Christianity unveiled

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The unveiled Christianity, or examination of the principles and actions of the Christian religion (Le christianisme dévoile, ou examination of principes et des effets de la religion Chrétienne) is the Baron d'Holbach attributed to anti-Christian book, probably in 1766 under a pseudonym in Nancy was published .

In his first work, which is critical of religion , Holbach points out aspects of the Christian faith which he believes are contradicting and criticizes in particular the moral and political influence of the Christian religion and its clergy with sharp words. The stated statements find numerous equivalents in Holbach's later works, but contain only latent atheistic statements and still mainly attack Christianity in contrast to religion in general.

In contrast to earlier publications critical of religion, Le christianisme dévoilé does not contain any analysis of the historical origin of religions or the project of a deist alternative religion , but rather reveals itself bluntly as anti-Christian propaganda. The book sparked lively reactions in philosophical and educational circles and was confiscated by the French authorities immediately after its publication.

Title page of the earliest known, 295-page edition with “M. Boulanger ”as the author, 1756 as the year of publication and London as the place of publication. All of these statements are incorrect.

author

Le christianisme dévoilé was published under the name "late M. Boulanger". Even contemporaries doubted the authorship of Nicolas Antoine Boulanger , who was known for his posthumously published philosophical and historical works, and speculated about the real author. For example, Voltaire wrote in a letter to the materialist Helvétius in 1766 :

De qui est cet ouvrage attribué à Bolingbroke, à Boulanger, à Fréret? Eh mes amis! qu'importe l'auteur de l'ouvrage?
Who could this work be attributed to Bolingbroke , Boulanger or Fréret ? My friends, what does it matter who is the author of the work?
Baron d'Holbach 1766, watercolor portrait by Louis Carmontelle

Voltaire, who also frequently used pseudonyms himself, was not excluded from the suspicions. In his correspondence from 1768, he names his recently deceased friend Étienne Noël Damilaville (1723–1768) as the author - probably to divert suspicion from himself.

The attribution to Boulanger is most likely due to the similarity of the title to his work L'antiquité dévoilée . Since the end of the 18th century, Le christianisme dévoilé has been included in several of Boulanger's editions. The thesis of Damilaville as an author was also occasionally voiced. The writer and critic Jean-François de La Harpe reported that Damilaville had the text partly dictated by Diderot . Damilaville had stored the books with him and sold them for 10 Écus per copy.

The librarian and bibliographer Antoine-Alexandre Barbier contradicts La Harpe's statements and states that Holbach is the author. According to Barbier, the manuscript was entrusted to Jean-François de Saint-Lambert , who had it printed by the publisher Le Clerc in Nancy. By indiscretion, the publisher almost got the author of the book and his messenger into trouble. From Nancy the copies reached Ferney , where Voltaire had the first two copies sent to Damilaville. Officers would then have brought the books en masse to Paris.

Even before Barbier, Sylvain Maréchal had attributed the work to Holbach in his Dictionnaire des athées anciens et modern . Holbach's authorship was confirmed two decades later by André Morellet .

An investigation of the characteristic style features of Holbach by Rudolf Besthorn revealed clear correspondences. The repetitions and references to previous connections that are typical of Holbach are present, even if not to the same extent as the Système de la nature (System of Nature) published in 1770 . The very similar content-related relationships to the confirmed works of Holbach, which go as far as literal correspondence, confirm his authorship and allow Boulanger, Voltaire and Damilaville to be eliminated from the point of view of style and content. A co-authorship of Diderot on the work cannot be proven. Indirect statements by Diderot from 1762 suggest, however, that Diderot and Helvétius had knowledge of this and other writings of Holbach, and supported the author with advice.

Dating

The earliest known edition of Le christianisme dévoilé states 1756 as the year of publication on the title page. This date is either incorrect or fictitious for the purpose of misleading, since Nicolas-Antoine Boulanger, named as the late author, actually died three years later. The preface preceding the work is marked with “4. May 1758 ”. In addition, the work Recherches sur l'origine du despotisme oriental , which was not published until 1761, is cited in the book.

Since the first edition of the work does not refer to any event after 1761, it makes sense to move the publication date of the work to this year. This assumption coincides with the date given in Barbier's Dictionnaire des ouvrages anonymes et pseudonymes . However, it is more likely that it was first published in 1766, because it was only from this point in time that the work suddenly began to be mentioned frequently in philosophical correspondence and other documents. The later date is also supported by the fact that in the title page of a copy of the Bibliothèque nationale the date from MDCCLVI (1756) was corrected by adding an "X" (10) to MDCCLXVI (1766). An examination of the earliest known edition also reveals that the watermarks on the paper are dated 1762 or 1763.

The manuscript cannot have been completed before 1762, since the quoted work by Boulanger, Recherches sur l'origine du despotisme oriental, was not mentioned until January 1762. On the other hand, it is noticeable that the other work left by Boulanger, L'antiquité dévoilée, is not mentioned at all. This work was announced as out of print in November 1765. From this it can be concluded that the manuscript of Le christianisme dévoilé was completed between 1762 and the end of 1765 and published in 1766.

construction

The work is preceded by a foreword in the form of an answer to an alleged letter from a reader, which already anticipates the most important points of the work. The introduction on the necessity of subjecting religion to a critical examination is followed in the first two chapters by an outline of the history of Judaism and Christianity. Then the beliefs of Christianity are dealt with in detail and criticized. Holbach then goes into particular detail on Christian morality; the chapter on Christian virtues is the longest of the entire work. A chapter on religious duties and actions is followed by an account of the political implications of religion and the priesthood. The final consideration summarizes the basic ideas of Scripture again and discusses in particular the tasks of the enlightened ruler.

Holbach cites a multitude of very different objections to Christianity in his writing. His arguments from the field of practical philosophy include moral concerns about the God of the Bible, action theory considerations, objections to Christian morality and virtues, and some critical arguments from the field of political philosophy . From the point of view of theoretical philosophy , Holbach criticizes the misguided terminology of the Christian faith in relation to the alleged properties of God and also makes linguistic and epistemological considerations.

Although the book was aimed at an average readership who should be convinced as quickly as possible, Holbach cited numerous sources in his footnotes. In addition to works of historiography, various writings critical of religion are cited, including the works of Jean Meslier , Peter Annet (1693–1769), Thomas Woolston (1668–1733) and Anthony Collins . Most of the material presented in Le christianisme dévoilé can also be found in other contemporary writings. What is new is the preparation in the sense of an overall presentation that is as powerful as possible, which does not take tactical political considerations into account.

Chapter overview
Chapter 1 Introduction. De la nécessité d'examiner sa religion, et des obstacles que l'on rencontre dans cet examen. Introduction. The need to examine one's religion and the obstacles one encounters.
Chapter 2 Histoire abrégée du peuple juif. Historical outline of the Jewish people.
Chapter 3 Histoire abrégée du christianisme. Historical outline of Christianity.
Chapter 4 De la mythologie chrétienne, ou des idées que le christianisme nous donne de Dieu et de sa conduite. From Christian mythology, or from the ideas Christianity gives us of God and his behavior.
Chapter 5 De la révélation. From the revelation.
Chapter 6 Des preuves de la religion chrétienne; of the miracles; des prophéties; of the martyr. From the Evidence of the Christian Religion; of the miracles ; the prophecies; the martyrs.
Chapter 7 Of the mystères de la religion chrétienne. From the mysteries of the Christian religion.
Chapter 8 Autres mystères et dogmes du christianisme. Other mysteries and dogmas of Christianity.
Chapter 9 Des rites, des cérémonies mystérieuses, ou de la théurgie des chrétiens. About the rites and mysterious ceremonies , or about the theurgy of Christians.
Chapter 10 Des livres sacrés des chrétiens. From the holy books of Christians.
Chapter 11 De la morale chrétienne. From Christian morality.
Chapter 12 Des vertus chrétiennes. From the Christian virtues.
Chapter 13 Des pratiques et des devoirs de la religion chrétienne. Of the practices and duties of the Christian religion.
Chapter 14 Of the effets politiques de la religion chrétienne. On the political impact of the Christian religion.
Chapter 15 De l'église, ou du sacerdoce des chrétiens. From the Church, or from the Christian priesthood.
Chapter 16 Conclusion. Closing word.

content

Preface and introduction

In the foreword Holbach answers the alleged letter from a reader who on the one hand agrees with the criticism of Christian beliefs, but on the other hand objects that the common people need a religion, otherwise nothing would prevent them from crimes. Holbach replies that it is not religion but laws that curb the people, and therefore asks the critic whether he belongs to those “faint-hearted thinkers” who “think the truth can harm”. Everything indicates that the preface is addressed to Voltaire and that Holbach wanted to rebut his foreseeable objections to the content of the book from the outset.

Holbach makes it clear in the introduction that the worship of a god should not be justified with the expected reward or punishment by this god. Rather, man must use reason to fathom the causes of his desires and fears, and only a few are willing to do so. Individuals, whether rich or poor, only hold fast to the faith because they have been so educated and instructed from childhood; in this way religious views could have persisted for centuries:

Le plus sûr moyen de tromper les hommes et de perpétuer leurs préjugés, c'est de les tromper dans l'enfance. Chez presque tous les peuples modern, l'éducation ne semble avoir pour objet que de former des fanatiques, des dévots, des moines; c'est-à-dire des hommes nuisibles ou inutiles à la société.
The surest way to mislead people and maintain their prejudice is to deceive them in childhood. For almost all modern peoples, education seems to serve only to train fanatics, pious and monks, that is, people who are harmful or useless to society.

Since the Christian religion attests a role model function to its God, which is described as cruel and evil, it only brought hatred, discord and violence to the people. Even kings and rulers would not have gained anything from Christianity, since they would have had to submit to the priesthood again and again. It is all the more important to lift the veil of Christianity and to fathom its principles.

History and origin of the Judeo-Christian religions (Chapters 2 and 3)

The history of the Jewish and Christian religions is described briefly and in dry terms by the author; he is only marginally interested in the goal pursued by Fontenelle ( De l'origine des fables ) and Boulanger (L'antiquité dévoilée) of uncovering the human-psychological causes of beliefs through a historical analysis. Holbach depicts the origin of the “Jewish people” - “in a small area, hardly noticed by the other peoples” - as emphatically banal and meaningless, in order to deny them any credibility. In addition to the unpromising initial situation of this people, there is their superstition and ignorance. Moses turned the Hebrews into "possessed and wild monsters" who hated other gods and who, as reported in the 1st Book of Kings , acted barbarically against other nations. As slaves of different peoples, the Jews - always a victim of their gullibility - were treated harshly and “well deserved” before they became even more fanatical under the domination of the Romans. According to Holbach's anti-Jewish account of the Old Testament , these were the circumstances under which the Jewish people expected their Messiah .

The origin of Christianity is described in a similarly sober and at times sarcastic tone. A poor Jew suddenly emerged who had convinced an ignorant following that he was the Son of God and who was eventually executed by the other Jews. Holbach emphasizes the Egyptian, Phoenician, Platonic and other influences of the new "clumsy and disjointed" religion - a topic that is repeatedly addressed in the following chapters. At first only the poor among the Jews and Gentiles felt addressed by a God who was hostile to the rich and great. It was only the Roman emperors who had converted to Christianity, for better or worse, that helped the church to gain independence and ultimately to supremacy. The contrast between the love of neighbor preached by Christians and their fanatical cruelty is explained by the adoption of the Jewish God, whose terrible nature has been exacerbated by the concept of the eternal torment of hell.

Revelations and Beliefs of Christianity (Chapters 4-8)

Holbach tries to differentiate between facts and religious myths; only after the historically oriented presentation of the previous chapters does the work deal with the revelation . From the beginning, the author tries to show the absurdity of Christian beliefs, beginning with a mocking representation of the biblical creation myth : "As soon as this Adam saw the light of day, his creator sets a trap for him ..."; The Atonement of Jesus Christ is similarly absurd . A morality based on such an arbitrary God must be insecure. The question of the extent to which the evil in the world can be reconciled with the alleged goodness of God ( theodicy problem ) cannot be answered by the existence of a devil or by the inexplicability of God's actions:

On nous dira sans doute que la conduite de Dieu est pour nous un mystère impénétrable, que nous ne sommes point en droit de l'examiner, que notre faible raison se perdrait toutes les fois qu'elle voudrait special les profondeurs de la sagesse divine, qu'il faut l'adorer en silence et nous soumettre en tremblant aux oracles d'un dieu qui a lui-même fait connaître ses volontés: on nous ferme la bouche en nous disant que la divinité s'est révélée aux hommes.
We will certainly be told that the work of God is to us an impenetrable mystery that we must not investigate; that our weak minds would get lost every time they tried to fathom the depths of divine wisdom, that we had to adore him in silence and that we tremblingly had to submit to the prophecies of a God who uttered his will: We are silenced by telling us that divinity has revealed itself to man.

In order to have an idea of ​​God, one cannot fall back on revelation, because it cannot prove its own correctness. Doubts about their statements could not be pushed aside on the grounds that they were mysteries , because an all-good God would express himself clearly for everyone. Obviously this is not the case, as everyone interprets the Bible differently, including theologians. In fact, Christianity offers no advantages over any other “superstition that pollutes the universe”, such as the belief in Brahma or Odin . There is no serious evidence of miracles; they were only invented to convince people of the impossible. The vague prophecies of the Old Testament were attempted to be fulfilled through forced interpretations and allegories. Martyrs would prove just as little, for not only fanaticism but all emotions had their martyrs.

Holbach asks the question to what extent properties such as infinity , eternity , omnipotence or justice are compatible with the God of the Bible. The Trinity can only be justified biblically through forced explanations; the dogmas of the Incarnation and Resurrection were apparently taken over from other religions. The idea of hell is not only incompatible with a benevolent God, but also serves to make people submissive and to cloud their reason. Incidentally, it is not belief in heaven and hell that would save people from unrestrained behavior, but good laws and a reasonable education. According to Holbach, angels are in the imagination of Christians what nymphs , lares and fairies were in the imagination of pagans and Romans. Again he emphasizes the parallels to other beliefs: the belief in Satan comes from earlier religions, the concept of purgatory from Plato.

Faith Practice and Scripture (Chapters 9 and 10)

After discussing the central Christian beliefs, Holbach briefly addresses the "childish and ridiculous ceremonies" of Christians. The baptism was a "reason for the impenetrable mystery, its effectiveness was disproved according to experience," because even after baptism are clearly committed sins. Even with transubstantiation (conversion of bread and wine into the body and blood of Jesus Christ), confession , prayer and exorcism , "everything is mystery, everything is magic, everything is incomprehensible". Then the contents of the holy books are briefly discussed. In contrast to the biblical exegesis advocated by some modern theologians , which interprets certain passages of scripture as symbolic, Holbach took the statements of the Bible literally. Even the beginning of the Bible testifies to a “deep ignorance of the laws of physics” and is full of contradictions. The entire Old Testament is a "clumsy collection in which obscure and incoherent revelations are interspersed". Holbach thinks the New Testament is hardly more credible and points to a number of passages in which the Gospels contradict one another. In light of such a book, it is not surprising that Christians kept arguing about what their God wants from them:

Ainsi ce livre obscur fut pour eux une pomme de discorde, une source intarissable de querelles, un arsenal, dans lequel les partis les plus opposés se pourvurent également d'armes. Les géomètres n'ont aucune dispute sur les principes fondamentaux de leur science; par quelle fatalité le livre révélé des chrétiens, qui renferme les fondements de leur religion divine, d'où dépend leur félicité éternelle, est-il inintelligible et sujet à des disputes qui si souvent ont ensanglanté la terre?
And so this obscure book was a bone of contention for them, a never-ending source of dispute, an arsenal from which the most opposing groups also supplied themselves with weapons. Geometrists do not argue about the basic principles of their science; by what fateful fate is the revealed book of Christians, which contains the foundations of their divine religion, incomprehensible and the subject of quarrels which have so often stained the earth with blood?

Christian Morals and Virtues (Chapters 11-13)

Holbach rejects the idea that no morality is possible without a supernatural revelation. In reality, morality has always existed as a necessary part of society. The thinkers of pre-Christian societies - Socrates , Confucius or the Gymnosophists - were in no way inferior to Jesus Christ and would refute the Christian sole claim to values ​​such as justice, patriotism, patience or meekness. Christianity is far from conferring holiness on these values, but on the contrary only makes them insecure, because a capricious God could not possibly serve as a solid ethical basis. Since the idea of ​​a cruel God always made a deeper impression on fanatics than that of a benevolent God, Christianity is responsible for more bloodshed than any pagan superstition. Secular rulers would also have suffered from the idiosyncratic moral concepts of Christians. Instead of forbidding crimes with reference to God, one should teach a “natural morality”, which indicates the self-preservation of humans and their place in society.

The Christian virtues referred Holbach as not very suitable for humans. The love for an unjust and fearful God is hardly possible and, if followed, accompanied by zeal: "A real Christian must be angry about it, if one sins against God". The missionaries and the associated violence should also be understood from this point of view . When soft-hearted minds felt romantic devotion to God, they only looked at him from the benevolent side and overlooked his unpleasant qualities. Love for one's neighbor or enemy is unrealistic, because you can only love another person if you know him and if he contributes to your own happiness. The belief had been raised only to virtue, to prevent rational-based thinking and maintain confidence in the Christian officials. Blinded by the hope of the eternal life would believers lose the current happiness from the eyes; the catholic virtue of modesty demeaned man and robbed him of the power of action. With similarly sharp anti-clericalism of the will of celibacy and the ban on divorce criticized. Overall, according to Holbach, no true morality is compatible with the Christian religion:

Toutes les vertus que le christianisme admire, ou sont outrées et fanatiques, ou elles ne tendent qu'à rendre l'homme timide, abject et malheureux. Si elles lui donnent du courage, il devient bientôt opiniâtre, altier, cruel et nuisible à la société.
All of the virtues that Christianity admires are either exaggerated and fanatical, or they just aim to make people shy, vile and unhappy. If they encourage him, he soon becomes bitter, haughty, cruel and harms society.

The prayer is also absurd, since it contradicts the claimed immutability of God; in other words, prayer presupposes a capricious God. Religious holidays meant that urgent work was unnecessarily suspended. More than almost any other cult, Christianity makes its followers dependent on the priesthood through baptism, confession and the threat of excommunication . Instead of educating a useful, enlightened citizen, instill prejudices in people from the start that only serve the priests.

Political and Social Influence of the Clergy (Chapters 14 and 15)

After considering Christian ethics , the political consequences of Christianity are examined. Holbach states that in all Christian countries two opposing legal systems are emerging that fight each other; through the church a “state within a state” emerges. Because of the inevitable discord between the Christian denominations, between Orthodox and heretics , politics always had to intervene. The church has always tried to manipulate princes and rulers in their favor. This leads to a tyranny under which the scientific, economic, cultural and social life of the state comes to a standstill. An enlightened and just ruler who seriously cares about the well-being of his "subjects", on the other hand, does not need to promote superstition.

For Holbach, the tyrannical claim to power of the church can be traced back to Christian teaching, which is based on infallible divine authority. In a historical overview, he goes on to explain that the fortunes built up by the early bishops led to discord and striving for power among the clergy, until the Bishop of Rome finally ascended the throne and built a theocracy . Ultimately, the Catholic religion was only invented to secure the power of the priesthood, and the Reformation, too, was a failed undertaking that could not break free from superstition. A Christian society is responsible for the evils that the priesthood inflicts on it.

Closing words (Chapter 16)

The closing words of Christianisme dévoilé are mainly aimed at those in power, which was quite common for works at the time. Holbach makes it clear that it is in the interests of political office holders to break away from the Christian religion and its clergy. His definition of religion from a political point of view is similar to Marx 's theses critical of religion:

La religion est l'art d'enivrer les hommes de l'enthousiasme, pour les empêcher de s'occuper des maux, dont ceux qui les gouvernent, les accablent ici bas.
Religion is the art of intoxicating people with enthusiasm in order to keep them from confronting the earthly evils with which they are overwhelmed by those who rule them.

It is the task of the enlightened ruler and not the church to teach morality and let justice rule. Even if Christianity discourages some people from crime - which is doubted - these advantages are nothing compared to the immense damage that this religion has caused. In contrast to Voltaire, who geared his educational program to the educated classes, Holbach called for a public education that includes all people regardless of their origin.

With a quasi-religious appeal, Holbach closes optimistically that the rulers have nothing to fear from an enlightened people and that ultimately truth and reason will triumph. Although Holbach also ultimately places his hopes in an enlightened monarch, he abandons Voltaire's plan to use tactical maneuvers to pull the rulers to the side of the Enlightenment.

Seizure and Persecution

On September 1, 1766, the Paris police chief Sartine determined the distribution of the book in the capital and instructed Joseph d'Hémery to prevent the distribution by all means.

In the spring of 1767, 200 copies of the book were confiscated from a "Madame Le Jeune". In 1768 it was put on record that a certain Bacot offered the work for sale. The colporteur Lefèvre, the 1768 philosophical under a series releases and copies of Le christianisme dévoile had been arrested and convicted several times. In October 1768 the police arrested the clerk Josserand, the second-hand dealer Lecuyer and his wife for selling books "which are contrary to morality and religion", including Le christianisme dévoilé. The case confirms that the book was also received with interest in the lower classes. All three were sentenced to three days in jail, Josserand to branding and nine years in the galley , Lecuyer to branding and five years in the galley and his wife to five years in a reformatory. Despite Lecuyer's numerous previous convictions, this punishment was extraordinarily severe and caused consternation in philosophical circles.

Le christianisme dévoilé is one of the books that the clergy condemned at their general assemblies ( Assemblées du clergé ) in 1770 and 1775. In August 1770, a court order sentenced several books and brochures to be burned , including copies of Holbach's work.

expenditure

After the copy dated 1756, the work saw five new editions in 1767, possibly including some foreign prints. Twelve further French-language editions of the work can be traced for the 18th and 19th centuries; the temporarily last is from 1834. Le christianisme dévoilé was partly included in what was supposed to be a complete edition of Boulanger's work. One of the publishers identified on the basis of invoices received is Marc-Michel Rey from Amsterdam, who became the most important publisher of the French enlightenment from the mid-18th century.

The first English translation by the American William Martin Johnson was printed in New York in 1795. The first Spanish translation appeared in 1821, the first Russian in 1924. The only German translation to date was published in 1970 by Manfred Naumann, along with two other works by Holbach.

reception

The first edition of the book was apparently out of print quickly or its circulation was severely restricted in view of the persecution by the authorities, because the Mémoires secrets published under Bachaumont's name in 1766 describe the book as “a recently printed and very rare work”. In contrast, five new editions appeared in 1767 alone, which together with the high price of the book - according to Diderot up to four Louis per copy - testify to the success with the French public. Nevertheless, the work by no means reached the effect of the later Système de la nature, with which the atheist-materialist movement found its preliminary climax.

Reactions from Holbach's intellectual environment

In a letter to Damilaville dated September 24, 1766, Voltaire paid tribute to the content of the book. He not only congratulates the author, but also expresses his appreciation:

Il ya un nouveau livre, comme vous savez, de feu m. Boulanger. Ce Boulanger pétrissait une pâte que tous les estomacs ne pourraient pas digérer. Il ya quelques endroits où la pâte est un peu aigre; mais en general son pain est ferme et nourissant [sic] […] Mes compliments à l'auteur voilé du dévoilé. Je l'embrasse mille fois. Ecr. l'inf.
As you know, there is a new book by the late Mr Boulanger. This Boulanger [Boulanger: French "baker"] kneaded a dough that not every stomach could digest. The dough is a little sour in places, but by and large the bread is firm and nutritious. […] My compliments to the author of the Dévoilé. I hug him a thousand times. Crush the shameful!

A few weeks later, in a letter to Voltaire, Diderot reports on a newly published book, which is probably Le christianisme dévoilé . He fears that the work will provoke the authorities to take arbitrary repression and pays tribute to the author's courage with the following words:

"C'est un homme qui a pris la torche de vos mains, qui est entré fièrement dans leur édifice de paille, et qui a mis le feu de tous les côtés. »
This is a man who took the torch out of your hands, proudly stepped into the thatch and lit it on all sides.

Holbach himself commented only briefly on his work in a letter to his friend, the lawyer Servan, and stated that it had "caused a tremendous and well-deserved sensation". Otherwise, Holbach stayed in the background and only rarely referred to his first work in later works.

Contrary to what Voltaire's declarations of war on the Catholic Church might have expected, his assessment of the work soon changed to the negative:

J'avoue avec vous qu'il a de la clarté, de la chaleur, et quelque-fois de l'éloquence, mais il est plein de répétitions, de négligences, de fautes contre la langue […] Il est entièrement opposé à mes principes. Ce livre conduit à l'athéisme que je déteste. J'ai toujours regardé l'athéisme comme le plus grand égarement de la raison, parce qu'il est aussi ridicule de dire que l'arrangement du monde ne prouve pas un artisan suprême, qu'il serait impertinent de dire qu'une horloge ne prouve pas un horloger.
L'autaut parait trop ennemi des puissances. Des hommes qui penseraient comme lui ne formeraient qu'une anarchy [...]
I agree with you that it has clarity, warmth, and occasionally eloquence, but it is full of repetition, negligence and linguistic errors [...] It is completely contrary to my principles. This book leads to atheism, which I abhor. I have always viewed atheism as the greatest aberration of reason because it is just as ridiculous to say that the order of the world does not prove the existence of a great craftsman, as it would be improper to say that a watch does not require a watchmaker.
The author seems too hostile to the powers that be. People who think like him would only build an anarchy [...]

Voltaire's critical marginal notes, which he noted in his copy of the book, have survived. They leave no doubt that he felt irritated by the appearance of the work and anticipate his rejection of Holbach's explicitly atheistic Système de la nature . This reaction illustrates the split between Voltaire and the more radical philosophers Diderot and Holbach, who, unlike Voltaire, rejected both the moral benefits of belief in God and a strategic alliance between the Enlightenment and the ruling political powers.

More contemporary reviews

The German diplomat and writer Friedrich Melchior Grimm , a long-time participant in the philosophical dinners organized in Holbach's house, described in his review Le christianisme dévoilé as the “boldest and most terrible book that has ever appeared anywhere in the world”. He pointed out that while you couldn't learn anything new from the book, it still aroused interest.

In contrast, German public opinion took the work very negatively. The Götting scholars wrote advertisements that the book was “full of mockery, mostly naughty mockery, also gross swearwords; and consistently more in the style of a pasquille than a serious denial ”. Johann Christoph von Zabuesnig said about the book as follows:

“The whole of Christianity exposed is a godless collection of inconsistencies, blasphemies, curses, and just as absurd as offensive reasoning. There is a dark and melancholy enthusiasm in it, which wants to destroy all religion. [...] Such an adventurous miscarriage could only be produced in a heated head. […] Nevertheless, this work was received with approval; but only of that kind of people who seek to completely blind themselves through the works of an insane godlessness rather than enlighten their understanding through sensible writings; of that kind of people who only praise a rebel because they too are complicit in the rebellion. "

Apologetic answers

In 1769, the theologian Nicolas-Sylvestre Bergier published the two-volume Apologie de la religion chrétienne, contre l'auteur du Christianisme dévoilé et contre quelques autres critiques, in response to Holbach's work , which is held in the traditional style of Catholic apologetics .

With reference to Thomas Aquinas , Bergier reaffirms his trust in reason. It is foolish to claim that Christianity forbids reason; this is present on every level. As far as revelation is concerned, reason itself indicates that one must believe its contents without further examination. The fact that this revelation is not "heard" equally by all people is due to the infinite and inexplicable nature of God.

In taking action against religious tyranny, the author of Le christianisme dévoilé is preparing that of secular laws, because without religion these would necessarily have to be many times stricter. The project to induce the rulers to introduce a freedom of thought is doomed to failure, because the non-Christian peoples are far behind the Christian. It is also wrong that Christianity leads peoples to revolts, because they have existed at all times. Even if Christianity were unnecessary, it should be retained, otherwise it would be replaced by an inferior religion.

Bergier repeatedly accuses the author of misrepresenting the Christian faith in order to make it appear as unbearable as possible. For example, Holbach is crazy when the Christian God foresees agony in hell for the majority of people:

Dieu ne punit point l'ignorance involontaire; il ne damnera aucun homme, pour avoir ignoré l'Evangile, à moins que cet homme n'ait eu des moyens de la connoître.
God does not punish unintentional ignorance. He does not condemn anyone for ignorance of the gospel unless that person has had the opportunity to know it.

Another slander was to claim that eternal life is reserved for only a small number of the elect, because according to the holy books, heavenly happiness is a reward for good deeds, especially charity. When considering the theodicy question, Bergier relies in part on Pierre Bayle's statement that an “infinite breadth” separates God's action from that of humans. Man must show kindness to his fellow man because his power is limited; it is absurd to expect something comparable from Almighty God.

Behind the attention, the later in the apologetics Holbach's Système de la nature given was joined Le christianisme dévoile back. Nevertheless, it was often briefly quoted in the years after its publication, for example by the Protestant Jacob Vernes , the Catholic Jean-René Sigaud de la Fond , the Jesuit Claude-Adrien Nonnotte , the Benedictine Louis-Maïeul Chaudon and the anti-Enlightenment opponent Antoine Sabatier de Castres .

Further influence and modern reception

The Young Hegelian Bruno Bauer derived the title of his early scripture, Critical of religion, The discovered Christianity , published in 1843, from Le christianisme dévoilé . In it, Bauer quotes several times from Holbach's works.

In 2009, Wulf Kellerwessel published a detailed study of the work's statements in the journal Aufklerung und Demokratie, in which he judged the strength of Holbach's arguments to be very inconsistent. Holbach's “psychological” and personal objections are less convincing; For example, it is empirically doubtful whether love for the God of the Bible, as Holbach claims, is actually psychologically impossible. The criticism of colonization and forced missioning as a result of Christian moral concepts is also largely out of date. More conclusive, however, are Holbach's references to linguistic and logical inconsistencies, which pose serious problems for Christianity as well as for other monotheistic religions. Kellerwessel sums up his impressions as follows:

"Thus the enlightenment analyzes in 'The unveiled Christianity' turn out to be at least relevant parts as rational penetrations of problematic beliefs, and are insofar relevant to this day as relevant criticisms of certain beliefs [sic]."

Holbach's timeless claim to expose religious ideas as prejudices makes the text "still worth reading and interesting today."

literature

Modern editions

  • Le christianisme dévoilé, ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion chrétienne. Coda, Paris 2006, ISBN 2-84967-032-4
  • Christianity unveiled, or testing of the principles and effects of the Christian religion. In Manfred Naumann (ed.); Rosemarie Heise, Fritz-Georg Voigt (translator): Paul Thiry d'Holbach: Religionskritische Schriften, pp. 51–171. Aufbau-Verlag, Berlin 1970

Secondary literature

  • Rudolf Besthorn: Text-critical studies on Holbach's work, pp. 76–91. Rütten & Loening, Berlin 1969
  • Wulf Kellerwessel: On the criticism of religion in Baron von Holbach's “Christianity unveiled”. Enlightenment and Criticism 16, 1 (2009): 180-199, ISSN  0945-6627
  • Denis Lecompte: Le Baron d'Holbach et Karl Marx: de l'antichristianisme à un athéisme premier et radical, pp. 328-460 (vol. 1); 631-638, 663-698 (Vol. 2). Dissertation, Université Paris IV, 1980. Cerf, Paris 1984, ISBN 2-204-02207-1
  • Manfred Naumann: On the publication history of the “Christianisme dévoilé”. In Werner Krauss / Walter Dietze (eds.): New contributions to the literature of the Enlightenment, pp. 155–183. Rütten & Loening, Berlin 1964
  • Jeroom Vercruysse: Bibliography descriptive des écrits du Baron d'Holbach. Minard, Paris 1971

Web links

Wikisource: Le Christianisme dévoilé  - sources and full texts (French)

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France D² 5305
  2. ^ Letter of October 27, 1766 (No. 12738 in Theodore Besterman, Voltaire's general correspondence. Institut et Musée Voltaire, Geneva 1953–1965). Quoted in Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  3. ^ Letters of December 20th to Villevieille (Besterman No. 14412) and of December 26th to Mme Du Deffand (Besterman No. 14422). Quoted in Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  4. ↑ a b c Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  5. ↑ Jean-François de La Harpe: Le Lycée, ou cours de littérature, vol. 14, p. 316 f. ( 1827 edition online at Google Books )
  6. ↑ Antoine-Alexandre Barbier: Examen de plusieurs assertions hasardées par JF Laharpe dans sa Philosophie du 18 e siècle , Magasin encyclopédique 1805, III: 5–26 ( online at Archive.org )
  7. ^ Sylvain Maréchal: Dictionnaire des athées anciens et modern, p. 313. Paris 1799 ( edition of 1833 online with Gallica ). Quoted in Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  8. ^ André Morellet: Mémoires de l'abbé Morellet, de l'Académie française, sur le dix-huitième siècle et sur la Révolution, vol. 1, p. 133. Ladvocat, Paris 1821 ( online at Google Books ).
  9. ↑ Besthorn (1969), p. 81
  10. ↑ Besthorn (1969), p. 91
  11. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 175
  12. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 155 f.
  13. ↑ Antoine-Alexandre Barbier: Dictionnaire des ouvrages anonymes et pseudonymes, vol. 1, p. 594 f. Paris 1872–1879. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 156
  14. ↑ Naumann (1964); Vercruysse (1971)
  15. ^ Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France D² 2859; see. Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  16. ^ Naumann (1964), p. 160
  17. ↑ Kellerwessel (2009), p. 181
  18. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 176
  19. ↑ Title of the chapter as well as book quotations from Jean Pierre Jackson (Ed.): Paul-Henri Thiry d'Holbach: Œuvres philosophiques, Vol. 1. Alive, Paris 1998, ISBN 2-911737-07-5 . Own translations.
  20. ↑ "ces penseurs pusillanimes qui croient que la vérité soit capable de nuire"
  21. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 168
  22. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 162
  23. ↑ Lecompte (1984), p. 341 f.
  24. ↑ See also Léon Poliakov: The History of Anti-semitism, Vol. 3: From Voltaire to Wagner, pp. 122 f. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2003, ISBN 0-8122-1865-5
  25. ↑ Lecompte (1984), p. 350
  26. ↑ a b Kellerwessel (2009), p. 180
  27. ↑ Lecompte (1984), p. 454
  28. ↑ a b Naumann (1964), p. 171
  29. ^ Letter from Voltaire to Damilaville dated March 21, 1767 (Besterman vol. 65, p. 74). Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 181
  30. ↑ Jean-Paul Belin: Le commerce des livres prohibés à Paris de 1750 à 1789, p. 85. Note 4, Paris, Belin Frères 1913 ( online at Gallica )
  31. ↑ Belin: Le commerce des livres ..., p. 87 ( online at Gallica )
  32. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 182
  33. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 181 f.
  34. ^ Alan Charles Kors : D'Holbach's Coterie: An Enlightenment in Paris, p. 241. Princeton University Press, Princeton 1976, ISBN 0-691-05224-7
  35. ↑ Avertissement sur les dangers de l'incrédulité, Paris 1770; Avertissement sur les avantages de la religion chrétienne et les effets pernicieux de l'incrédulité, Paris 1775. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 182
  36. ↑ réquisitoire sur lequel est intervenu l'arrêt du Parlement du août 18 1770 ..., Paris 1770. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p 182
  37. ↑ See Vercruysse (1971) for a detailed list of issues
  38. ↑ Cf. Jeroom Vercruysse: Marc-Michel Rey, libraire des lumières. In Roger Chartier (ed.): Histoire de l'édition française. Vol. 2: Le livre triomphant, 1660-1830, p. 322 f. Promodis, Paris 1984, ISBN 2-213-02400-6
  39. ↑ "un ouvrage nouvelle management imprimé & continued rare". Mémoires secrets pour servir à l'histoire de la République des Lettres en France depuis 1762 jusqu'à nos jours, vol. 3, p. 96. Adamson, London (?) 1784 ( online at Gallica )
  40. ↑ Georges Roth (Ed.): Denis Diderot: Correspondance, Vol. 8, p. 45. Minuit, Paris 1959. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 181
  41. ↑ Besterman No. 13585. Quoted in Lecompte (1984), pp. 633 f.
  42. ↑ Georges Roth (Ed.): Denis Diderot: Correspondance, Vol. 6, p. 334. Quoted in Lecompte (1984), p. 634
  43. ↑ «[…] le second de ces ouvrages a fait, surtout ici, une sensation prodigieuse et méritée. “ Pièces inédites. Le baron d'Holbach. L'Amateur d'autographes 1864, III: 75-77. Quoted in Vercruysse (1971), 1756
  44. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 174
  45. ^ Letter to Anne-Madelaine de la Tour du Pin de Saint-Julien dated December 15, 1766 (Besterman No. 13737). Quoted in Lecompte (1984), pp. 636 f.
  46. ↑ Naumann (1964), p. 164
  47. ↑ Naumann (1964), pp. 164-167
  48. ^ "Le livre le plus hardi et le plus terrible qui ait jamais paru dans aucun lieu du monde". Maurice Tourneux: Correspondance littéraire, philosophique et critique par Grimm, Diderot, Raynal, Meister etc., vol. 5, p. 367. Garnier, Paris 1877–1882. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 155
  49. ↑ Göttingsche Gelehre Werbung, 1767, p. 951 f. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 386
  50. ↑ Johann Christoph von Zabuesnig: Historical and critical news of the life and writings of Mr. von Voltaire and other natural philosophers of our times, vol. 2, p. 97 f. Augsburg 1777 ( online at Google Books )
  51. ^ Naumann (1964), p. 183. 2nd edition of Bergier's work online at Archive.org: Vol. 1 , Vol. 2
  52. ↑ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, 2nd ed., Vol. 1, p. 232 f.
  53. ↑ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, 2nd ed., Vol. 1, p. 242 f. Quoted in Lecompte (1984), p. 695
  54. ↑ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, Vol. 1, p. 10. Paris 1769. Quoted in Albert Monod: De Pascal à Châteaubriand, p. 445. Félix Alcan, Paris 1916
  55. ^ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, Conclusion. Paris 1769. Quoted in Monod: De Pascal à Châteaubriand, p. 445 f.
  56. ^ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, 2nd ed., Vol. 1, p. 240
  57. ^ Bergier: Apologie de la Religion Chrétienne, 2nd ed., Vol. 1, p. 220 f. See Lecompte (1984), p. 686.
  58. ↑ Jacques Vernes: Confidence philosophique, pp. 296 f., 320 f., 331 ff. London 1771 ( online at Google Books )
  59. ↑ Jean-René Sigaud de la Fond: Economie de la providence dans l'établissement de la religion, Vol. 1, pp. 8, 150, 285. Paris 1787. Quoted in Naumann (1964), p. 183
  60. ↑ Claude-François Nonnotte: Dictionnaire philosophique de la religion, vol. 3, p. 59. Paris 1772 ( online at Google Books )
  61. ↑ Louis Maïeul Chaudon: Dictionnaire antiphilosophique, Vol 1, p 182. 1774 Avignon (. Online at Archive.org )
  62. ↑ Antoine Sabatier de Castres: Les trois siècles de la littérature françoise, vol. 1, p. 188 f. Amsterdam 1774 ( online at Gallica )
  63. ↑ Bruno Bauer: The discovered Christianity. A reminder of the eighteenth century and a contribution to the crisis of the nineteenth. Zurich and Winterthur 1843. See Godwin Lämmermann: Critical Theology and Theology Critique: The Genesis of the Theory of Religion and Self-Consciousness of Bruno Bauer, p. 36. Kaiser, Munich 1979, ISBN 3-459-01225-0
  64. ↑ Kellerwessel (2009), p. 190
  65. ↑ Kellerwessel (2009), p. 197
  66. ↑ Kellerwessel (2009), p. 197 f.
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