Siege of Godesberg

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Siege of Godesberg
Destruction of Godesburg in the Truchsessian War in 1583, engraving by Franz Hogenberg
Destruction of Godesburg in the Truchsessian War in 1583, engraving by Franz Hogenberg
date November 18 to December 17, 1583
place Godesberg
output Catholic-Bavarian victory
Parties to the conflict

D'argent croix de sable.svg Gebhard von Waldburg , Elector and Archbishop of Cologne (1578–1583) (Calvinist)

D'argent croix de sable.svg Ernst of Bavaria , Elector and Archbishop of Cologne (1583–1612) (Catholic) House of Wittelsbach
Wittelsbach Arms.svg

Commander

Lieutenant Colonel Felix Buchner
Captain of the Guard Eduard Sudermann

Ferdinand of Bavaria
Karl von Arenberg

Troop strength
"... a large Dutch armed force" (about 180 men) More than 400 foot soldiers, 5 squadrons of cavalry
losses

178

Unknown

The siege of Godesberg from November 18 to December 17, 1583 was the first major siege in the Truchsessian War (1583–1589). In an effort to seize control of an important fortress, Bavarian and mercenary troops surrounded Godesberg and the village at its foot, today's Bad Godesberg . At the top of the mountain was an impressive fortress, the Godesburg , which was built by the Electorate of Cologne in the early 13th century .

Towering above the Rhine Valley, the Lord of Godesburg controlled the roads to and from Cologne , the economic center of the region, and Bonn , the capital of Kurköln, thanks to its strategically important location . The electors later strengthened the castle walls and raised the towers. In the 14th century, a small dwelling and a donjon were added, making the fortress a bulwark for the electoral archives and valuables. Until the middle of the 16th century, the Godesburg was considered to be almost impregnable. It had developed into a power symbol of the dual office of elector and archbishop of Cologne, one of the wealthiest ecclesiastical territories in the Holy Roman Empire. The Truchsessian War, a feud between the Protestant Elector Gebhard, Truchsess von Waldburg and the Catholic Elector Ernst von Bayern , was another schismatic chapter in the history of the elector and archbishopric.

In November 1583 the Godesburg was attacked by Bavarian forces. However, it also withstood a long cannonade by the attackers; Finally, sappers dug a tunnel in the basalt underground of the mountain, placed 680 kilograms of black powder in the tunnel and blew up a considerable part of the fortifications. Most of the defenders were killed in the explosion. However, the remaining defenders continued to offer fierce resistance and the rubble created by the detonation hindered the attackers' progress. It was only when some of the attackers got into the inner courtyard of the facility via the latrine system that the Bavarians were able to gain the upper hand. The commander of Godesburg and a few other surviving defenders sought protection in the keep; Using prisoners in prison as hostages, the commander negotiated safe conduct for himself, his wife and his lieutenant. The others who had sought refuge in the keep - men, women and children - were killed. The nearby Bonn fell into the hands of the Bavarians the following month.

background

The secular possessions of the Archbishops of Cologne stretched over 60 km along the Rhine. The gray lines mark the borders of today's states Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, the rivers are also shown in their current course. The imperial city of Cologne was not part of the electorate, although it was part of the archdiocese. Venlo , Duisburg , Dortmund and Nijmegen were also not part of Kurköln, although they played an important role in the Truchsessian War.

The Truchsessian War, 1583–1589, was triggered by the conversion of Archbishop Elector Gebhard von Waldburg to Calvinism in 1582 and his subsequent marriage to Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben in 1583. When he refused to resign from his office, a group of clergymen in the Cologne cathedral chapter elected another archbishop, Ernst von Bayern from the House of Wittelsbach .

At the beginning only troops of the two competing archbishops fought for control of the electorate; Within a few months the struggle had developed from a local feud to a war in which troops from the Electoral Palatinate and on the part of the Catholics from the Duchy of Bavaria participated to support the Protestants . Italian mercenaries hired with papal gold added to the Catholic armed forces. In 1586 the conflict escalated further when troops from the Spanish Netherlands joined the Catholics directly, which in turn resulted in a tertiary participation of Henry III. of France and Elizabeth I of England provoked on the Protestant side.

In principle, the dispute was just a local feud between the two competing dynastic houses, the Seneschallen or Truchsessen von Waldburg and the dukes from the Wittelbach family, which had acquired a religious overtone. The dispute had far-reaching effects on the political, social, and dynastic balance in the Holy Roman Empire . He put the principle of the Reservatum ecclesiasticum , which had been established in the Augsburg Imperial and Religious Peace of 1555, to a severe test. The peace of 1555 regulated religious problems through the principle of Cuius regio, eius religio : the subjects of a secular ruler had to follow the religion of their sovereign. The Reservatum ecclesiasticum exempted the territories of prelates within the empire (bishops, archbishops, abbots / abbesses) from this rule. In an ecclesiastical area, the residents did not have to change religion with their ruler when he converted. Instead, the prelate had to resign from office. Problematically, the peace of 1555 did not regulate this process in detail.

Controversial conversion

AgnesvonMansfeld.jpg
Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg.jpg


Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg (right) converted to Protestantism and married the Protestant canon Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben (left); when he refused to resign his ecclesiastical dignity, the cathedral chapter elected another archbishop.

Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben was a canon in a convent in Gerresheim . After 1579, she maintained a long liaison with Gebhard von Waldburg-Trauchburg, the truchess of Waldburg. To preserve her honor, two of her brothers convinced Gebhard to marry her and to consider converting to Calvinism for her. Rumors about his possible conversion and the possible resignation of his offices spread in the electorate. The electorate had overcome similar problems before. Hermann von Wied converted to Protestantism in 1547 and resigned. Salentin von Isenburg , Gebhard's immediate predecessor, had resigned because of his wedding. In December 1582, Gebhard announced his conversion and expanded the religious equality of Protestants in the electorate. In February 1583 he married Agnes. At the end of March 1583 he was excommunicated by the Pope. The cathedral chapter immediately elected a new archbishop, Ernst von Bayern.

Both conflicting archbishops claimed both the bishop's seat and the electoral dignity and so they and their supporters rallied troops. In terms of numbers, the advantage was with Ernst. The Pope hired 5,000 mercenaries from the House of Farnese and sent them to support the newly elected Bavaria. Ernst's brother Wilhelm , the Duke of Bavaria, made his army available and Ernst got his other brother Ferdinand to take with his army the so-called Oberstift , the southern areas of the electorate; his troops plundered many cities and villages there.

With the support of Adolf von Neuenahr and Count Solms , Gebhard was able to hold some areas in the north and east of Kurköln, where he had advantages due to the geographical proximity to the rebellious Dutch provinces. In the south, however, Ferdinand's troops hunted down, which Gebhard had left behind in the Oberstift to protect cities like Ahrweiler and Linz ; Gebhard's troops were driven from their fortresses, chased across the grounds, and eventually captured. By autumn 1583, most of the upper monastery areas had fallen to Ferdinand's army, and many of Gebhard's former allies, including his own brother, had fallen away from him. In some cases, they kept the release agreements made after they were arrested. A strong supporter, Johann Kasimir von Pfalz-Simmern , the brother of Elector Ludwig VI. von der Pfalz , returned to the Pfalz when his brother died. Other supporters were frustrated by Gebhard's inability to pay his troops or intimidated by threats from Emperor Rudolf II . At the end of October Gebhard only held the Godesburg near the villages of Godesberg and Friesdorf, the fortress in Bonn and the fortified village of Poppelsdorf.

fortress

The foundation stone of Godesburg was laid on October 15, 1210 at the behest of Dietrich I von Hengebach , the archbishop of Cologne, whose rule over the electorate itself was controversial and who therefore had to defend his position. Although his enemies deposed Dietrich in 1212, his successors completed and expanded the fortress; it distinguished itself in the chronicles of the following centuries both as a symbolic and real embodiment of the power of the Archbishop of Cologne in his numerous struggles to assert the same in secular and ecclesiastical matters. In addition, in the late 14th century, the fortress became a repository for the Elector's valuables and archives. Until the middle of the 16th century, the castle was known among the population as the Elector's favorite seat of all possible residences .

The Godesburg before its destruction, depicted on a painted church window around 1500. This painting is believed to be the only detailed depiction of the Godesburg before its destruction. The picture shows the building from the north; On the right in the foreground you can see the Michael's Chapel .

The fortifications were originally built in the medieval style. Under the rule of Siegfried von Westerburg (1275–1295), it successfully withstood a five-week siege by the Count of Kleve . Subsequent Archbishops built the defenses with stronger walls further and sided cylindrical keep with other floors. In order to expand the residence as such, these archbishops expanded the interior and added dungeons and a chapel; they also fortified the walls with towers and battlements, added a curtain wall, and improved the roads that led in a series of serpentines to the gate. By the 1580s, Godesburg had not only developed into the elector's favorite residence, it had also become a carefully constructed stone fortress. Although it retained some of its medieval character, it had been improved in places in the style popularized by Italian military architects. The physical location at the top of the mountain did not allow it to be built entirely in the style of the star-shaped trace Italianne ; nonetheless, the cordon of thick, rounded walls and iron-reinforced gates made the defenders of Godesburg considerable opponents. Their location, about 120 meters above the Rhine at the top of a steep hill, made the artillery attack difficult. The serpentines on the access road made the use of battering rams impossible. In addition, attacks by foot soldiers were slowed down and endangered by the good visibility of the fortress walls. The defenders could fire at attackers from many angles.

Fortresses like these and the star-shaped structures that were common in the flatter areas of the Dutch provinces made warfare increasingly difficult and expensive in the 16th century; victory was no longer just a matter of luck in battle. Rather, it was necessary to move from one fortified and armed city to the next and invest time and money in one of two possible exits. Ideally, the city guides were moved to surrender by a superior force. If the show of force by a besieging army did not intimidate the city sufficiently, the only remaining alternative was an expensive siege, which reduced the city to rubble and resulted in a storm on the ruins. In the former case, however, if the city surrendered, it would have had to billet the troops at its own expense, but the soldiers would not have been allowed to plunder. In the latter case, no mercy would have been given to the defenders and the soldiers would have been given a free hand.

Siege of Godesburg

Poppelsdorf, Gebhards Landitz, where he first brought his bride in February, was taken by Ernst's supporters in mid-November 1583. When they had finished with Poppelsdorf, they turned to Godesberg.

On November 13th or 14th, Ferdinand von Bayern (Ernst's brother) and Count von Arenberg took the Elector's Palace in Poppelsdorf; on November 18th they turned against the Godesburg. This fortress was considerably stronger than the one in Poppelsdorf and of paramount strategic importance for the impending attack on Bonn, the capital of the electorate.

The Godesburg was defended by Lieutenant Colonel Felix Buchner, captain of the guard Eduard Sudermann, a garrison consisting of Dutch soldiers and some cannons. Sudermann was a patrician from Cologne and the son of Cologne mayor Heinrich Sudermann (1520–1591), a lawyer and one of the most influential men in the imperial city and the trading centers of the northern German states. According to contemporary sources, around 180 people lived in the complex, including farmers, the Dutch soldiers and an unknown number of women and children. Some of Gebhard's prisoners were also housed in the fortress. The abbot of Heisterbach , Johann von St. Vith, was captured in July 1583 when Sudermann's soldiers sacked various villages in the region and plundered the Heisterbach monastery. Other prisoners in Godesburg included Gebhard von Bothmer, the suffragan of Hildesheim and Capitan Ranucino from Florence, the appointed commandant of Deutz . Ferdinand brought more than 400 infantry and five mounted squadrons to the siege, as well as half a dozen heavy-caliber cannons, so-called calverines . His soldiers, including Spanish and Italian mercenaries, took up quarters in the surrounding villages, a process that was accompanied by looting, arson, rape and murder. On November 18, the first day of the siege, Ferdinand sent a trumpeter and formally requested surrender; the defending garrison replied that they had sworn allegiance to Gebhard and would fight for him to the death.

Cannonade (November 18-28, 1583)

The first fire came from the south-east; the cannons had been placed in the village of Godesberg at the foot of the mountain. The second cannonade was undertaken from a winery to the west; at times the outer walls could be broken through.

In response, Ferdinand took control of the village at the foot of the mountain and surrounded the bastion. He interviewed the locals for two days to find out which angle of attack would be most effective. The usual siege devices - siege tower, trebuchet and crossbow - did not promise much success. The distance between the outer walls and the base of the valley and the slope of the hill on which the Godesburg was located made the castle inaccessible to attacks with such weapons. The besiegers had no choice but to use expensive artillery, although the angle of attack also limited their effectiveness. At the beginning Ferdinand brought three cannons into position at the foot of the mountain, in the village of Godesberg. During the day, the attackers shot at the castle walls with cannon balls and grenades. During the night, the defenders repaired the damage. At dawn the attack began again. Ferdinand's cannons, like his mortars, were almost ineffective against the fortress walls; During the cannonade some of the devices were even destroyed by counterfire. From his refuge in the north, Gebhard understood the importance of the loss of the Godesburg, but could hardly contribute to its defense or to the support of the garrison. In an attempt to obtain funding from the Protestant side, he wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury in London in November 1583: "Truly, the Roman Antichrist leaves no stone unturned in suppressing us and our Church ..."

Although financial aid from England did not arrive, Ferdinand could not break through the defensive positions. On November 28th, ten days after the siege began, the artillery had wasted thousands of pounds of black powder in the useless bombing. Ferdinand moved his cannons to an elevated position on a vineyard in the west of the Godesberg. By increasing this position a more favorable trajectory of the shelling of the walls was bailey of Godesburg possible. Within a few hours these were destroyed by the cannonade. Ferdinand sent three Italian experts to investigate the breakthrough and advise him on how to proceed; the Italians, even under fire during the investigation, came to the conclusion that an assault on the castle would result in heavy losses. The defenders still had the height advantage and were able to shoot at the attackers from numerous towers and defensive positions in the walls. Ferdinand decided not to follow this tactic. So he had two options: to abandon the siege, which he was unable to do, or to blow up the fortress. The latter, as a last resort, would render the fortress as such unusable. While he was thinking, the defenders were already patching up and reinforcing the gaps in the wall, making it even stronger than before. The defenders also removed the roof of St. Michael's Chapel in the outer bailey, placed guns on the walls, and filled the church with dirt to reinforce its walls.

Undermining (completed December 16, 1583)

Ferdinand reluctantly ordered saps to be placed on the slopes of the mountain. This work was difficult and dangerous and the digging soldiers worked under constant fire from the defenders who shot them with handguns and cannons, raining stones and debris on their heads. Ferdinand forced local farmers to participate in the work, which minimized losses among his own men, but cost many of the farmers their lives.

On December 6th, the workers reached the southeastern side of the outermost wall of the fortress and then spent another 10 days undermining the basalt on which the castle stood. They completed their work on December 16 and placed 680 kg of black powder in the mine under the lock. Ferdinand reported to his older brother, Duke Wilhelm , in a letter dated December 15 about the progress of the siege: “The fortress stands on solid rock. [...] Yesterday we got to the outermost wall of the castle and we hope to send the fortress to heaven in a day or two. "

Destruction of the castle (December 17, 1583)

This engraving by the Swiss artist Matthäus Merian (1593–1650) shows the fortress before it was destroyed.

On December 17, Ferdinand called on the defenders again to surrender. They replied that they did not even know the meaning of this word and that they would hold the Godesburg to the last man. A December 23 report states that the defense lawyers returned to lunch after rudely rebuffing Ferdinand.

Ferdinand ordered 400 men to occupy the trenches; these men were supposed to storm the castle after the mine exploded. The rest of his cavalry and infantry were to wait in the fields below. Sources claim that the fuse was lit around 1:00 p.m., although local historian Heinrich Joseph Floß argues that these sources are misunderstood and that the explosion clearly occurred in the morning. The sources agree, however, that the explosion threw entire chunks of the tower and walls into the air with a terrible crash. Almost half of Godesburg immediately collapsed. According to a newspaper report of January 13, 1584, rubble rained down on the village in the valley, damaging numerous houses and even completely destroying some of them.

Amid the flames and rubble, Arenberg's and Ferdinand's troops tried to storm the castle, but found their way blocked by the rubble they had created themselves with their grenades. In addition, the remaining defenders still fiercely resisted, although almost half of the garrison had been killed by the explosion and the collapse it caused. By persistently throwing rocks at the approaching attackers, they caused high casualties. Frustrated, 40 or 50 of the attackers tied two ladders together and crawled through the sewer system of the toilet dungeon , which was being emptied onto the hill, and thus gained access to the interior of the castle. There they killed about 20 of the defenders in violent fighting; the remaining about 70 men, among them Buchner and Sudermann, the garrison commander and the lieutenant colonel, sought refuge in the keep. So Ferdinand's infantry was finally able to enter the fortress unhindered. The storm on the castle had lasted about two hours.

Without having any further options, Buchner opened the negotiations by abusing the internees in the castle as hostages. He presented them at the gate of the keep and made it clear that they would be killed if Ferdinand did not spare his life, that of his wife and Sudermanns. Ferdinand accepted Buchner's demands; some sources claim that the abbot von Heisterbach, one of the prisoners, was treated mildly by Buchner during his imprisonment and advocated the sparing of his life. The prisoners were released. Ferdinand and Arenberg brought the Buchners and Sudermann out of the castle alive, with some difficulties due to the state of mind of the besiegers. As soon as they and the hostages were at a safe distance from the fortress, Ferdinand gave his men a free hand, who were in a horrible mood and thirsting for blood and plunder. All those who remained in the keep - soldiers, men, women and children - were murdered, some still in the keep, others in the courtyard below; the slaughter lasted well into the night. The 178 dead of the fortress were buried in two mass graves, the location of which is unknown. Among those who died in the destruction and storming of the castle was one of the internees, a vicar from Hildesheim. The suffragan of Hildesheim was also not among the rescued: he died while he was imprisoned, shortly before the castle was stormed.

Gebhard lost an important bulwark in the upper monastery and Ernst's troops had only conquered ruins. The residence was uninhabitable and the fortifications were little more than rubble. The keep survived the demolition and various armies used it as a lookout tower during the Thirty Years War . Ernst's troops under the orders of his brother poured into the region and the section between Godesberg and Bonn looked more like a military camp than a road. Walloon riders and squadrons of Italian cavalry, paid for by the Pope, blew up and down. 40 infantry companies dragged themselves to Bonn, including the Walloons and Bavaria. The purpose was the siege of Bonn , the capital of the electorate, which began on December 21, 1583 and lasted until Bonn was taken on January 28, 1584.

Aftermath

This 18th-century illustration shows the impact the explosion had on the thick stone walls.

The siege of Godesburg and its destruction was more of a foretaste of the events that were to come. It was the first of many sieges in the Truchsessian War and the fall of the castle ultimately did not lead to the fall of Bonn, but also to the capture of other important cities in Kurköln, including Hülchrath , Neuss and Werl . Numerous other smaller fortified cities such as Gelsenkirchen , Unkel and Brühl were also either badly damaged or completely destroyed during or after the siege. In addition to the destruction in the cities, Ernst's supporters had severely restricted imports and exports in the Electorate, which not only paralyzed Gebhard's finances, but also brought economic hardship to the residents.

Advances in military architecture from the previous century had meant that forts could be improved and constructed to withstand fire from cannonballs or grenades. For both Gebhard and Ernst, therefore, the only way to win the war was to mobilize enough men to encircle the seemingly endless number of enemy artillery fortresses. These could be held by a relatively small crew, but their capture required a large number of expensive guns and men to storm the walls. In addition, the captured castles had to be maintained and defended by the victor. Even the ruins of Godesburg required a garrison and a defensive strategy; As a strategically important position on the north-south connection from Bonn to Koblenz, they were besieged again in 1586 and again in 1588. Similar to the Dutch uprising , the Truchsessian War was not a war in which armies gathered to openly fight each other in the field, but was characterized by numerous sieges. This required men who could operate the war machines, high economic resources to train and entertain these men, and the political and military will to keep the war machine running.

Today's coat of arms of Bad Godesberg shows the ruins of the keep of a medieval castle in their present form as well as the simple white shield with the black cross of the Electorate of Cologne.

The destruction of such a prominent fortress spread quickly. When Frans Hogenberg and Georg Braun put together their Civitates Orbis Terrarum , a collection of important regions and locations, they not only saw Hogenberg's engraving of destruction as an important sight, but also described it as an important event. Hogenberg lived in Cologne and Bonn in 1583 and probably saw the scene himself. After taking the Godesbrug, the Bavarians found a large marble slab in the ruins: the foundation stone of the castle, which had been moved by the explosion. The stone is a block of black marble with the following Latin inscription, which commemorates the establishment of the fortress by Dietrich I von Hengebach in 1210: ANNO D (OMI) NI M C C C X GUDENSBERG FUNDATUM E (ST) A TEODERICO EP (ISCOP) O I (N) THE MAUROR (UM) M (A) R (TYRUM). A gold inscription was added to the back of the stone stating that it was found at the top of the ruined wall. Ferdinand took the stone with him to Munich, where it was kept in a museum next to a fresco commemorating the siege. Nowadays the stone is in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in Bonn.

Long-term consequences

Gebhard's final defeat changed the balance of power in the College of Electors in the Holy Roman Empire. In 1589 Ernst von Bayern became the undisputed Elector of Cologne, the first Wittelsbacher in this position. The power of the Wittelsbachers in the north-western German territories lasted until the middle of the 18th century, which was reflected in the repeated election of Bavarian princes to the archbishopric and thus to the office of elector. This gave the Wittelsbach family two votes in the election of the emperor, which had an impact in the 18th century. In 1740, Duke Karl of Bavaria instigated a war for the imperial title; his brother Clemens August von Bayern , the then archbishop and elector of Cologne, gave Karl his vote and personally crowned him emperor in Frankfurt am Main . The shift of ownership of the imperial orb from the House of Habsburg to the House of Wittelsbach, albeit for a short time, was only made possible by Maximilian III's accession to the throne . Joseph clarified, who renounced all imperial claims in the Peace of Füssen .

The Godesburg today.

Gebhard's defeat also changed the religious balance in the northwestern states. Although the Peace of Augsburg (1555) had previously dealt with the problem of religious plurality, the solution found there transformed actually simple and locally limited legal conflicts potentially into dynastic and religious wars, as the Truchsessian War itself shows. The result of this war gave the Counter Reformation a foothold on the Lower Rhine. Ernst himself was brought up by Jesuits . As soon as his position was established, he invited Jesuits to his territories to assist him in the re-Catholicization, a task which the Order eagerly undertook. They removed Protestant pastors from the parishes, sometimes by force, and restored an education according to the catechism of the Catholic Church . Even when communes appeared reconverted, the Jesuits were kept under strict surveillance to track down unruly Protestants or apostates. The reintroduction of Catholicism delayed the resolution of the religious problems in Germany for another half century .

Finally, compared with the increasingly centralized other European states such as France, England and Spain, the traditionally German locally and regionally high level of autonomy caused structural and cultural differences in the Holy Roman Empire. The blatant interference of Spanish, French, Italian, Dutch, English and Scottish mercenaries in the wars, as well as the influence of papal gold intensified the dynamics of internal German confessional and dynastic conflicts. The big "players" on the stage of modern European politics had recognized that they could strengthen their own position by helping, promoting or undermining each other vis-a-vis in local and regional disputes among German princes, as they did during the argument between Gebhard and Ernst. Conversely, the German princes, princes and counts took the opportunity to gain the upper hand over their opponents by joining the concerns of their powerful neighbors.

The extent of the interference of foreign mercenary armies such as the Spanish Army of Flanders created a precedent that internationalized conflicts over local autonomy or religious issues in the German states. This problem could not be partially solved until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Despite this peace, the German states remained vulnerable to both foreign interference and religious divisions, such as in the Truchsessian War.

swell

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Ernst Weyden . Godesberg, the Siebengebirge, and their surroundings . Bonn: T. Habicht Verlag, 1864, p. 43.
  2. ↑ Tanja Potthoff. The Godesburg - archeology and building history of an Electoral Cologne castle . Inaugural dissertation, University of Munich, 2009, p. 15.
  3. ^ Johann Heinrich Hennes. The battle for the archbishopric of Cologne at the time of the electors. Cologne: DuMont-Schauberg, 1878, pp. 5–10.
  4. ↑ a b Hajo Holborn . A History of Modern Germany, The Reformation . Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press , 1959.
  5. ↑ Hennes, pp. 6-7.
  6. ↑ a b N.M. Sutherland. "Origins of the Thirty Years War and the Structure of European Politics." The English Historical Review . Vol. 107, no. 424 (Jul., 1992), pp. 587-625, 606.
  7. ↑ a b Hennes, pp. 118-121; Dr. F. Schmidtz, "Heisterbach." In: A. Minon and C. Koenen. Rhenish history sheets . Bonn: Hansteins Verlag, 1897, 3rd A., pp. 128-224 ,; Alfred Wiedemann. History of Godesberg and its surroundings . Frankfurt am Main: Mohnkopf, 1920, [reprint 1979]. ISBN 978-3-8128-0025-9 , p. 393.
  8. ↑ Tanja Potthoff. The Godesburg - archeology and building history of an Electoral Cologne castle . Inaugural dissertation, University of Munich, 2009, p. 10; Untermann, Matthias. "primus lapis in fundamentum deponitur" Art historical considerations on the function of the laying of the foundation stone in the Middle Ages , Archive of the University of Heidelberg, p. 6. First published in: Cistercienser. Brandenburgische Zeitschrift all about the Cistercian heritage 6, 2003, point 23. Potthoff gives October 5th as the date; Untermann, Glaser (1980) and other authors on October 15.
  9. ↑ Potthoff 2009, p. 11.
  10. ↑ Weyden, p. 42.
  11. ↑ Weyden, p. 40.
  12. ↑ Weyden, pp. 38-43.
  13. ↑ Geoffrey Parker . The Flanders Army and the Spanish Road . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0-521-54392-7 , pp. 11-19.
  14. ↑ Parker, p. 19.
  15. ↑ Joseph Vochezer. History of the Princely House of Waldburg in Swabia , 3rd edition (1907), Kempten: Kösel, 1888–1907, p. 70; Tanja Potthoff. The siege and destruction of Godesberg Castle in 1583. In Wagener, Olaf and Laß, Heiko (eds.). ... threw in stones / large and not small ... sieges and siege systems in the Middle Ages. Supplements to Mediaevistics, Volume 7, Peter Lang European Publishing House of Science, 2006, ISBN 3-631-55467-2 , p. 195.
  16. ↑ Hennes, p. 118.
  17. ↑ Herman Keussen. "Sudermann, Heinrich". In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 37, Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1894, pp. 121-127; F. Oediger. Main State Archive Düsseldorf and its holdings , Siegburg: Respublica-Verlag, 1957 [1993], 7th edition, p. 530.
  18. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 198.
  19. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 196.
  20. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 202; Prof. Dr. Heinrich Joseph Floß. "Conquest of Poppelsdorf Palace, demolition and storming of Godesberg Castle and capture of the electoral residence city of Bonn. November 1583 - February 1584." In: Annals of the historical association for the Lower Rhine, in particular the old archdiocese of Cologne . Thirty-sixth Issue. Cologne: DuMont-Schauberg. 1881, p. 128; Leonard Ennen . History of the city of Cologne, mostly from the sources of the Cologne city archive, 5th edition Cologne / Neuss: L. Schwann'sche Verlagshandlung, 1863–1880, p. 156; Hennes, p. 120; Hennes cites Ranuccini as the name of the Italian captain.
  21. ↑ Hennes, p. 121.
  22. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 197.
  23. ↑ a b Potthoff 2006, p. 198.
  24. ↑ Potthoff 2006, pp. 198-200.
  25. ↑ JE Kaufmann, et al. The Medieval Fortress: Castles, Forts and Walled Cities of the Middle Ages , Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books / Capo Press, 2001, ISBN 0-306-81358-0 , p. 185.
  26. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 198.
  27. ↑ Weyden, p. 43.
  28. ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 - July 1584 (1914), pp. 250-265. Gebhard to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London , November 22, 1583.
  29. ↑ Wallace T. MacCaffrey, Elizabeth I: War and Politics, 1588-1603 . Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1994, ISBN 978-0-691-03651-9 , p. 295.
  30. ↑ Potthoff 2006, pp. 199-200.
  31. ↑ a b c Potthoff 2006, p. 200.
  32. ^ Raft, p. 176.
  33. ↑ Parker, p. 19.
  34. ↑ Weyden, p. 43; Homeland book of the district of Bonn , 2nd edition, 1959, p. 17.
  35. ↑ Hennes, pp. 119-120; Weyden, p. 43.
  36. ↑ a b Potthoff 2006, p. 201; Floß, p. 119.
  37. ↑ Karl Theodor Dumont, Robert Haaß : History of the parishes of the Archdiocese of Cologne . Cologne: Bachem, 1883–, p. 229; Floß, p. 176.
  38. ↑ a b Floß, p. 126.
  39. ↑ Ennen, p. 156.
  40. ↑ a b Potthoff 2006, p. 202; Raft, p. 126.
  41. ↑ Floß, pp. 127-128.
  42. ^ Raft, p. 126.
  43. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 201.
  44. ↑ a b c d Potthoff 2006, p. 202; Raft, p. 126.
  45. ^ Raft, p. 126.
  46. ↑ Ennen, p. 156; Raft, p. 177.
  47. ↑ a b Potthoff 2006, pp. 202-203; Floß, p. 127.
  48. ↑ Potthoff 2006, pp. 202-203; Floß, pp. 127-128; Ennen, p. 157.
  49. ^ Raft, p. 127.
  50. ↑ Potthoff 2009, p. 15.
  51. ↑ Potthoff 2006, p. 203; Floß, pp. 128-129.
  52. ↑ Floß, pp. 128-129; Hennes, p. 120.
  53. ↑ Weyden, p. 44.
  54. ↑ Hennes, p. 121.
  55. ↑ English observers reported that wine exports from the Electoral Palatinate had been curtailed by Kurköln early in the war. Sophie Crawford Lomas (Editor). Calendar of State Foreign Papers, Elizabeth . 18th edition: July 1583 - July 1584 (1914), pp. 278-295. Norreys to Herle , October 8-18, 1583. Institute of Historical Research, British History Online , University of London & History of Parliament Trust, 2009.
  56. ↑ Parker, Flanders , pp. 17-18.
  57. ^ JJ Merlo: "Hogenberg, Franz" . In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 12, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1880, pp. 650-652.
  58. ↑ Hubert Glaser. About faith and empire: Elector Maximilian I , Munich: Hirmer, 1980, ISBN 978-3-7774-3190-1 , p. 69; Potthoff 2009, p. 10; Matthias Untermann. "primus lapis in fundamentum deponitur" Art historical considerations on the function of the laying of the foundation stone in the Middle Ages , Archive of the University of Heidelberg , p. 6. First published in: Cistercienser. Brandenburgische Zeitschrift um das Cisterciensische Erbe 6, 2003, point 23, p. 6. Untermann claims that "Maurorum martyrum" refers to the day of the Moorish martyr, the patron saint of the nearby Bonn; Potthoff gives October 5th as the date of the Moorish martyr, whereas Untermann, Glaser and other authors give October 15th. For a picture of the cornerstone, see "800 Years Godesburg" , godesberger-markt.de, 2010], 2002–2010.
  59. ↑ Untermann, p. 6.
  60. ↑ Weyden, pp. 39, 43-44.
  61. ↑ Potthoff 2009, pp. 10, 24; Weyden, p. 44.
  62. ↑ Benians, p. 713.
  63. ↑ Charles was crowned King of Bohemia in Prague on December 9, 1741 and was elected 'King of the Romans'. After his coronation in Frankfurt, he assumed the title of Roman-German Emperor on February 12, 1742 . See Benians. Pp. 230-233; Holborn, pp. 191-247.
  64. ^ Charles Ingrao. "Review of Alois Schmid, Max III Joseph and European Power. " The American Historical Review, (Dec., 1988), p. 1351.
  65. ^ Robert W. Scribner, "Why Was There No Reformation in Cologne?" Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research , 49 (1976): pp. 217-241.
  66. ↑ Holborn, pp. 201-247.
  67. ^ Theodor V. Brodek. "Socio-Political Realities of the Holy Roman Empire." Journal of Interdisciplinary History . 1971, pp. 400-401.
  68. ↑ Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years Wars , 1618-1648. New York: Routledge, 1997 (second edition), ISBN 978-0-415-12883-4 , Introduction.
  69. ^ Parker, Introduction; Robert W. Scribner, pp. 217-241.
  70. ^ Diarmaid MacCulloch. The Reformation . New York: Viking, 2004, ISBN 978-0-670-03296-9 , pp. 266, 467-84.

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