Dersim uprising

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Dersim Province 1937

The Dersim uprising was the last major Kurdish uprising in Turkey after the Sheikh Said uprising was put down . It took place in 1937/38 in the Dersim region , which roughly corresponds to today 's Tunceli province , and was led by the elite of the so-called Dersim Kurds, who belong to the Zaza . The leader is Seyit Rıza. According to Turkish state reports, ten percent of the 65,000 to 70,000 inhabitants of the affected parts of the historical deriming are said to have been killed in the course of the clashes. There were probably 10,000 deaths or more. The government put down the revolt with massive violence against rebels and civilians. Numerous residents were driven from their villages, which were subsequently destroyed. The army lost about 100 soldiers. In 2011 the Turkish government apologized for the massacre and admitted 13,806 deaths.

background

Landscape, Politics, and Population of Dersim

In its history, the mountainous Dersim was often the border region of different domains and had also retained its independent character in the Ottoman Empire . For a time Dersim was part of the Eyâlets Diyârbekir , which at that time comprised an area further north than today's Diyarbakır province . In 1880 it became an independent province of Vilâyet Dersim and eight years later it was incorporated into Harput . The historical Dersim was larger than the province at the time of the uprising. The majority of the population professed the Alevi faith and spoke mostly Zazaki . A small part of the Alevis spoke Kurmanji . In this way, the residents of Dersim differ linguistically and religiously from the Sunni Kurds of the neighboring provinces. Nevertheless, they were considered Kurds in the 1930s. The perception as an independent nation did not yet exist.

The inhabitants of Dersim did not take part in the Kurdish Hamidiye regiments . During the Armenian Genocide , they saved tens of thousands of Armenians. The last punitive expeditions during the Ottoman Empire in Dersim took place in 1908 and 1916. In the uprising of Sheikh Said in 1925, they fought on the side of the state.

Ruling structures and economic methods in Dersim

Traditional community and tribal structures and tribal law were largely intact in the 1930s. The influence of the state was small. There were about 100 small tribes whose leaders struggled for supremacy and sometimes fought bloody feuds, into which the army sometimes let itself be drawn. The population lived mainly from agriculture and animal husbandry, mostly in the form of semi-nomadic transhumance . She was poor and poorly educated. Kurdish nationalism was particularly widespread among the well-educated sons of leading families.

Modernization and unity efforts of the Republic of Turkey

The feudal conditions stood in contrast to the modernization efforts of the young Republic of Turkey. The state elite strove to bring “civilization” (medeniyet) to the region . They wanted to build roads, schools and factories and free the population from the tutelage of the Alevi religious leaders, the Dedes , and the feudal lords. Dersim symbolized the backwardness of the Ottoman Empire, which had to be overcome.

The ethnic structure of Dersim also stood in opposition to the state's understanding of nationality and unity. Kurds and Zaza were seen as a potential threat to national unity. The Turkishization of the population was a means of countering this danger.

The chief of staff, Fevzi Çakmak, inspected the region in 1930 and sent a report to the Ministry of the Interior and the Prime Minister's Office , in which he proposed the bombing of various “brazen” Kurdish villages with the help of the Turkish Air Force as an example for everyone. The villages did not pay taxes, did not send their children to the military and did not want to surrender their weapons. Çakmak also expressed concern that 10,000 Kurds were trying to "Kurdish" Turkish villages. A month later, on October 24th and November 1st, two minor operations began in Pülümür . According to reports from the Turkish General Staff, during the last operation u. a. the village of Kürk burned down and all "robbers" near the village destroyed.

Interior Minister Şükrü Kaya toured the area a year later and found that tribal law was being used and that the population hardly paid any taxes. There is also massive gun ownership. There is lawlessness and one dodges conscription. He proposed a two-stage plan that envisaged the enforcement of state violence, schooling and the Turkishization of the population. In 1936, Ataturk called the "Dersim question" in the Turkish parliament as the most important domestic political problem in the country.

In the Turkish press and also by members of the government, Dersim was referred to as 'disease' (hastalık) and ' calamity ' (belâ) . The power of the Aghas must be broken. Economic measures should be introduced, roads and schools built and the population "warmed up" for the state. The residents have "alienated" themselves from Turkishness, have forgotten some of their language and started to think of themselves as Kurds.

Settlement Act 1934

The Settlement Act in the Official Gazette

On June 21, 1934, the so-called Settlement Act (İskân Kanunu) came into force with publication in the Official Gazette of Turkey . The aim of the law was the Turkishization of the population, who state representatives counted among the "original Turks" anyway. Dersim was the first area in which the law should apply.

Turkey was divided into three zones according to Article 2, repealed in mid-1947:

  1. Regions in which people of Turkish culture are to be settled
  2. Regions that are intended for the transport and settlement of the population that is to be adapted to the Turkish culture
  3. Regions that are to be depopulated for reasons of culture, politics, the military and order, and in which settlement and housing were prohibited.

All institutions of tribal and religious leadership were abolished and their property was confiscated (Art. 10). According to the original text, non-Turkish nomadic tribes should be settled in "villages of Turkish culture" (Art. 9). “Those who do not belong to Turkish culture” or who do indeed belong to it, “but speak a different language”, could be relocated or expatriated (Art. 11 lit. B). The Dersim region was declared a region of the third category and was therefore intended for depopulation.

Military administration

In early 1936 Dersim was renamed Tunçeli [!] And placed under military administration. The relevant law - colloquially "Tunceli Law" (Tunceli Kanunu) - had the number 2884 and was called "Law on the Administration of. Vilayets Tunceli" (Tunceli Vilâyetinin idaresi hakkında kanun) . It was passed on December 25, 1935 and came into force on January 2, 1936. Abdullah Alpdoğan was appointed military governor ( Vali ve Kumandan and Umumî Müfettiş , Art. 1) and given far-reaching powers. This also included powers of attorney (Art. 8 ff.) For the imposition and execution of death sentences (Art. 33) and resettlement and exile for “reasons of security and public order” (Art. 31). A political-administrative reorganization with the help of military repression was intended and a military state of emergency was imposed on Dersim. In the winter of 1936/37 the army placed the access to the region under strict military control and prevented entry and exit.

The tribes saw themselves threatened and rejected state interference. They viewed the increasing military and administrative grip as an attack on their privileges. Already in the run-up to the clashes, the later leader and spiritual head of the uprising, Seyit Rıza , Military Governor Alpdoğan had rejected state intervention. Alpdoğan had demanded the surrender of all weapons. The sharp tone in the contacts between both parties fueled the conflict.

The riot

First arguments

Turkish soldiers with captured people from Dersim.

Some tribes reacted with violence to the regulations and efforts to Turkishize the Resettlement Act and the increasing military presence, which they viewed as an attack on their de facto sovereignty. The Haydaran and Demenan tribes burned down a police station and a wooden bridge on the night of March 21, 1937, and destroyed telephone lines. This was preceded by incidents of violence against villagers, cases of rape by Turkish soldiers and of Turkish soldiers being killed. The state immediately gathered troops from other provinces in the region, made initial arrests and attempted to confiscate weapons. Elazığ became a base of the air force. The 2nd squadron initially provided seven machines. Seyit Rıza was suspected of causing the riots. The suspicion may have been the result of denouncing Seyit Rıza's local enemies.

Six days later, insurgents attacked the Sin station. More raids followed. In early May 1937, insurgents set an ambush and killed ten officers and 50 soldiers. Traces of torture and the disfigurement of the corpses aroused great indignation in Turkey.

When the air force started bombing villages, Seyit Rıza sent a delegation to negotiate at the Turkish headquarters in Elazığ. Bre İbrahim, a son of Seyit Rıza, also went to the Turkish headquarters for negotiations and was killed on the way back by members of the warring Kırgan tribe . Rıza demanded local autonomy and the punishment of the murderers. Governor Alpdoğan refused and again demanded the surrender of all weapons. On April 26th, Seyit Rıza launched a retaliatory attack on the Kirganli in Sin, the center of this tribe.

Operation "Chastisement and Deportation" (tedip ve tenkil)

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Sabiha Gökçen on a visit to Pertek on November 17, 1937.

The Turkish cabinet decided in a secret meeting on May 4, 1937:

“This time the population in the rebellious area will be concentrated and transferred to other areas. [...] If you are content with just one offensive action, the sources of resistance will persist. For this reason, it is considered necessary to make those who have used and are using weapons finally harmless on site, to destroy their villages completely and to dispose of their families. "

The operation was named "Chastisement and Deportation" (tedip ve tenkil) . Turkish troops totaling 25,000 men were gathered in Dersim. They initially faced at least 1,500 fighters from Dersim. They mostly carried out their raids in small groups of up to ten men. Sometimes 30-40 fighters took part in an action. The Air Force also dropped leaflets in Turkish. A leaflet dated May 1937 stated:

“The government wants to take you in its lap with kindness and generosity and make you happy. There are many among you who do not understand this and show a lack of respect. Perhaps some of your people want to sacrifice you for personal interests as well. Knowing this, the Republic will warn you for the last time. Hand over the deplorable who incite you to insurrection to the government of the Republic. Or they have to surrender themselves. […] Those who are extradited or who surrender themselves will experience nothing but fair treatment from the government. None of our valuable citizens should be harmed in this way. Otherwise, however, if you do not do what we say: We have surrounded you on all sides. You will be overthrown by the victorious armies of the Republic. "

In the following text the residents are told that this is the last declaration of the magnanimity of the state. They should read them with their children and decide quickly, otherwise troops are set in motion that would destroy them. There were similar leaflets until the end of the uprising.

On June 20, Prime Minister Inönü traveled to Elazığ in an effort to use his military experience on the ground. On July 9, 1937, Alişer, one of the organizers of the resistance, and his wife Zarife were murdered by treason from within their own ranks. The instigator of this betrayal was Rayber (Rehber), a nephew of Seyit Rıza. The heads of both those who had been shot were sent to Elazığ, Military Governor Alpdoğan, as a gift.

Escalation and litigation

Defendants of the Dersim uprising are on trial in Elazığ in 1937.

Events escalated in the summer. The insurgents raided barracks and guards and tried to blow up bridges in Mazgirt and Pertek . Old quarrels and blood feuds flared up among the tribes. There were changing coalitions. In September, Rıza's position became hopeless. His second wife Bese, another son, and a large number of the residents of his village were killed by soldiers. Seyit Rıza surrendered disappointed and evidently also under pressure from his own tribe. He and 50 followers were arrested, tried, sentenced after a four-day trial and immediately executed in mid-November. The trial and execution took place under great time pressure, as Ataturk , who wanted to visit the region the next day, did not want to bother with appeals for clemency. The man who organized the trial as a young civil servant was the future Foreign Minister İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil . He described the execution in his memoirs as follows:

“When Seyit Rıza saw the gallows, he understood. 'You're going to hang me,' he said, and turned to me. 'Did you come from Ankara to hang me?' We looked at each other. For the first time, I was face to face with a person who was about to be executed. He laughed. The prosecutor asked if he would like to pray. He refused. We asked for his last words. 'I still have forty lira and a watch, give them to my son,' he said. At that moment, Fındık Hafiz was hanged. The rope broke twice. I stood in front of the window so that he couldn't see Fındık Hafiz being hanged. The execution of Fındık Hafiz 'was over. We took Seyit Rıza to the place of execution. It was cold. Nobody was there. But Seyit Rıza spoke into the silence and emptiness as if the square was full of people. 'We are Kerbela's children. We haven't done anything wrong. It's a shame. It's cruel. It's murder, 'he said. It ran cold over me. This old man walked quickly and pushed the gypsy aside. He put the rope on, kicked the chair away and carried out his own judgment. "

A total of 58 people were on trial. The following people were executed with Rıza:

  • Resik Hüseyin, son of Rıza
  • Seyit Haso, leader of the Şexan tribe
  • Fındık, son of Kamer, leader of the Yusufan tribe
  • Hasan, son of Cebrail, leader of the Demenan tribe
  • Hasan, son of Ulikiyes from the Kureyşan tribe
  • Ali, son of Mirzali

The bodies of those executed were displayed in Elazığ, then cremated and buried in an unknown location. In four of the eleven people sentenced to death, the death penalty was commuted to prison terms of 30 years each for exceeding the age limit. Fourteen defendants were acquitted and the others were sentenced to varying terms.

Truce and renewed fighting

From November 1937 to March 1938 hostilities ceased due to a very severe winter. In the spring of 1938 the army resumed its operations with great severity. There are various reports of atrocities committed by the Turkish army. Tribes such as the Pilvank and the Aşağı Abbas, who were loyal to the state, were also destroyed. Daily reports of the Turkish General Staff, which were published in book form, document the events with many details and numbers of killed "robbers" and eyewitness reports from soldiers and victims involved confirm the acts of violence and massacres of insurgents and civilians. The Turkish General Staff reported 7,954 deaths within 17 days during this second phase of the uprising. Villagers were rounded up and shot. Groups hiding in caves were fumigated or burned. The villages were destroyed. For example, the General Staff documents report on July 12, 1938:

“The robbers hid in caves, the entrances of which were closed with stones and provided with loopholes. The caves were surrounded by our brave soldiers. In addition to cannons and machine guns, explosives were also used by the engineering division of the 25th Division. The caves were destroyed and those inside were killed. Those who came out alive were destroyed in [gun] fire. A total of 216 robbers were killed in the caves in the combed area. "

In a Jandarma training brochure from 1938 entitled “Guide to raiding raids, searching villages and collecting weapons in the Tunceli area”, the chapter on “Finding raiders in the village” states: “Villages in which there is shooting must be burned”. In the next section, the specific difficulties involved in burning the houses are discussed and advice is given on how to set the houses on fire. Celâl Bayar announced to the National Assembly on June 29, 1938 that the army would support the persecution troops with a general clean-up operation and that this problem would be eradicated once and for all.

The eyewitness Menez Akkaya from Halborulu Village reported:

“I was a young girl then. Soldiers came to our village a couple of times. They did nothing to us. Since we couldn't speak Turkish, we didn't understand them. They came again one day later. They gathered the entire population of the village. There were 200 to 300 people. Women and children, everyone was there. They brought us all to Demirtaş. They told us that they would collect our weapons and then release us. But they took us to a river and killed us. They also killed my husband. Only the three of us escaped. I was able to hold onto a tree. That's how I was saved. "

The first female fighter pilot in the world and Turkey Sabiha Gökçen took part in the bombing of Dersim. Here she is standing in front of a Breguet 19 biplane bomber.

At the height of the fighting, the Turkish troops comprised three army corps with around 50,000 men. The Dersimer tribes were no match for the army . During the fighting, the army was supported by the air force. A total of 40 aircraft were used for reconnaissance and bombing. The planes took off from bases in Diyarbakır and Elazığ. Ataturk's adopted daughter, Sabiha Gökçen , was also involved in the bombing as a pilot. A report by the General Staff spoke of “severe damage” that their 50-kilo bomb had caused among a group of “50 fleeing robbers”.

The British consul in Trabzon reported to his ambassador in Ankara:

Thousands of Kurds including women and children were slain; others, mostly children, were thrown into the Euphrates; while thousands of others in less hostile areas, who had first been deprived of their cattle and other belongings, were deported to vilayets (provinces) in Central Anatolia. It is now stated that the Kurdish question no longer exists in Turkey.

“Thousands of Kurds, including women and children, were murdered; others, mostly children, were thrown into the Euphrates; while thousands more in less hostile areas were deported to the vilayets (provinces) of central Anatolia after cattle and other property had been stolen from them. It is now being claimed that the Kurdish question no longer exists in Turkey. "

- the British Consul in Trabzon

Audio recordings of a report from 1986 with the contemporary witness and later Foreign Minister Çağlayangil are said to prove the use of poison gas by the army. It literally means:

“They took refuge in caves. The army used poison gas. Through the cave entrance. They poisoned them like mice. They slaughtered those Dersim Kurds [aged] between seven and seventy. It was a bloody operation. "

Measures after the final suppression of the uprising

The clashes continued until October 1938. After the uprising was finally put down, numerous residents were deported to other parts of the country, for which reception camps were set up. There are reports of up to 50,000 deportees. The people were resettled in the provinces of Manisa , Tekirdağ , Balıkesir , Kırklareli , Edirne and Izmir .

Effects

Dersim marked the end of tribal , ethnic and religious uprisings in Turkey. An amnesty for residents who had fled to the mountains was issued in 1946 - years after the uprising. On January 1, 1947, the government repealed the "Tunceli Law". It ended the state of emergency in 1948. Only then was access to the region possible again. Osman Mete, correspondent for the best-selling newspaper in Anatolia at the time, Son Posta , toured the area ten years after the uprising and reported shocked by the complete absence of schools, roads and medical care. The immediate consequences of the Dersim uprising were widespread devastation of the area, the deaths of possibly more than 10,000 people, including many women and children, and the deportation of tens of thousands of residents. The uprising was followed by a two-decade period without resistance from the central government. Not only the coercive measures but also the outbreak of the Second World War played a role, which was also viewed with concern in the Kurdish regions.

When the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) took up armed struggle in the mid-1980s, Dersim was the scene of fighting again. The army was in 1994 one third of the villages evict and destroy and burn large areas forest down. There are still isolated fights today. The policy of destroying villages was abandoned.

On November 23, 2011, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan commented on the events and publicly apologized for the actions taken by the Turkish state authorities towards the Kurds. He described the events of Dersim as the "most tragic and painful events" in recent Turkish history.

rating

The suppression of the Dersim uprising is considered one of the darkest chapters in the history of the Republic of Turkey. The most important written source on the armed conflict is the book Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924–1938) . This book was published by the historical department of the Turkish General Staff and offers a chronological sequence of isolated events. There were no foreign observers in the area at the time of the uprising; because already during the Koçgiri uprising the government had expelled all missionaries from the country. These were now missing to report to the world about the “war against men, women and children”, about the destruction of entire villages and the deportation of their inhabitants. A mass grave from those days is in Alacık .

Standard Western works by Bernard Lewis and Stanford J. Shaw make no mention of the events. For a long time, the uprising and the type of suppression were not discussed in Turkish historiography either; those involved were portrayed as brigands in the Turkish public . İsmail Beşikçi was one of the first to write about what was going on. The book Tunceli Kanunu (1935) ve Dersim Jenosidi was banned and Beşikci was imprisoned for more than ten years for its publications.

The subject is causing great controversy, with the Kurdish side often talking about genocide . However, according to Martin van Bruinessen, there has never been a policy of targeted physical extermination of part of the Kurdish minority . The resettlement law, the reform measures and the military campaign were part of the Turkish policy and were primarily directed against the Kurdish identity and language. Scientists like van Bruinessen and Hans-Lukas Kieser rate the crackdown and resettlement as ethnocide . Günter Seufert assesses the events as a campaign or war, for which the initial skirmishes only served as a pretext.

The League of Nations was informed of the Dersim incident. On September 14, 1937, Nuri Dersimi wrote a two-page French letter to the League of Nations in Geneva from his Syrian asylum. He signed the letter "Seyid Rıza". The League of Nations did not respond. After Seyid Rıza was executed, Dersimi wrote again. The League of Nations viewed the events as an internal affair for Turkey, as a Muslim minority was affected and this did not affect the minority clauses of the Lausanne Treaty .

literature

  • Hans-Lukas Kieser : The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938. Chronos, Zurich 2000, p. 408ff.
  • Martin van Bruinessen: Genocides in Kurdistan? The Suppression of the Dersim Rebellion in Turkey (1937-1938) and the Chemical War against the Iraqi Kurds (1988). In: George J. Andreopoulos (Ed.): Genocide - Conceptueal an Historical Dimension. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 1994, pp. 141-170. ( PDF, 134 KB ; English)
  • Genelkurmay belgelerinde Kürt isyanları . Vol. II, Istanbul 1992.

Belletristic receptions

Web links

Commons : Dersim Uprising  - Collection of Pictures, Videos and Audio Files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Martin van Bruinessen in: Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions. Philadelphia 1994, pp. 141f
  2. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938 . Chronos, Zurich 2000, p. 411
  3. ^ Günter Seufert: The Kurds and other minorities , in: Udo Steinbach (Ed.): Country Report Turkey . Bonn 2012, p. 238
  4. Cf. Martin van Bruinessen: The Kurds and Islam ( Memento of the original from March 19, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . Tokyo, Japan, 1999. (English)  @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.let.uu.nl
  5. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938 . Chronos, Zurich 2000, p. 396
  6. See chap. IV in the book of the Colonel in the General Staff about the uprisings in Dersim during the Ottoman Empire: Burhan Özkök: Osmanlı Devrinde Dersim İsyanları. Istanbul (Army printing works) 1937
  7. Martin von Bruinessen: Agha, Sheikh and State. Berlin 1989, p. 401.
  8. a b c d e f g h Martin van Bruinessen: Genocide in Kurdistan ? 1994, pp. 141-170.
  9. ^ Rüdiger Alte: The Dersim uprising 1937/38 . In: Finis mundi - End times and the ends of the world in Eastern Europe . Stuttgart 1998, p. 149
  10. Genelkurmay belgelerinde Kürt isyanları. Vol. II, Istanbul 1992, p. 11
  11. Faik Bulut (ed.): Belgelerle Dersim Raporları. Istanbul 1991, p. 148ff.
  12. ^ Paul J. White: Primitive rebels or revolutionary modernisers? Zed Books 2000, p. 79.
  13. Ahmet Emin Yalman in the daily Tan from June 15, 1937. Facsimile from M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 270.
  14. Settlement Act No. 2510 of June 14, 1934, RG No. 2733 of June 21, 1934, p. 4003 ff. ( PDF file; 1.23 MB ).
  15. With Art. 13 of Act No. 5098 of June 18, 1947, RG No. 6640 of June 24, 1947, p. 12542 ff. ( PDF file; 1.06 MB ).
  16. ^ Excerpts from a translation of the Settlement Act by Ismail Görer: Programs and actors in Kurdish politics in Turkey. Attempt to assess the interethnic coexistence perspectives. Der Other Verlag, Osnabrück 2003, p. 94f.
  17. ^ Asa Lundgren: The unwelcome neighbor. Turkey's Kurdish Policy. IB Tauris 2007, p. 44.
  18. Law No. 2884 of December 25, 1935 on the administration of the Tunçeli Vilâyets, RG No. 3195 of January 2, 1936, pp. 5892 f. ( PDF file; 992 KB ).
  19. Minutes of the parliamentary session and full text in: İsmail Beşikçi: Tunceli Kanunu (1935) ve Dersim Jenosidi. Istanbul 1990, p. From p. 10
  20. ^ A b c d David McDowall: A Modern History of the Kurds. London 2004, p. 208.
  21. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938. Zurich 2000, pp. 409f.
  22. ^ M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 232.
  23. a b Journal Nokta No. 25, p. 13 of June 28, 1987
  24. Uğur Ü. Üngör : De Vernietiging by Dersim (1938) in beeld. In: Ton Zwaan (Ed.): Politiek geweld: Etnisch conflict, oorlog en genocide in de twintigste eeuw. Zutphen 2005, pp. 135-60.
  25. a b M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 252.
  26. Reşat Halli: Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924-1938). Ankara: TC Genelkurmay Baskanlıgı Harp Tarihi Dairesi 1972, p. 491.
  27. Reşat Halli: Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924-1938). Ankara: TC Genelkurmay Baskanlıgı Harp Tarihi Dairesi 1972, p. 390f.
  28. Faik Bulut: Belgelerle Dersim Raporlari. Istanbul 1991, p. 199.
  29. Erhard Franz : Kurds and Kurdistan. Hamburg 1986, p. 142.
  30. ^ M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 348.
  31. İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil: Anılarım. Istanbul 1990, pp. 45-55.
  32. İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil: Anılarım. Istanbul 1990, p. 47f. (literal translation) Original quote (with gaps) in the daily newspaper Radikal, May 21, 2007 ( Memento of the original from October 26, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.radikal.com.tr
  33. Data from the Cumhuriyet of November 16, 1937. Facsimile from M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 350.
  34. See the cover story of Nokta magazine, No. 25 from June 28, 1987.
  35. Reşat Halli: Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924 to 1938). Ankara: TC Genelkurmay Baskanlıgı Harp Tarihi Dairesi 1972, p. 83.
  36. Reşat Halli: Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924 to 1938). Ankara: TC Genelkurmay Baskanlıgı Harp Tarihi Dairesi 1972, p. 437.
  37. Title of the brochure: Tunceli Bölgesinde Yapılan Eşkiya Takibi Hareketleri, Köy Arama ve Silah Toplama İşleri Hakkında Kılavuz. See M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, p. 359.
  38. ^ Hans-Lukas Kieser: The Alevis' Ambivalent Encounter With Modernity. Islam, Reform and Ethnopolitics In Turkey (19th-20th cc.). ( PDF, 141 KB ; English)
  39. Martin Strohmeier, Lale Yalçin-Heckmann: The Kurds. History, politics, culture. Munich 2003, p. 101.
  40. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938. Zurich 2000, p. 411.
  41. ^ A b David McDowall: A Modern History of the Kurds. London 2004, p. 209.
  42. Reşat Halli: Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Ayaklanmalar (1924-1938) . Ankara: TC Genelkurmay Baskanlığı Harp Tarihi Dairesi 1972, p. 382.
  43. ^ Report of the British Consul in Trabzon to Ambassador Loraine of September 27, 1938, quoted from David McDowall: A Modern History of the Kurds. London, New York 1996, p. 209. (Original source: Public Record Office, London, FO 371 files, document E5961 / 69/44)
  44. Turkish original: Mağaralara iltica etmişlerdi. Ordu zehirli gaz kullandı. Mağaraların kapısının içinden. Bunları fare gibi zehirledi. Yediden yetmişe o Dersim Kürtlerini kestiler. Kanlı bir hareket oldu. From: Ayşe Hür in the Taraf newspaper from November 16, 2008 ( memento of the original from January 22, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.taraf.com.tr
  45. ^ Geoffrey Haig: The Invisibilization of Kurdish. The Other Side of Language Planning in Turkey. In: Stephan Conermann and Geoffrey Haig (eds.): Asia and Africa. Contributions from the Center for Asian and African Studies (ZAAS) at the Christian Albrechts University in Kiel. Vol. 8. The Kurds. Schenefeld 2004, p. 129.
  46. ^ M. Kalman: Belge ve tanıklarıyla Dersim Direnişleri. Istanbul 1995, pp. 192-195.
  47. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938. Zurich 2000, p. 410.
  48. Osman Mete in Son Posta , April 1948, quoted from: Ali Kemal Özcan: Turkey's Kurds: A Theoretical Analysis of the PKK and Abdullah Ocalan. New York 2006, p. 85.
  49. The historian and publicist Ayşe Hür in the daily newspaper Radikal from February 12, 2006 ( Memento of the original from January 14, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.radikal.com.tr
  50. ^ A b Hans-Lukas Kieser: Some Remarks on Alevi Responses to the Missionaries in Eastern Anatolia (19th-20th cc.). In: Altruism and Imperialism. The Western Religious and Cultural Missionary Enterprise in the Middle East. Middle East Institute Conference: Bellagio Italy, August 2000
  51. Hamit Bozarslan: Kurds and the turkish State. In: Suraiya Faroqhi and Reşat Kasaba (eds.): The Cambridge history of Turkey. Vol. 4, Turkey in the modern World, p. 343.
  52. Martin van Bruinessen: Forced Evacuations and Destruction of Villages in Dersim (Tunceli) and western Bingöl, Turkish Kurdistan September-November 1994. ( PDF, 4.71 MB ( Memento of the original from January 20, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) Info: Der Archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this note .; English) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.let.uu.nl
  53. Turkish Prime Minister breaks taboo: Erdogan apologizes for massacre of Kurds. tagesschau.de, November 23, 2011, archived from the original on November 25, 2011 ; Retrieved November 23, 2011 .
  54. Hans-Lukas Kieser: The missed peace. Mission, Ethnicity and State in the Eastern Provinces of Turkey 1839–1938. Zurich 2000, p. 412
  55. ^ Bernard Lewis: The Emergence of Modern Turkey . London 1962
  56. ^ Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel Kural Shaw: Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and of Modern Turkey . Volume 2: The Rise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975 . Cambridge 1977
  57. ^ Mesut Yegen: The Kurdish Question in Turkish State Discourse . In: Journal of Contemporary History . 34, No. 4, 1999, ISSN  0022-0094 , pp. 555-568, pp. 563f.
  58. Hans-Lukas Kieser: Nuri Dersimi, an asylum seeker Kurd. ( PDF; 99 KB )
This article was added to the list of excellent articles on October 10, 2009 in this version .