] ett av de intressantaste bidracht till profan konstprosa som vi har från stormaktstiden". Magnus von Platen, En bedragare och hans Verk . In: Ders., Biktare och bedragare , Stockholm 1959, pp. 63–99, here: pp. 75 f.

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