Dion of Syracuse

Dion of Syracuse (* 409 BC ; † 354 BC in Syracuse ) was a Greek politician in Sicily and a friend of the philosopher Plato .

As confidante, brother-in-law and son-in-law of the tyrant Dionysius I , Dion was one of the leading figures in his hometown Syracuse, which at that time ruled a large part of Sicily. Under Dionysius II , the son and successor of the tyrant, he tried to maintain his influence and with Plato's help to consolidate it, but was sent into exile by the ruler. He managed to overthrow Dionysius II with a mercenary force recruited in Greece and to take over the leadership of the state. In the following power struggles, however, he lost popular support, was himself suspected of tyrannical tendencies and also lost the support of the upper class. He became increasingly isolated and was eventually murdered. So his attempt to introduce a new constitution failed. To what extent he was guided by principles of the Platonic theory of the state is controversial. Posterity has mostly viewed him as a model example of an idealist who tragically failed because of realpolitik. However, some historians judge his motives unfavorably; they see in him a power-hungry opportunist.

Life

Origin and childhood

Dion was born in 409 BC. Born in BC. His father Hipparinos was one of the most distinguished and respected citizens of Syracuse. Even before the tyrant Dionysius I came to power, he was his companion and confidante. Dion's older sister, Aristomache, married Dionysius. The marriage was concluded in 398, when the tyrant was already in power. She had four children: two daughters, Arete and Sophrosyne, and two sons, Hipparinos and Nysaios . Arete was first married to Thearides, a brother or half-brother of the tyrant; after his death she became the wife of Dion around 375, who was her maternal uncle. So Dion was married to Dionysius I twice: through the marriage of the tyrant to his sister Aristomache, he was his brother-in-law and at the same time through his own marriage to his niece Arete, the tyrant's daughter, his son-in-law.

Dionysius I entered into a double marriage in 398, which was unusual for the Greeks at the time: he also married Dion's sister Aristomache and Doris , who came from a noble family from Lokroi in Calabria . Doris became the mother of his eldest son and future successor Dionysius II. This constellation gave rise to the prospect of a rivalry between the sons of the two wives. Dionysius II was the oldest and therefore predestined to be his successor, but his two younger half-brothers Hipparinos and Nysaios could also hope to participate in the rule. They could count on Dion's support because he was their uncle. With Dionysius II, however, Dion was not related by blood. However, he was also in a family relationship with him, because the wife of Dionysios II was Sophrosyne, the sister of Dion's wife Arete. As the daughter of Dionysius I, Sophrosyne was a half-sister of her husband and as the daughter of Aristomaches Dion's niece.

Dion's father, Hipparinos, died when his children were underage. Therefore, Dionysius I took over the guardianship of the children, and Dion grew up in the environment of the tyrant. At that time, Dionysius brought a large part of Sicily under his rule in changeable battles against the Carthaginians , the traditional enemies of Syracuse.

Role at the court of tyrants

As Plato around 388 BC BC came to Syracuse, he got to know the still young Dion. The two formed a lifelong friendship. A legend according to which Dion induced the tyrant to invite Plato to Syracuse is not credible. However, it was presumably Dion who gave the philosopher an audience with the tyrant. This conversation evidently went unpleasant. Soon after, Plato left.

Plato wrote in his " seventh letter ", which is now mostly regarded as genuine, that Dion had become a staunch supporter of Platonic philosophy . He had fundamentally sharply disapproved of the rule of tyrants. Therefore he had inwardly entered into opposition to his brother-in-law Dionysius I and was hated by the courtiers. However, the sources indicate that Dion's relationship with Dionysius was excellent. He enjoyed the full confidence of the tyrant, who not only made him his son-in-law, but also gave him important missions, including one to Carthage . Dionysius even instructed his treasurer to pay Dion any desired amount, but also to report to him - the tyrant - immediately of any such payment. At that time Dion acquired an extraordinary fortune, which was so large that he was later able to recruit and finance a mercenary army from private funds.

When the tyrant fell fatally ill in 367, an unstable situation threatened to arise because his eldest son, Dionysius II, who was around thirty years old, had not been prepared for the role of ruler. Dion tried in vain to persuade the terminally ill tyrant to arrange a succession that would have given his two young nephews a share in power, which would have given him a very strong position. After the death of Dionysius I, the new ruler apparently came to power without any problems.

At the court of Dionysius II, Dion initially succeeded in maintaining his influential position. He benefited from the fact that his political opponent Philistus was in the distance. Philistus had been an important confidante of Dionysius I, but had then aroused the displeasure of the tyrant and had stayed away from Sicily ever since. Dion persuaded the young tyrant to invite Plato to the court as an advisor; he could hope that this would strengthen his influence. He promised Plato the opportunity to reshape the political situation in line with the Platonic philosophy of the state. This led to Plato's second journey to Sicily in 366. Dionysius II, however, was suspicious; in order to create a counterbalance to Dion's environment, he summoned Philistus to court before Plato's arrival. Philistus was a loyal supporter of the tyrant family and the tyrannical form of government. When Plato arrived, there was already strong tension between the two hostile groups at court.

Apparently, even then, Dion intended either to bring Dionysius under his influence with Plato's help or to overthrow him. Since Dionysius was at least superficially interested in philosophy and was strongly impressed by Plato's personality, the first possibility seemed to be within reach. However, the forces grouped around Philistus, who threatened to be eliminated, opposed this. They tried to convince Dionysius that Dion only wanted to distract him from politics with philosophy, in order to finally give his nephews power or seize them himself. Soon, Dion's opponents had the opportunity to strike a decisive blow. At that time Syracuse was still in a war started by Dionysius I against the Carthaginians, who controlled western Sicily. There was an armistice, the conversion of which into a peace was to be negotiated. Dion wrote a letter to representatives of the Carthaginians, in which he recommended himself to them as advisor and mediator for the upcoming negotiations with Dionysius. This letter was intercepted and ended up in the hands of the tyrant, who read it to Philistus. Dionysius took Dion's unauthorized action as treason and sent him into exile.

In the late summer of 366, Dion went into exile in Greece. Out of consideration for his numerous, sometimes prominent relatives, friends and followers, including the wife of the tyrant and Plato, Dionysius indicated that the break was not incurable. Dion's absence was portrayed as temporary and his fortune not affected. The following year Plato left after Dionysius had promised him a pardon from Dion.

Exile in Greece

In Greece, Dion was given a friendly welcome. He had ample resources, as he received the income from his property from Syracuse. His wealth enabled him to appear brilliant. In Corinth , where he lived for a long time, he met with sympathy; in Sparta he was granted citizenship, although the Spartans were allied with the tyrant of Syracuse in the fight against Thebes ; in Athens he entered Plato's academy . His host in Athens was Callippus , who later became his murderer. The two were initiated together into the small and large mysteries of Eleusis .

At first, Dion hoped to be allowed to return home. In 361, at the urging of Dionysius, who again promised to rehabilitate Dion, Plato traveled to Sicily for the third time. Dionysius wanted to win Plato over, while Plato's intention was to help his friend Dion. Plato was accompanied by some of his students, including Speusippus and Xenocrates . Speusippus, who later succeeded Plato as Scholarch (head of the Academy), was a radical follower of Dion. During his stay in Syracuse, he made inquiries in the city about the mood of the citizens in order to examine the chances of a violent overthrow of the tyrant, which in all probability Dionysius did not go unnoticed. The resulting distrust brought Plato into trouble. There was no longer any question of a pardon for Dion, rather Dionysius confiscated the exile's possessions that had remained in Syracuse. The tyrant also ordered his half-sister Arete, Dion's wife, who had stayed in Syracuse with her son Hipparinos, to dissolve their marriage and marry one of his favorites, a high-ranking officer named Timocrates. It is unclear whether this order was carried out, but under these circumstances a reconciliation between Dion and the ruler was no longer possible. Plato, who had achieved nothing, left the following year.

Return and military victory

Southern Italy at the time of Dion

On his way home, Plato met Dion in Olympia and informed him of the failure of his efforts. At this stage of the conflict, Dion, who had apparently previously agitated against Dionysius, could only consider a military solution. He began to recruit mercenaries and found strong support for his plans in the academy. Plato, bound by the rules of hospitality between him and Dionysius, stayed out of it, but tolerated the participation of his students in the undertaking. Syracuse was the greatest military power in the Greek world at the time, but Speusippos told Dion that, given the general hate of the tyrant, a small force would be enough to overthrow an anti-tyrant force in Sicily with open arms. Apparently Dion's mercenary recruitment was particularly successful in Corinth; a large part of his armed forces consisted of Peloponnesians , presumably most of them Corinthians.

From the assembly point on the island of Zakynthos , Dion dared the crossing in 357 with around 800 men on five ships. Only two to three dozen Greeks from Sicily were among the participants. The small fleet reached Pachynos , the southeastern tip of Sicily, after 12 days , and was driven south by a storm on the further voyage. But she finally succeeded in landing on the southwest coast of Sicily near Herakleia Minoa , a city that was under the control of the Carthaginians. Despite the traditional hostility between Carthage and Syracuse, Dion evidently had a lasting relationship of trust with the Carthaginians; probably the landing was planned in their sphere of influence. The Carthaginian commander Synalos received the troops well, fed them and provided logistical support. Dionysius had gone to southern Italy with his fleet, as he expected the attack from there. The absence of the enemy commander-in-chief took advantage of Dion to advance rapidly. A number of cities now withdrew from the rule of Dionysius and joined the uprising, so that the army increased to a few thousand men. These new allies of the invaders had other interests than Dion: he wanted to conquer his hometown, for them to gain autonomy.

In Syracuse, the absent tyrant, whose rule rested on his mercenaries, had few followers. The townspeople rose against him. Timocrates, commanding Dionysius in Syracuse, fled. The Syracusans gave Dion an enthusiastic welcome. Together with the allies from the other cities, they elected him and his brother Megakles as military leaders with unlimited authority (strategoí autokrátores) . Only in the city fortress, which was on the island of Ortygia , could the tyrant's mercenaries hold out. Dionysius, who had meanwhile been informed of the defeat, returned there. He began negotiations with Dion, taking advantage of the fact that Dion's sister, wife and son were in his control. However, an agreement failed because the ideas of the two sides were too far apart.

Syracuse in antiquity with the offshore island of Ortygia

A surprise attack by the mercenaries of Dionysius was repulsed in heavy fighting. Still, the tyrant was in a relatively favorable position; he could rely on the troops of his able commander, Philistus, and his fleet largely dominated the sea. The balance of power changed, however, when a fleet arrived from Greece under Herakleides of Syracuse to support Dion and the Syracusans. Herakleides took command of the Syracuse naval forces as nauarch (fleet leader). The tyrant was also cut off from the supply by sea; a sea battle ended with the victory of the Syracusans and the death of Philistus. Thereupon Dionysius began again negotiations with the aim of a peace treaty in order to achieve free withdrawal from Ortygia for himself. Apparently he was trying to save some of his control and possessions outside the city. His proposal failed because of the Syracusans' certainty of victory. Finally Dionysius was able to escape Ortygia with a few ships laden with treasures without giving up the fortress; some of his troops stayed there with the captive relatives of Dion.

External war and internal power struggles

Soon after Dion's triumphant entry into Syracuse, tensions arose between his supporters and circles in the city, who suspected him of not bringing freedom to the citizens, but of striving for a new tyrannical rule for himself. His achievements and his military successes, in which he also distinguished himself through personal bravery, could only temporarily push the fundamental contradictions into the background. The noble, very rich Dion was considered an aristocrat. He had long been a pillar of the tyrant rule and was related by marriage to the tyrant. This made him suspicious of democratically minded opponents of tyranny in principle. He was suspected of considering an agreement with Dionysius behind the backs of the citizens, also in the interests of his imprisoned relatives. The peace proposals of Dionysius actually aimed at such an intra-family solution to the conflict. There was also the suspicion that Dion had allowed Dionysius II to escape from Syracuse. Anti-tyrant circles also resented him very much for not allowing the destruction of the tomb of Dionysius I.

The forces who were suspicious or hostile to Dion for these reasons and who emerged with radical democratic slogans finally found a spokesman in the naval commander Herakleides. Herakleides had already been a respected officer under Dionysius I and had commanded the cavalry under Dionysius II. Later, however, he had aroused the young tyrant's distrust and had to go into exile because of that. In Greece he had been instrumental in the preparation of the campaign against Dionysius II and had then proven himself as a fleet leader. As the commander of the Syracuse fleet, he was under Dion's command, but increasingly distinguished himself as his rival. It helped him that, in contrast to the aristocratic Dion, he was able to gain lasting popularity among the population. In the summer of 356 the people's assembly passed resolutions that meant a decisive victory for the supporters of Herakleides. The citizenry decided to reallocate the property and end payments to Dion's mercenaries. In addition, new commanders were elected, among them Herakleides, but not Dion. Dion then withdrew with his mercenaries to the city of Leontinoi , whose citizens wanted to evade the sphere of influence of Syracuse. Dionysios I had settled mercenaries in Leontinoi, who now lived there with their descendants. The Leontines welcomed the expelled politician from Syracuse and granted his mercenaries civil rights.

The situation changed dramatically when a surprise attack by Dionysius' general Nypsios from Ortygia brought the Syracusans into serious distress. Now Dion's supporters campaigned for a cry for him. This initiative came from "knights" (noble Syracusans) and their allies - the fighters from other Sicilian cities. The allies came from cities that had previously belonged to the empire of Dionysius I and had been virtually independent since Dion's campaign; they had to fear renewed submission to the rule of Syracuse from a victory of the tyrant. A delegation of these forces went to Dion, whereupon he immediately advanced with the mercenaries. However, despite the plight, his opponents in Syracuse fiercely opposed the recall. They occupied the city gates to refuse him entry. It was only when Nypsios undertook a new, even more devastating attack, in which his troops massacred and started fires in the city, that resistance to the return of Dion died out in the citizenship. Now the mercenaries could move in. Dion managed to repel the tyrant's force, which had already conquered and devastated a large part of the city. Nypsius's troops withdrew into the fortress.

The opponents of Dion were now weakened, since their leaders had not been able to master the crisis militarily. Power was divided: Dion was re-elected by the people as commander-in-chief and Herakleides was given command of the fleet. This agreement did not last long, however, because the fundamental conflicts over land ownership and the future constitution could not be defused. Dion enforced the restoration of the previous ownership. In the meantime, after various battles had taken place on land and sea, with varying degrees of success, the position of the garrison of Ortygia had become untenable. It was agreed to leave freely and Dion's family was released. With that, all of Syracuse fell into Dion's hands.

Now Dion made energetic efforts to realize his political ideas. Even before the island fortress fell, he had enforced a resolution to dissolve the fleet that was supposedly no longer needed in the future, a stronghold of his opponents and prone to democratic slogans. He called a college (synhédrion) to act as a legislative assembly to draw up a new constitution. In addition to Syracusans, the synhedrion also included citizens of Corinth, the mother city of Syracuse. Since Corinth was ruled oligarchically , this had to displease the Democrats. To include Herakleides, Dion appointed him a member of the constituent body. However, Herakleides refused to work there and began to agitate against Dion again. The fact that Dion did not resign the supreme command after the victory and did not have the fortress destroyed, fueled the suspicion that he was seeking tyrannical rule. The conflict escalated again, and Herakleides was murdered by Dion's supporters, if not on Dion's orders, at least with his approval.

Decline and death

The murder of Herakleides caused a tremendous sensation. In large circles of the population, the conviction prevailed that Dion wanted tyranny and was in fact already the new tyrant. The fact that the legislative assembly continued its work and, in line with Dion's wishes, drafted a constitution with predominantly aristocratic elements did nothing to change this. Since Dion's support in the citizenry had dwindled dramatically, the maintenance of his position of power was more dependent than ever on the reliability of the mercenaries and thus on their funding. After the victory over Dionysius, the mercenaries were no longer needed for external security, and the people's assembly could not be persuaded to pay the troops further. Dion, whose own means were exhausted, tried with coercive measures such as the confiscation of the goods of his opponents to raise the necessary funds and had to oblige his followers to make payments. Nevertheless, there were arrears in the payment of wages. With this Dion aroused general resentment, and even the mercenaries, who saw the unsustainable situation, lost loyalty.

A confidante of Dion, the officer Callippos from Athens, took advantage of this situation and undertook a coup. His followers occupied key positions in the city, broke into Dion's house and murdered him. The accounts of Dion's death are contradicting the details, but they agree that none of the numerous friends and bodyguards present fought for him. Possibly the assassination was carried out by surprise. Callippus justified his actions as tyrannicide . A report that there was a change in mood after the fact and a public funeral took place is hardly credible, or at least greatly exaggerated. Kallippos was able to assert himself as a leading politician. However, he did not establish a tyrannical rule - as is sometimes falsely claimed - rather the democratic institutions remained in place. The fight against the remaining followers of Dionysius in Sicily continued.

Dion's sister Aristomache and his wife Arete were imprisoned after his death, where Arete apparently gave birth to a son. She already had a son who was named Hipparinos after his grandfather. One reason for the arrest was probably the fear of the new regime that partisans of Dion could make dynastic claims in the future. The women were later released after the fall of Kallippos and sent to Greece, but died on the crossing. According to legendary, unreliable tradition, Dion's son Hipparinos put an end to his life himself.

reception

Ancient and Middle Ages

In antiquity there was a rich, now largely lost, literature about Dion. The judgments of the ancient posterity about him have turned out ambiguous, but a very positive assessment prevailed. The decisive factor was Plato's authority. Plato held steadfastly to the conviction that his friend was a noble, exemplary philosopher who acted out of patriotism.

Dion friendly tradition

In a famous epigram handed down by Diogenes Laertios , which allegedly came from Plato and was Dion's grave inscription, the ultimate failure of the glorious victor over tyranny is attributed to the intervention of superhuman powers:

δάκρυα μὲν Ἑκάβῃ τε καὶ Ἰλιάδεσσι γυναιξὶ Μοῖραι ἐπέκλωσαν δὴ τότε γεινομέναις, σοὶ δέ, Δίων, ῥέξαντι καλῶν ἐπινίκιον ἔργων δαίμονες εὐρείας ἐλπίδας ἐξέχεαν.

Hekabe and the Trojans have tears the Fates zugesponnen at birth. But for you, Dion, daimons destroyed your far-reaching hopes, when you won the prize for your noble deeds.

Plato wrote his seventh letter to the surviving relatives and partisans of Dion, in which he described in detail his view of the events. Today, the letter is largely regarded as authentic, but doubts about its authenticity have not died down. In any case, even in the case of inauthenticity, it can be assumed that the author was a well-informed, albeit partial, contemporary of Dion. The letter alleges that Dion wished to free his hometown and all of Sicily from bondage and to endow Syracuse with the best laws to do the greatest benefits to his fellow citizens. Accordingly, it was Dion's intention to realize the ideal Platonic state as far as possible.

In the fourth letter attributed to Plato, Dion is admonished to curb his thirst for glory and to consider that self-glory leads to isolation. The author of the letter, which was considered genuine in antiquity, was probably a contemporary Platonist who was well-disposed towards Dion. From his text it can be seen that even in circles of the Academy who showed a great deal of sympathy for Dion, his lack of conciliation was regarded as regrettable and harmful.

In his politics, Aristotle cited Dion as a prime example of a fighter against tyranny who was not interested in gaining power or wealth, but in the fame that he could gain by attacking the tyrant. Such a man would risk his life for fame. In addition, Dion despised Dionysius II because of his drunkenness. In connection with discussions of injustice, Aristotle also spoke casually about the murder of Dion. The earlier common interpretation of his comment, according to which he considered the act to be almost excusable, is based on a misunderstanding.

Aeschines of Sphettos , who was a student of the philosopher Socrates and lived temporarily in Syracuse, wrote a pamphlet to justify Dion, which is now lost. The members of the Platonic Academy, including Speusippus and the officer Timonides of Leukas , who had taken part in Dion's campaign and wrote a report on it, shared Plato's view and contributed to its dissemination.

Later authors also painted a favorable picture. The story of Diodorus , which only extends to his return from Leontinoi and is based on sources lost today, gives a favorable impression of Dion's character. Cicero believed that Plato had the merit of having encouraged his pupil Dion to free his homeland and prepared for it through philosophical instruction. Valerius Maximus shared an anecdote according to which Dion, a principled philosopher, declared that he would rather risk his death than wrongly suspect friends and treat them like enemies. Plutarch described Dion as a hero imbued with noble philosophical ideals and compared him with Brutus in his parallel biographies . However, he also mentioned the problematic trait of the liberator of Syracuse being harsh in dealing and indomitable strictness. He admitted that the motive for the campaign was not fundamental hostility to tyrants, but the personal insult of the former servant of the tyrant. Plutarch's account is based to a large extent on the description of Timonides, who was an eyewitness but wrote as a staunch supporter of Dion with propaganda intentions. Plutarch's younger contemporary Arrian wrote a work about Dion as the liberator that has not survived.

Opposing representations

The works of authors hostile to Dion are lost. Philistus, Dion's opponent at the court of tyrants, also worked as a historian. He wrote a history of the government of Dionysius I and another work in which he treated the reign of Dionysius II until 362 from a tyrant-friendly point of view. Presumably his portrayal was shaped not only by his personal argument with Dion, but also by fundamental political differences of opinion. Philistus was probably a spokesman for expansionist forces hostile to the Carthaginians who were behind the war policy of Dionysius I and who saw Dion, who was friendly to Carthage, a traitor. The work of Philistus was continued by Athanis of Syracuse, who had taken part in Dion's campaign and later was one of the leaders of a group hostile to Dion. His representation, of which only a few fragments have survived, perhaps portrayed the events from the point of view of the followers of Herakleides; in any case, he must have judged Dion critically. The sources hostile to Dion that have been lost today also include an official letter that Callippus sent to Athens to justify his behavior.

Traces of a tradition hostile to Dion can be found in Cornelius Nepos . Nepos wrote in the 1st century BC A large collection of biographies; In the context of these biographies of famous men he also described Dion's life. Initially, he praised the intellectual and character qualities of the Syracuse politician, but then portrayed his actions against opposition members as harsh and arbitrary. According to Nepos' interpretation, Dion did not overlook the consequences of his actions and, after the murder of Herakleides, enjoyed the public reaction surprised and concerned about the unexpected loss of popularity. After this turning point he fell into fear and perplexity. As a staunch opponent of tyranny, Nepos wanted to use Dion's example to demonstrate how a person who was originally morally upright ultimately fails if he engages in tyrannical methods of maintaining power.

Even during the Roman Empire , when Dion was mainly perceived as a philosopher and liberator of his homeland, the point of view of his opponents still had an occasional effect. Athenaius said that Dion had been murdered when he was striving for tyranny for himself.

Late Middle Ages

In the 15th century, the Byzantine Platonist Georgios Gemistos Plethon also dealt with Dion in his presentation of Greek history after the Battle of Mantineia , of whom he drew an impressive picture in the sense of the Platonic tradition.

Modern

Classical Studies

A main topic of modern research is the controversial question of whether and, if so, to what extent Dion was actually shaped by the Platonic philosophy of the state and, under its influence, strived for idealistic, more or less utopian goals. Opinions range from the view that he was an enthusiastic Platonist to the interpretation that he was a politician who was only interested in his personal power and who knew how to use Plato and the Platonists as tools in the service of his ambition.

The ancient tradition, which portrays Dion as a tragically failed idealist, has also had a strong impact in modern times, especially - in view of Plato's authority - in philosophically oriented circles. Well-known representatives of this direction included Eduard Meyer , Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff and Werner Jaeger . According to Eduard Meyer's account published in 1902, Dion "with full devotion" followed Plato and "accepted his ethical and political views with enthusiasm"; he had implemented the ideal in his own life and wanted to realize it in the state. Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff emphasized in 1919 that between Dion and Plato the “ Platonic Eros ” was “strong and hot” on both sides; Dion wanted "to transform tyranny into a legitimate, constitutional kingdom"; “The law should become ruler”, Plato and Dion planned the future constitution of Syracuse together. Ultimately, Dion failed because of his lack of determination: "[...] he was too much of a philosopher to become ruler." In her Dion monograph from 1934 Renata von Scheliha advocated the traditional image of the heroic idealist Dion. For Werner Jaeger, who spoke out in 1947, Dion's absolute reliability and purity of character were beyond doubt; he said that Plato's knowledge of human nature could not have been completely mistaken about his friend. Other ancient scholars who saw Dion as an idealist acting out of philosophical conviction included Hermann Breitenbach (1960), Kurt von Fritz (1968) and Wolfgang Orth (1979). In more recent times, this view has continued to meet with general approval, despite widespread criticism, although it is no longer presented with such certainty as in older research. Karl-Wilhelm Welwei writes that Dion was enthusiastic about Plato's political and philosophical theses and, on this basis, sought political reforms; his opponents can be called democrats "only with great reservations". However, Welwei sums up: "As a person, Dion remains a mystery, and his ultimate goals cannot be identified." Henry D. Westlake also came to the latter conclusion.

Proponents of the opposite interpretation see Dion as a pure opportunist. As early as 1897, Karl Julius Beloch judged that Dion had wanted to establish a tyranny based on the model of Dionysius I, “of course without the necessary consequence”. He only "made Plato the tool of political intrigue" and "never believed in the realizability of Plato's political dreams"; Plato did not see through him. Fritz Taeger , who commented on this in 1942 , also believed that Plato was deceived . Hermann Bengtson also came to a negative overall assessment in 1950; he wrote that Dion was "neither a statesman nor a character" and had taken the road to tyranny. In 1972 Jürgen Sprute also came to the conclusion that Dion had "not supported Plato's difficult project for the sake of the cause, but behaved as it seemed to be best for him personally". Plato was not able to recognize this because of the friendship. Another representative of this view was Kai Trampedach . He ruled in his 1994 study that Dion did not strive for the realization of an ideal, but for fame and power. In 1997 Michael Zahrnt expressed the opinion that it was only about personal power struggles, not about conflicting constitutional ideas; the people played no role and the call for democracy was only propaganda. In 2008 Lionel Sanders took the view that the partially hypothetically reconstructable statements of the historians hostile to Dion were more credible than the traditional descriptions of Dion's admirers. This applies to both the tyrant-friendly and the opposite democratic direction of Dion's opponents and critics.

In 1958 Karl Friedrich Stroheker gave both approaches a certain justification; he assumed a mixture of idealistic motives and personal interests. In his thorough investigation published in 1957, Helmut Berve also assumed a combination of idealistic and personal motives, although the idealistic goal in the sense of Plato was the decisive aspect.

Even researchers who judge Dion's character and his goals rather unfavorably do not assume that he intends to become a tyrant himself, because he has repeatedly failed to take good opportunities to take such a step. Marta Sordi thinks that he has strived for an extraordinary position of power, tyrant-like in terms of powers, which should not be based on naked violence, but on a consensus with the ruled. His goal was an "enlightened tyranny" shaped by philosophical principles. According to Helmut Berves interpretation, Dion got into a situation in which he had to resort to tyrannical measures and thus became a "tyrant against his will".

There is agreement among historians that the murder of Herakleides - regardless of the question of its moral or philosophical evaluation - was a fatal error that contributed significantly to the downfall of Dion. Dion's decision to disband the Syracuse fleet was unrealistic. This purely domestically motivated step was in accordance with Plato's principle, domestically justified distrust of the sea and naval system. For a port city and naval power like Syracuse, however, that was not a realistic option.

Lukas de Blois approved of Dion's real will to reform in the sense of a Platonic conception of the state. De Blois saw the main cause of the failure in economic factors. In 1978, he pointed out that the refusal to agree to real estate reallocation - the main concern of the people - alienated Dion from the masses, and the coercive measures to finance the mercenary troops cost him the support of the upper class, while arrears in pay demotivated the mercenaries. So he was ultimately left without support. The maintenance of sufficient mercenary troops during such a long period of external and internal conflicts could not be financed.

Fiction and essay writing

William Wordsworth published his poem Dion , written in 1817, in 1820 , in which he on the one hand glorified Dion's campaign on the basis of Plutarch's description, but on the other hand presented the politician's unethical behavior as the cause of his downfall. Therefore, the poem concludes with the balance sheet that only a project that is impeccable both in terms of goals and means will prove to be beneficial:

Him alone pleasure leads, and peace attends, Him, only him, the shield of Jove defends, Whose means are fair and spotless as his ends.

Ludwig Marcuse wrote the essay Plato and Dionysius. A Double Biography , published in 1947. In it he portrays Dion as a servant of tyrants "from the race of those pure fools with whom the Dionysis likes to work". The "noble, unlovable and limited Dion" fell victim to his narrowness. Marcuse described this as "an immorality which is more devastating than that wickedness which only moralists know".

Mary Renault published the novel The Mask of Apollo in 1966 , in which she addressed Dion's failure. In this work Dion appears as an idealist, philosopher and patriot who failed because of the circumstances that prevented him from sticking to his ideals consistently.

literature

• Helmut Berve : Dion (= Academy of Sciences and Literature (in Mainz). Treatises from the humanities and social sciences class. Born 1956, No. 10). Franz Steiner, Wiesbaden 1957
• Hermann Breitenbach : Plato and Dion. Sketch of an ideal political reform attempt in antiquity. Artemis, Zurich 1960
• Kurt von Fritz : Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers. De Gruyter, Berlin 1968
• Alexander Schüller: Why did Dion have to die? In: David Engels u. a. (Ed.): Between ideal and reality. Rule in Sicily from ancient times to the late Middle Ages . Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2010, ISBN 978-3-515-09641-6 , pp. 63-89
• Jürgen Sprute : Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes . Volume 100, 1972, pp. 294-313

reception

• Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion . Edgar Kent, Toronto 2008, ISBN 978-0-88866-657-4

Remarks

1. ↑ For the dating see Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 18. This dating is the predominant one in research. Debra Nails: The People of Plato disagrees . A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 129, 247f. She advocates a late dating (around 405), which results from her re-dating of Plato's birth (pp. 243–247).
2. ↑ On the role of Hipparinos see Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 18f.
3. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 133f.
4. ↑ An overview of the genealogical relationships is provided by the family table at Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 130; see. P. 45f. to Dion's wife Arete.
5. ↑ See Konrad Gaiser: Der Ruhm des Annikeris . In: Konrad Gaiser: Gesammelte Schriften , Sankt Augustin 2004, pp. 597–616, here: 615. This otherwise generally accepted dating is from Debra Nails: The people of Plato , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 129, 247f. declined; she advocates a late dating (around 384/383), which results from her re-dating of Plato's birth (pp. 243–247).
6. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 19.
7. ↑ Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, pp. 101-105; Kai Trampedach: Platon, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, pp. 105–107; Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, p. 15; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 19f.
8. ^ Plato, Seventh Letter 327a – b. See Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 129, 131; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 20f.
9. ^ Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I. The figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, p. 158; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 107.
10. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 23f., 66. On Dion's position under Dionysius I see Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syrakusanische Politik and Plato's political ideals. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 296; Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, p. 157; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 63f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 20-25.
11. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 135; Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, p. 181f .; Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, p. 18f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 27f.
12. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 297-299; Kai Trampedach: Platon, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 109; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 65f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 25f.
13. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 239f .; Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, p. 157; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 32.
14. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 131.
15. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 33; Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 299; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 68, note 110.
16. ↑ Plato, Seventh Letter 329c; Plutarch, Dion 14f. See Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 299f .; Kai Trampedach: Platon, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 109f .; Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, p. 28f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 36-38.
17. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 131; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 111; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 43f.
18. ↑ See Marta Zorat: Dionisio II, Dione e Sparta . In: Lorenzo Braccesi (ed.): Hesperìa 4. Studi sulla grecità di Occidente , Rome 1994, pp. 165–175, here: 166–169.
19. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 17.
20. ↑ Kai Trampedach: Plato, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 110; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 70; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 53.
21. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 45; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 60.
22. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 300; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 110.
23. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 301; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 111f .; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 59f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 65f.
24. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 22: 1-4.
25. ↑ Gabriele Marasco: La preparazione dell'impresa di Sicilia in Dione . In: Prometheus 8, 1982, pp. 152-176, here: 166-169.
26. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 131; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 66-69.
27. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 308f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 70f .; Gabriele Marasco: La preparazione dell'impresa di Dione in Sicilia . In: Prometheus 8, 1982, pp. 152-176, here: 160-163.
28. ↑ Diodorus 16,10,3; Plutarch, Dion 29. See Marta Sordi: La Sicilia dal 368/7 al 337/7 aC , Rome 1983, pp. 20-22.
29. ↑ The course of the negotiations is discussed in detail by Domenica Paola Orsi: La lotta politica a Siracusa alla metà del IV secolo aC Le trattative fra Dione e Dionisio II , Bari 1994, pp. 21-71. See Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 74-78.
30. ^ Domenica Paola Orsi: La lotta politica a Siracusa alla metà del IV secolo aC Le trattative fra Dione e Dionisio II , Bari 1994, pp. 75-87; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 83-85.
31. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 74f., 77f., 82f., 86; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of philosophers , Berlin 1968, pp. 76f., 79-83.
32. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 53.2 and comparison of Dion and Brutus 2.3.
33. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 32.3; Cornelius Nepos, De excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium 10,5,1.
34. ↑ See on this development Gustav Adolf Lehmann : Dion and Herakleides , in: Historia 19, 1970, pp. 401-406.
35. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 37-38. See Kai Trampedach: Platon, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 114f .; Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, p. 49; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 90; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 86-88. On the redistribution of the property, see Sebastiana Nerina Consolo Langher: Democrazia e antidemocrazia a Siracusa . In: Umberto Bultrighini (ed.): Democrazia e antidemocrazia nel mondo greco , Alessandria 2005, pp. 235–250, here: 237–246.
36. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 40.
37. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 41-46. See Domenica Paola Orsi: Atanide, Eraclide e Archelao prostatai della città (Teopompo, fr. 194 Jacoby) . In: Chiron 25, 1995, pp. 205-212, here: 208-212; Michael Zahrnt: Dion's return from Leontinoi . In: The Ancient History Bulletin 14, 2000, pp. 171-179.
38. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 48.6. See Kai Trampedach: Platon, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 115f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 95.
39. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 50.1. See Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 303f .; Jacqueline Christien: Mercenaires et partis politiques à Syracuse de 357 à 354 . In: Revue des études anciennes 77, 1975, pp. 63–73, here: 68–70. Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 100f. suspects that Dion disbanded the fleet without a referendum.
40. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 103. Cf. Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 302f.
41. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 112-114; Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 311f .; Kai Trampedach: Platon, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 121. On the problem of financing the mercenaries see also Alexander Schüller: Why did Dion have to die? In: David Engels u. a. (Ed.): Between ideal and reality. Rule in Sicily from antiquity to the late Middle Ages , Stuttgart 2010, pp. 63–89, here: 78–87.
42. ↑ Alexander Schüller explains the details: Why did Dion have to die? In: David Engels u. a. (Ed.): Between ideal and reality. Rule in Sicily from antiquity to the late Middle Ages , Stuttgart 2010, pp. 63–89, here: 65–76. See Kai Trampedach: Plato, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 122f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 115–121.
43. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 121-123.
44. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 123f .; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 124; Lionel J. Sanders: Callippus . In: Mouseion. Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 2, 2002, pp. 1–21, here: 17–20.
45. ^ Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, pp. 45f., 168.
46. ↑ Lionel J. Sanders: Callippus . In: Mouseion. Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 2, 2002, pp. 1–21, here: 18f.
47. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 120; Henry D. Westlake: Friends and Successors of Dion . In: Historia 32, 1983, pp. 161-172, here: 168.
48. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 117; Lionel J. Sanders: What Did Timaeus Think of Dion? In: Hermes 120, 1992, pp. 213-215.
49. ↑ Diogenes Laertios 3:30.
50. ↑ On the political activities of Dion's supporters after his death, see Henry D. Westlake: Friends and Successors of Dion , in: Historia 32, 1983, pp. 161–172.
51. ↑ Plato, Seventh Letter 335e – 336b, 351a – b.
52. ↑ (Pseudo-) Plato, Fourth Letter 320d – 321c.
53. ↑ Aristotle, Politics 1312a. See the commentary by Eckart Schütrumpf and Hans-Joachim Gehrke on Schütrumpf's Aristotle translation, Aristoteles: Politik, Book IV – VI (= Aristotle: Works in German Translation , Volume 9, Part 3), Berlin 1996, p. 563f.
54. ^ Aristotle, Rhetoric 1373a.
55. ^ Domenica Paola Orsi: Aristotle e la morte di Dione . In: Invigilata lucernis 13/14, 1991/1992, pp. 245-257.
56. ↑ Cicero, De oratore 3,34,139.
57. ↑ Valerius Maximus 3, 8, ext. 5.
58. ↑ Plutarch, Dion 52.5.
59. ^ Plutarch, comparison of Dion and Brutus 3, 6-10.
60. ↑ See Federicomaria Muccioli: Osservazioni sull'uso di Timonide nella Vita di Dione di Plutarco . In: Ancient Society 21, 1990, pp. 167-187.
61. ^ Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, pp. 10-21.
62. ↑ See the content of Athanis' work, the speculations of Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, pp. 21-39 and the far more skeptical assessment of Michael Zahrnt: The Demos of Syracuse in the Age of Dionysioi . In: Walter Eder , Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp (ed.): People and Constitution in Pre-Hellenistic Greece , Stuttgart 1997, pp. 153–175, here: 156f.
63. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 15f., 112; Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, pp. 23f. Cf. Alexander Schüller: Why did Dion have to die? In: David Engels u. a. (Ed.): Between ideal and reality. Rule in Sicily from antiquity to the late Middle Ages , Stuttgart 2010, pp. 63–89, here: 63–70.
64. ↑ Cornelius Nepos, De excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium 10.
65. ↑ Otto Schönberger : The Dion tragedy - a didactic piece of Cornelius Nepos . In: Suggestion 36, 1990, pp. 320-329.
66. ↑ Athenaios 11,508e – f.
67. ↑ See also Enrico V. Maltese: Dione di Siracusa in Marco Aurelio . In: Philologus 131, 1987, pp. 86-94, here: 93f.
68. ↑ A list of publications in this direction is provided by Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, p. 211, notes 471, 472. Cf. on this interpretation Debra Nails: The People of Plato. A prosopography of Plato and other Socratics , Indianapolis 2002, p. 132; Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 294f.
69. ^ Eduard Meyer: Geschichte des Altertums , Volume 8, 9th edition, Essen 1985 (1st edition 1902), pp. 488f., 493, 507f. (Quote: p. 489).
70. ↑ Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff: Platon , Vol. 1, Berlin 1919, pp. 531-550 (quotations: pp. 531, 538, 542, 548).
71. ↑ Renata von Scheliha: Dion. The Platonic founding of the state in Sicily , Leipzig 1934.
72. ↑ Werner Jaeger: Paideia , Berlin 1989, pp. 1149–1163 (reprint; 1st edition 1947, pp. 273–287).
73. ^ Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, pp. 14–16, 26f., 57–66; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of philosophers , Berlin 1968, pp. 64f., 71, 84f., 108, 116-118; Wolfgang Orth: The Syracusan Herakleides as a politician . In: Historia 28, 1979, p. 57 and note 19, p. 64.
74. ^ Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Greek History , Paderborn 2011, p. 387f.
75. ^ Karl-Wilhelm Welwei: Greek History , Paderborn 2011, p. 389.
76. ^ Henry D. Westlake: Dion and Timoleon . In: The Cambridge Ancient History , 2nd edition, Volume 6, Cambridge 1994, pp. 693–722, here: 705. Westlake states: “Dion remains an enigmatic figure. His ultimate aims are largely unknown because they were never achieved and are nowhere unequivocally recorded. "
77. ↑ A list of publications in this direction is provided by Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, p. 210, note 470.
78. ↑ Julius Beloch: Greek History , Vol. 2, Strasbourg 1897, p. 180 and note 4, p. 333.
79. ^ Fritz Taeger: Das Altertum , Vol. 1, 6th edition, Stuttgart 1958, p. 321 (first in the 3rd edition, Stuttgart 1942, p. 355).
80. ^ Hermann Bengtson: Greek History , 5th, reviewed edition, Munich 1977, p. 290 (1st edition 1950).
81. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 301, 313.
82. ↑ Kai Trampedach: Platon, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, pp. 108, 111f., 115–122.
83. ↑ Michael Zahrnt: The demos of Syracuse in the age of the Dionysioi . In: Walter Eder, Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp (Ed.): People and Constitution in Pre-Hellenistic Greece , Stuttgart 1997, pp. 153–175, here: 171f.
84. ^ Lionel Jehuda Sanders: The Legend of Dion , Toronto 2008, pp. 63-66.
85. ↑ Karl Friedrich Stroheker: Dionysios I figure and history of the tyrant of Syracuse , Wiesbaden 1958, p. 182.
86. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, pp. 62–65, 131, 141.
87. ↑ Jürgen Sprute: Dion's Syracusan politics and the political ideals of Plato. In: Hermes 100, 1972, pp. 294-313, here: 295, 301f .; Kai Trampedach: Plato, the academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 118; Kurt von Fritz: Plato in Sicily and the problem of the rule of the philosophers , Berlin 1968, p. 104f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 93.
88. ↑ Marta Sordi: La Sicilia dal 368/7 al 337/7 aC , Rome 1983, pp. 35, 42f.
89. ↑ Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 114.
90. ↑ Kai Trampedach: Platon, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 117f .; Hermann Breitenbach: Platon and Dion , Zurich 1960, p. 56f .; Helmut Berve: Dion , Wiesbaden 1957, p. 100f.
91. ↑ Luke de Blois: Dionysius II, Dion and Timoleon . In: Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Rome , Deel 40, 1978, pp. 113–149, here: 128–131. Cf. Kai Trampedach: Plato, the Academy and contemporary politics , Stuttgart 1994, p. 121.
92. ↑ Ludwig Marcuse: The philosopher and the dictator. Plato and Dionys , Berlin 1950, pp. 159, 241, 246.
93. ^ Mary Renault: The Mask of Apollo , London 1966.

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