Traditional forms of economy in Yemen
Traditional economic forms pervade the most important economic sectors of agriculture , trade and handicrafts in Yemen to this day . Comparable to the Asian mountainous countries Afghanistan , Bhutan and Nepal , Yemen was caught very late by the global economic expansionism of the industrialized countries and until the end of the 1960s it lived an existence almost untouched by the world market ; This regardless of the ancient Yemeni economic history in the old South Arabian context of the empires of Saba ( dam of Ma'rib ), Ausan , Qataban , Hadramaut and Himyar ( cisterns of Tawila , mine of ar-Radrad ) from the beginning of the 1st millennium BC. Until the spread of Islam from 632 AD. Himyar maintained a vigorous international long-distance trade in salt, wine and aromatic resins from the late 3rd century after the consolidation of the Arabian Peninsula . In the Islamic epoch the Rasulids used their important long-distance trade networks with Egypt , Persia and China .
It was only political upheavals and the effects of the oil boom in the Arab region that forced Yemen to enter the modernization process at all. Triggered by this, radical changes are taking place in the country and the course for the future design of a Yemeni industrial society (infrastructure expansion, factory construction, import economy) seems to have been set, but the gap in competence compared to advanced countries in the development process is clearly large (see: Houthi conflict , military intervention in Yemen 2015 ). Nonetheless, the old economic traditions are dying out and are largely a thing of the past. Nevertheless, they are indispensable for an understanding of the socio-economic structures, especially since Yemen remained without external impulses for a long time. For centuries it remained at the level of development of a (sedentary) agricultural society . Overall, it is not surprising that the socio-economic reality of Yemen is based on traditional social and economic systems.
Nomadic herding and economic forms of the settled people
The two fundamentally different economic forms of nomads and settled people are determined in Yemen by their regional, interregional and organizational components (in a relatively small area). Some Arab settlements have an agricultural background, so Ma'rib , Zafar or today in Saudi Arabia lying Najran , some not, as Aden or outside Yemen, Petra , Palmyra and Mecca . The Himyar economy is based on a form of agriculture adapted to the conditions of the mountains, and not on nomadic herding. Regularly recurring (annual) markets ( Aswaq al-Arab ) are first documented in the pre-Islamic period in the early 7th century along the coast of the Red Sea .
Bedouin subsistence farming
Bedouins live in the north of the country, in the transition zone to the eastern highlands. The small oases of Rub al-Chali (Empty Quarter) are used to cultivate dates . Vegetation is extremely sparse.
Livelihoods
The basis of the nomadic way of life is the livestock. These are mainly dromedaries and goats, very rarely sheep. The herds are small and are used for self-sufficiency . The most prestigious value are the dromedaries, which, in addition to their economic versatility (milk, hair and meat supplier or riding and transport), bring a reputation. The low-fat milk of the dromedaries covers part of the daily drinking needs. Goat's milk is fatter; to preserve it, it is boiled into clarified butter. The resulting buttermilk is used to produce dry milk. Boiled, formed into lumps and dried, it helps to overcome bottlenecks in the milk supply that can arise due to the limited lactation period of the goats.
The supplementary economy of the Bedouins, shown using the example of milk processing, is of outstanding importance because classic primary activities such as hunting are completely eliminated. Wildlife populations are sparse and hunting successes are unpredictable by chance. The (up) collecting of culinary valuable soil / shrub and tree fruits is also not necessary due to adverse ecozonal conditions. Wood, on the other hand, is collected and sold at rural weekly markets. The once flourishing frankincense trade has almost dried up today . Bedouins of the eastern Hadramaut alone make a small income from incense. -Yield processing (from sheep and goat's wool for woven carpets Farda and Schamla called) as well as clothing and headgear.
The most important branch of the economy is caravan services . These are market-related services that are entrusted to the Bedouins on behalf of merchants to carry out. The Bedouins are responsible for the proper transport, which is why these tasks have the character of commission business . Transport and the intactness of the entrusted goods upon handover to the buyer are set against the remuneration as a bundle of services.
Nomadic economic organization in a family network
The constitutive element of nomadic tribal societies is the patrilineal system of descent. Following the patrilineal rules, the orders of the family founder are followed. Founding fathers of families incorporate the following generations (sons, grandchildren). They alone hold the property rights and thus the rights of disposal over the means of production and things (cattle, technical equipment). Exceptions are dowry or birth gifts. The organization of work within this system follows the principle of the gender-segregated division of labor. The system is to be understood as a cooperative between men and women, because the burdens that arise depend on the economic requirements and the magnitude of the obligations assumed for the entire family group.
The woman bears the brunt of family care. Your efforts are aimed at allowing the goods to circulate reciprocally in the family relationship. These mechanisms minimize risks because one believes to be traced back to common ancestors, which ultimately triggers codified support obligations and keeps the goods cycle in balance. Delegation of work to younger women is common.
The man in the nomadic context takes care of the camel breeding, the shearing and medical treatment of the animals, the defense and the maintenance of external relations. The sales markets for nomadic production goods function similarly to the markets for caravan services - namely on a commission basis. Nomads do not sell their goods directly on the markets, but use the dallāl (commission dealer ). Here, too, one can see a risk minimization measure, because in emergencies goods (millet, rice, dates, sugar) can be purchased by the commission agent in advance . A second aspect is important: the legal capacity of the people involved in the trade must be guaranteed. As already explained, every right of disposal over material goods follows the (derivative) acquisition from the entitled person; in the patrilineal context, therefore, from the founder of the respective family association. From the common ground of the group united by a genealogical act of founding, the individual business is endowed with the necessary social reunification and thus also legally binding according to the understanding of the Bedouins.
The stealing of cattle ( ghazū ) is also subject to the man’s area of competence . Not economic, but prestige-increasing interests cause this behavior. The victims are rival tribes. The camel robbery embodies a social status symbol and even more: It is related to high social values.
Tribal beings
Indispensable means of production, grazing grounds and wells are legally designated as the common property of the tribe. In this respect, family interests are overlaid by collective interests. In these cases, the family elders cooperate with the muqaddam , the elected tribal leader within the tribal organization. In contrast to the authority of the tribal elders, that of the muqaddam can be challenged. The muqaddam also does not protect the hereditary succession of the official right from the necessary confirmation by election. In the event of incapacity or disloyalty, the candidate is voted out of office. The family fathers retain any legal reservation in this system.
The farmers and craftsmen in the Yemeni highlands
Agricultural
Water management for terrace cultivation
In contrast to the nomads, conditions prevail among the farmers that allow a much more efficient economy. In some places they use the higher water table , for example in the valleys of the Wadi al-Sirr or in the Wadi Ridjam in the highlands northeast of Sanaa . On the other hand, there is abundant rainfall that can supplement or temporarily replace well irrigation ( rain-fed agriculture ). Based on the earlier cultures, the farmers on the eastern edge of the highlands have understood very well how to use simple means to develop a very effective agricultural technology that is excellently adapted to the ecological conditions, or to use rainwater optimally. Heavy rain can be absorbed, as the relief of the mountains is stopped by adapted terrace cultivation with collecting walls on the valley side in order to be able to penetrate into deeper soil layers instead of draining off. Since thunderstorms often come down locally to a very limited extent, non-terraced parts of the slope are provided with ditches that are led onto the cultivated plots while taking minerals with them ( rainwater harvesting or runoff agriculture ), a method of ( flash water irrigation ). To increase the runoff, "water collection areas" are created in the mountain, which flow into the highest terrace, the "collecting terrace", via slope feed lines. The water flowing out of this terrace is directed into the uppermost "cultivation terrace", from which the irrigation continues down the slope. Among other factors, this irrigation system leads to the depletion of vegetation in many mountains. The terraces are also provided with a "valve" so that excess water can be directed to the lower terrace via recessed or specially enclosed outlets. If there is not enough rainwater, the method of "dry farming" is practiced. Here, cultivation is only carried out every second year in order to be able to use the fallow year in between for soil water enrichment . A large number of rules of civil law are used to monitor the proper maintenance of the systems. Since the beginning of the 1970s, however, terrace cultivation has been severely neglected, as the rural population was forced to emigrate (in particular due to labor migration to the Gulf States). Money flowing back from there is now increasingly being invested in well drilling and pump construction in order to become independent of the uncertainty of sufficient precipitation.
Where the great valleys leave the mountains (especially in the Tihama and in East Yemeni regions), dam fields are used, which are built into the rivers in order to divert the floods strategically into the cultivated plots. The most famous example of this in the past was the dam of Ma'rib , which was less a dam than a water distribution system. In addition to the sophisticated surface water management methods also wasserkonservierender measures are applied that affect the tillage cheap (regenerative fallow , shallow plowing, nutrient-locking mixed cultivation of cereals and legumes ). Agricultural goods and water were often stored underground in the mountain regions ( in cisterns since Sabaean times ).
Cultivation and products
Similar to the Bedouins, the man is responsible for buying and selling goods in the markets. He thereby gains control over internal and external transactions and can determine shifts in demand to improve his own supply. The agricultural fundamentals of peasant societies form of grain and wine and Qat Plant type. These jobs are also men's work.
The women are responsible for growing vegetables (beans, fenugreek , carrots, tomatoes, herbs and spices) and raising livestock. Supplementary milk processing in the form of cheese production is completely unknown here. Mainly wheat ( burr or birr ), emmer and sorghum varieties are cultivated. The cultivation takes place with so-called Arl (hook plow) and with a saw plow . Pulling shovels, harrows and leveling boards are also used. It is stored in sacks in the house. Only sorghum (especially black millet ) is kept in pits that are covered with stones. Viticulture mostly takes place in open fields, less often in small gardens. The farmers counter pest control by means of dry pollination of the vines (ground earth). The so-called Asimī grapes are brought onto the market as fruits, where they are in great demand. Many other types of grapes are more suitable for raisin production (Rāziqī, Aswad, Bayād, etc.). The cathin-containing (chemically an amphetamine ) shrub plant Qat , which presumably came from Ethiopia to Yemen in the 13th century , is so popular that its cultivated areas have been steadily increased at the expense of food crops and, as a result, agricultural goods had to be imported by means of considerable foreign exchange reserves. which should actually have been available through domestic trade.
Overall, it can be said that agricultural cultivation behavior is primarily based on the principle of self-sufficiency (subsistence farming). This alone enables a tribe to pursue the desired political autonomy.
The traditional beekeeping
Beekeeping has been documented in Yemen for around 2000 years and can be found in many parts of the country. Beekeeping is predominantly carried out in a sedentary manner, which is due to the weight of the beehives, often also to the tribal structures and the ownership structure associated with them. The most important breeding areas are in the south of the country; they are migratory breeding areas. All temporary stays are traditionally tried and tested. It is important that the bee colonies are preserved and that a harvestable honey surplus is lost. Today trucks are used for transport, in the past, dromedaries were used. The hike takes place through places with ideal conditions at the time of arrival, which is best suited to an excellent honey in the self-image of the beekeeper. Spring rains during the main feeding time of the bees are used as well as hot and dry winters in regions of the Euphorbia bloom, which cannot tolerate rain due to the risk of nectar being washed out and are therefore avoided in the rest of the year. The use of the acacia blossom is particularly popular.
There is traditionally good camaraderie between beekeepers, which is also good for the profession, because it is important to catch and manage fleeting swarms of bees after the owner has moved on. The beekeeper works with little - often even without - protective clothing, since Yemeni bees are considered to be particularly good-natured if they are treated courteously. It is smoked with euphorbia , donkey dung or sackcloth. Some beekeepers know how to strengthen weak bee colonies by introducing new bees into the swarm. Artificial feeding is unusual. Losses in dry seasons are great and are accepted.
Traditionally, hollowed-out cylindrical trunk pieces , primarily of the Sūkam tree, serve as beehives . In other cases, the Sūkam wood, which is very resistant to insect damage, is lumbered together into blocks of wood. Both ends can be closed. The beehives stacked on top of each other are still moored so that they do not fall down when the wood expands due to the weather. Other materials used to build beehives include clay, split pipe, and cow dung coats. Experience taught the beekeepers to build beehives in standard sizes. The height has been estimated at 9 cm as honey production is improved at this level. At this height, the bees build a new piece of honeycomb for the honey, separate from their brood. Higher boxes would not encourage the bees to do this extra work. The beehives are usually put together in a group in which 9–12 hives are placed in a high frame. An upside-down bed can also serve as a shelf. Mats woven from straw or palm straw are placed over the arrangement to protect from the sun. In such formations, several groups of beehives are put together. The honey harvest takes place several times a year.
Valuable local honey is called baladi and is always preferred to an imported product. Beekeepers don't sell their honey on commission, but directly. Purity tests are traditionally done by rolling out a drop of honey in the sand. If it keeps its shape, the honey is pure because the obligatory low level of moisture increases the viscosity of the product. Another method is to turn the honey container upside down to see how quickly air bubbles can escape. A slow increase reveals the purity of the honey. High quality honey is very expensive in Yemen. The honey most in demand comes from the flowers of the Syrian Christ thorn ( Ziziphus spina-christi ). A liter of this product already cost the equivalent of 250 DM in 1985 . This is followed by acacia honey varieties such as blackthorn acacia honey ( acacia mellifera ). Euphorbia honey has a peculiar taste of hot pepper ( bisbas ) and triggers an unexpected burning sensation in the throat, with an initially orange-blossom approach .
The craft
Among the craftsmen, a distinction is made between the peasant artisans, who are members of the peasant tribal society, and the Muzayyinin , who are viewed as underprivileged. Due to their status, Muzayyinin are not subject to any control measures with regard to their production environment, because the supplementary approach, which only focuses on the autarchy and inviolability of the tribe against third-party influences, realizes its sovereignty only through a number of local craftsmen that are considered necessary. The Muzayyinin who are defenseless in this respect are left with the fields of activity that a local craftsman rejects. Slaughter of cattle, tanning of fur, weaving, pottery and haircutting are the duties of the Muzayyinin. The carpentry, the blacksmithing and house building trades are practiced by the farmers. As members of the tribe, they are also entitled to the allocation of agricultural areas that can be cultivated in order to be able to compensate for their main activities, which are subject to economic demand.
Among the farmers and artisans, too, the tribe presents itself as a patrilineal community of descent. The predominance is led by the Shaykh al-Qabīla . Broken down into tribal districts, the Shaykh's al-Thumen come into play, and broken down into the villages, the Shaykh's al-Qarīya come into play. Depending on the complexity, the tasks are given to the Shaykh's.
A large number of remarkable products come from the craftsmen's guilds. Leather is used for shoes, vests, coats and belts. But bags and containers for storing various goods are also made of leather. An extract of the Qaraẓ tree (previously unidentified species of acacia , ou قرظ ) is used to tan the leather. Yemeni wool, linen and cotton have always been famous . Outer garments ( barūd ) are made from linen and dyed with Wars (sesame-like yellow plant). Maafir fabrics from the Malafir area (today: al-Ḥugarīya, Ta'izz governorate ) are just as famous . The Liḥāf , whose striped patterns are characteristic, are beautiful cotton and silk products . There is also a lot of embroidery: a typical product is the wide, multi-colored Hibya support band . The mines and the overburden of gold , silver , lead , copper , tin and iron have also been important since pre-Islamic times. The products made from it can mostly be assigned to the arms trade : swords, arrows and lances. The making of silver jewelry was a famous handicraft of the Jews living in Yemen before they almost completely emigrated to Israel with the great exodus wave Magic Carpet 1949–1950 and this tradition left large gaps.
Today, the curved dagger ( janbīya ) is particularly noteworthy in weapon technology . The blade of the curved dagger is the blacksmith's field of activity. The handle made of horn or silver is subject to the competence of the handle maker. The scabbard of the dagger is made by the scabbard maker. The belt for comfort is made by the belt maker. For the Yemenis, the handle, then the blade and finally the scabbard count. The curved dagger has its origin with the Yemeni caravan traders. Today he embodies less the weapon itself than freedom and masculinity.
The market swap
Tribal markets are characterized by barter and take place periodically as weekly markets. To ensure market peace, it is organized functionally (ḥokmaal-Sūq). The elected Shaykh al-Sūq is responsible for managing the market . This is the main responsible market functionary. Secondary officials are made available to him as mediators (so-called Musālih - members of the tribe). They have broker status and are allowed to charge 1/10 each from the buyer and from the seller for their services. A further share of the proceeds from barter transactions goes to the store management and is also retained by the store broker. A market peculiarity recognized by customary law comes to the aid of the store manager. It is the so-called aram rule . This rule states that it is forbidden for all market participants to argue or physically dispute; it serves the - already mentioned - market peace. The Ḥaram quality reflects a collective promise of peace. Violations are severely punished and can lead to the loss of one's own goods or, as a last resort, even life. People outside the market are encouraged to take barter and trade goods with them in order to make their purpose of arrival recognizable. The ḥaram-implemented protection guarantee applies to everyone for the duration of the market transactions - including strangers.
Municipal trading companies
In the cities, the market organization is derived from the interests of the individual industry groups. To this end, economic alliances are formed. All members of these alliances are legally equal. Resolutions are made in meetings. Each branch is headed by an elected aqil . This takes care of the purchase. He distributes the raw materials necessary for the production of the objects (e.g. wood for the carpenter) to the craftsman. He also organizes the storage of the goods in the city stores . The magazines are jointly owned by the members of the industry. The prerequisites for competitiveness on the market are therefore balanced among those who are dependent on the industry. All industries, such as carpenters, silver, iron and coppersmiths, plumber , dagger handle makers, mattress poppers, stone cutters and others are equally affected.
The higher authority of all merchant groups is the Chamber of Commerce ( ghurfat al-tidjāra ), which emerged in 1963 from the so-called assembly of merchants (madjilis al-tidjāra) . Price fixing, foreign goods monitoring and tax sovereignty are part of the competence of these chambers of commerce.
At night, the Shaykh al-Layl, who is primarily responsible, guards the market area. He is liable for failures (e.g. theft) against payment in a reciprocal guarantee-like manner. It is forbidden to visit the market area at night, which is why the Shaykh al-Layl is responsible for an entire surveillance system of guard houses that are posted on the roofs of the shops. In this way, the perpetrators can be pursued simply by shouting over the roofs.
There are other urban societies in Yemen as well. Their socio-economic structure is predetermined by what is known as pension capitalism . An example of this determination is offered by the hadramautical city of Tarīm . In the system maintained in this city, there is no reinvestment of acquired capital for the economic expansion of prosperity interests for the community, just as little innovation . Rather, income is skimmed off and hoarded. Economic stagnation with regular indebtedness and wage advances for the already low-paid workforce are contributing to pronounced exploitation. The so-called city district organizations have formed as a counter-association to the landowners and trade controllers. The interest groups here do not run across industries, but are standardized across the city districts mentioned.
See also
Used literature
- Yusuf Abdallah: The past lives: people, landscape and history in Yemen in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Walter Dostal : Traditional economy and society in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 ( main source for the article )
- Walter Dostal: In search of the future in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Helmut Eger: Runoff Agriculture: A Case Study About the Yemini Highlands. , Wiesbaden (= Yemen Studies 7)
- Michael Hofmann: Development and development planning of the two Yemen in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Jan Karpowicz: Traditional beekeeping in Yemen in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Horst Kopp : Agriculture of Yemen - From Mocha to Qat in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Horst Kopp (Ed.): Geography of Yemen , Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag Wiesbaden, 2005, ISBN 3-89500-500-2 .
- Jürgen Schmidt : The Sabaean water management of Marīb in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Matthias Weiter: Development and development aid in Yemen in Werner Daum Yemen , Umschau-Verlag, Frankfurt / Main, ISBN 3-7016-2251-5 .
- Paul Yule : Himyar – Late Antique in Yemen / Late Antique Yemen. Linden Soft, Aichwald 2007. ISBN 3-929290-35-9 .
Further literature
- Walter Dostal : The Beduins in South Arabia Viennese Contributions to Cultural History and Linguistics, Vol. XVI. Horn - Vienna 1967.
- Walter Dostal: Interpretation of the socio-economic conditions of South Arabian Bedouins in contributions to South Asian research, Vol. 86: 112–127, Wiesbaden 1983.
- Walter Dostal: Craftsmen and craft techniques in Tarīm (South Arabia - Hadramaut) ; Publications on scientific films (Section Ethnology - Folklore), Supplementary Volume 8, Göttingen 1972.
- Ahmed Al Hubaishi, Klaus Müller-Hohenstein: An introduction to the vegetation of Yemen Eschborn 1984.
- Horst Kopp : Agriculturalography of the Arab Republic of Yemen Erlangen 1981 (= Erlanger Geographical Works, special volume 11)
- Günter Meyer : Labor migration, internal migration and economic development in the Arab Republic of Yemen ; Yemen Studies - Vol. 2, Wiesbaden 1986.
Remarks
- ↑ Michael Hofmann Development and Development Planning of the Two Yemen p. 421
- ↑ a b c Paul Yule, Himyar – Spätantike im Yemen / Late Antique Yemen , p. 56 ff. (See lit.)
- ↑ a b Werner Daum JEMEN - 3000 years of history, culture and art From the Queen of Sheba to a modern state, pp. 9–28
- ↑ a b c Horst Kopp Agriculture in Yemen - From Mocha to Qat pp. 365–369
- ^ Matthias Weiter Development and Development Aid in Yemen, p. 435
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Walter Dostal: Traditional Economy and Society, pp. 331–365
- ↑ Helmut Eger, Runoff Agriculture: A case study about the Yemini Highlands (= Yemen Studies 7), 1987
- ↑ a b Länderkunde Yemen, editor: Horst Kopp, Reichert Verlag Wiesbaden (2005), pp. 106–119
- ↑ a b c d Yusuf Abdallah: The past is alive: People, landscape and history in Yemen pp. 472–488
- ↑ Adolf Grohmann: Kulturgeschichte des alten Orient, parts 3-4 , pp. 140 ff. (With illustrations)
- ↑ Peter Przybilla: Silesian agriculture in the 16th century on the term: Arl . Boehm Chronicle, accessed June 29, 2017.
- ↑ Jan Karpowicz Traditional beekeeping in Yemen p. 370
- ↑ Underprivileged Muzayyinin
- ↑ Walter Dostal, Wolfgang Kraus: Terms for the Shaykh’s in Shattering tradition: custom, law and the individual in the Muslim Mediterranean
- ↑ Gerhard Lichtenthäler: Political ecology and the role of water: environment, society and economy in ...
- ↑ Walter Dostal: In search of the future, p. 441 ff (445)
- ↑ Ibrahim Cihan: Haram and Halal in Capital Market Products under Islamic Law