South African miners strike 2012

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The 2012 South African miners' strike was a wildcat strike in various South African ore mines . It was triggered by the AMCU , the smaller of the two South African miners' unions, with a massive wage demand. Over 40 people were killed in violent clashes. In an attempt to break up a protest meeting by the strikers, 34 miners were shot dead by police on August 16 . This event is often referred to as the " Marikana Massacre ". Despite the promise of a salary increase of up to 22% plus a one-time payment of 2,000 per edge for the miners in 2012 widened the end of September from the strikes to other mines.

prehistory

The 2,001 officially registered Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU, German  Association of miners and construction workers' union ) called for the Bohrhauer (rock drillers) a wage increase from the current about 530 to 1,220 euros a month. The AMCU fought, sometimes violently, with the government-affiliated National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) for supremacy in the representation of miners. In February 2012, a six-week strike in the neighboring platinum mine Rustenburg led to a 125 percent wage increase. In July 2012 the British mining company Lonmin , which owns several mines in South Africa, negotiated higher wages with some miners without the involvement of the unions. When other miners also demanded higher wages shortly afterwards, Lonmin refused .

course

Start of the strike

In the Marikana mine in Marikana , which is owned by Lonmin and which primarily produces platinum , around 3,000 of the 26,000 miners joined the strike on August 10, 2012. The production of the four Lonmin mines was then stopped. The Lonmin Management and the NUM refused to accept the demands of the strikers. On August 11, 2012, numerous miners, mostly NUM members, marched to the NUM office to send them a memorandum. Just before the miners reached the office, NUM officials came out of the office and shot them, killing two of them. The killing of the two miners was seen in South African media as the main reason for the miners' loss of confidence in the NUM. As of August 14, 2012, eight other people were believed to have been killed in various incidents, including four miners as well as two police officers and two security guards who were killed by strikers. The two policemen were cut up with machetes and the guards burned in their car. Three miners were shot dead by the police. Lonmin asked the workers to return to work on August 16, otherwise they threatened to be laid off.

Events on August 16, 2012

Procedure before the escalation

On August 16, the striking miners gathered on nearby Nkaneng Hill. They were armed with sticks, machetes and spears, and a few strikers carried firearms, including a weapon stolen a few days earlier. Many women moved up the hill with their husbands. The police planned to break up the protest meeting and deployed nearly 800 men, numerous armored Nyala vehicles and several helicopters, but did not intervene for the time being.

Police shots - the "Marikana massacre"

In the afternoon, the police cordoned off the hill with concertina wire so that the strikers could not get to their accommodations. They dispersed the strikers with tear gas and water cannons . Some of the strikers then approached armed police with unclear intent, where there was no barbed wire. A shot may have been fired from among the crowd of strikers. According to other sources, the police opened fire on the group. The police fired automatic weapons at the crowd for around ten seconds . Several video recordings from television stations show the police shots and the deaths of several strikers at this location, later known as Scene One . A few minutes later, about 300 meters away on the Small Koppie hill (later referred to as Scene Two ), about as many strikers were killed. They were apparently shot from close range or run over by police vehicles.

In total, the police killed 34 miners and injured 78. According to the victim's lawyers, at least 14 people were hit in the back, according to other sources, the majority of those killed. Eleven of those killed belonged to the NUM, 17 to the AMCU, the rest were not members of any trade union. 259 strikers were arrested. The police fired 900 shots, 400 of them with live ammunition. The remaining strikers left the hill; Police officers were not injured. Police then found five or six firearms, including a police rifle that had been stolen a few days earlier.

Consequences of the police shots

Scenes photographed by the police in Scene Two were changed afterwards. Photos taken on August 16 show the dead and few traditional weapons. Photos of the same people taken the following day show a significantly larger number of weapons. The SAPS had to admit to having faked the scene.

The SAPS commander, General Victoria Mangwashi Phiyagi, interpreted the police shots as self-defense on August 17 , as the police officers had been attacked with weapons.

The actions of the police were already described by numerous media on August 17th as the "Marikana massacre". President Jacob Zuma expressed "shock and horror" at the fatal shots. He urged the unions to work with the government to stop the spiral of violence. He broke off his stay at a SADC conference in Maputo and visited injured miners in the hospital. The SAPS officials met in Potchefstroom for nine days after the shooting to agree on a common line. 194 of the miners imprisoned said they had been tortured while in custody.

Arrests and reactions

On August 30, it was announced that the arrested strikers were to be charged with the murder of 34 miners killed by police. The judiciary relied on a law from the apartheid era , according to which all people arrested on the spot would be charged in a shooting involving the police. Lawyers protested to President Zuma on September 1 against this practice, but he announced that he did not want to interfere in the work of the judiciary. A short time later, the public prosecutor stated that they wanted to “temporarily” withdraw the charges against the imprisoned miners at the next court hearing and to release them subject to conditions. Only after the investigation is over will it be decided whether charges will be initiated. Shortly thereafter, 162 of the 270 miners imprisoned were released.

The country's police minister , Nathi Mthethwa , said the police opened fire on a group of workers "in legitimate self-defense" when the officers were attacked. The general secretary of the government-affiliated trade union confederation COSATU , to which the NUM belongs, also defended the police action. The opposition leader Helen Zille called on the conflicting parties to approach each other.

The South African Institute of Race Relations called for the suspension of all police officers involved. The stock market value of Lonmin fell by around 20 percent due to the production loss caused by the strike.

Julius Malema , former chairman of the ANC Youth League , visited the strikers who had gathered again on Nkaneng Hill on August 18, 2012 and gave a speech in which he spoke to the police forces and the minister in charge Nathi Mthethwa of the African National Congress ( ANC) sharply criticized.

Extension of the strike

The strike has spread since the beginning of September 2012. As of September 10, some 15,000 miners were on strike, including most of the Gold Fields workforce . Lonmin issued an ultimatum to its employees and asked them to resume work immediately. Because of the ultimatum, further rioting by militant strikers was feared. On September 13, grabbed Mametlwe Sebei , leader of a group called the Democratic Socialist Movement ( english Democratic Socialist Movement ) calling on and announced nationwide strikes to "to force mining companies to their knees." On September 14th, 85% of the 15,000 or so gold miners took part in the strike; a representative of the workers at the platinum mine Marikana and a union representative reported the offer of a wage increase of 900 edge back. The South African government announced on September 14th that it would crack down on illegal gatherings and weapons; No information was given on the exact procedure. On the morning of September 15, police in Marikana used rubber bullets, stun grenades and tear gas against demonstrators armed with machetes.

Provisional end to platinum miners' strike

At a meeting at Marikana on September 18, 2012, it was announced that the strike would end on September 20. The workers received a wage increase of 11 to 22% and a one-off payment of R 2,000 each, depending on their tasks. Zuma and Democratic Alliance (DA) politicians welcomed the end of the strike; the DA promised to work for political changes in favor of the miners. The cost of the strike, including the losses to the mining companies, is said to be over R4.5 billion. In addition, a weakening of the government, the South African rating and the rand as well as the uncertainty of investors are seen as a consequence of the strike. Analysts cited an increasing intensification of the conflicts between a few rich and many poor South Africans and between the ANC and its regular voters as a possible consequence of the six-week strike.

Resumption and expansion

On September 20, 2012, around 5,000 workers at the Anglogold Ashanti gold mine in Kopanang went on a wildcat strike demanding that their monthly wages be doubled to R12,500. Gill Marcus , governor of the South African Reserve Bank , expressed concern that the settlement between Lonmin and the platinum miners had set a precedent . The police again used tear gas and stun grenades; some of the workers threatened to defend themselves with Molotov cocktails . Frans Baleni , general secretary of the NUM, said the union would limit demands and send workers back to work while it started negotiations. At the same time, 15,000 miners in Carletonville continued on strike, as did some workers at the Lonmin mines again; they felt encouraged by Julius Malema's call to strike . Despite Lonmin's announcement that it would fire all workers who were not back to work by the evening of September 24th, some continued to strike.

As of September 28, most of the Anglo American (Amplats) and Impala Platinum (Implats) miners remained on strike. While Amplats attempted disciplinary measures and threats to persuade the strikers to return to work, Implats offered a 5% wage increase. The economic damage to the platinum producers was put at 33 million US dollars . On October 1, Anglogold renewed the threat to fire workers on the spot; 24,000 strikers out of 35,000 workers meant a weekly loss of 32,000 ounces of gold. At the same time, the CEO , Mark Cutifani, indicated willingness to negotiate. On October 2, around 75,000 miners from the platinum, gold and coal mines were on strike. Anglogold and Amplats announced in statements that they would lay off employees without notice and reduce the workforce. Spokespersons for COSATU and NUM accused the mining companies of having provoked the wildcat strikes themselves through the unusually high payments, since all workers now wanted more. It was also announced that five people had died since September 30th. On October 3, the strike spread to the iron ore mines in Sishen , which are part of the Kumba Iron Ore and thus to Anglo American ; about 300 workers refused to go to work. The Socialist Party expressed its solidarity with all strikers and called for donations.

On October 5, 2012, Amplats laid off 12,000 miners. The laid-off workers refused to acknowledge their termination and continued to view themselves as Amplats employees; a strike leader announced that the strikes would continue until the demands - a monthly salary of Rand 16,000 and bonuses - were met. After a union secretary was shot dead in Marikana on October 7, workers on strike threatened to conduct violent demonstrations. On October 8, a man was killed after a police operation with tear gas and rubber bullets against the strikers, whereupon a strike leader promised a murder charge. On October 15, 2012, Kumba Iron Ore fired all miners who refused to return to work and did not attend disciplinary hearings. A total of around 15,000 miners had been laid off by October 16. On October 16, police broke the illegal strike at the Sishen mines and arrested 40 people; a police officer was injured by a machete during a police operation in Rustenburg . The South African Municipal Workers' Union , which represents community workers, announced a nationwide work stoppage for the week ending October 20.

On October 19, 2012, 11,000 miners at Gold Fields' gold mines ended their strike after being threatened with firing. The strikes in the platinum mines continued unabated. On October 23, Gold Fields laid off 8,500 workers and on October 24, AngloGold announced the layoff of an additional 12,000 miners. On October 27, Amplats announced that it would reinstate the 12,000 laid-off workers on the same terms as before. Violence ensued between AMCU strike participants, who said they would not work again until their demands were met, and members of the NUM. The police attacked the strikers with rubber bullets. Anglo American's CEO , Cynthia Carroll , confirmed in an interview that she would leave her post next year to make room for a successor; the resignation was seen in direct connection with the strikes and the resulting losses of the company.

Truck drivers strike

The representative of the truck drivers, the South African Transport and Allied Workers' Union (SATAWU), threatened strikes and demanded a twelve percent wage increase. The strike, to which SATAWU had called on its 28,000 members, began on September 25, 2012. A wage increase of 12% for 2013 and 9% for 2014 was requested. The employers' side offered a 6% increase in the second week of the strike and warned of the consequences of the strike for the entire South African economy: bottlenecks in the supply of gasoline, medicine and food are foreseeable. Violent clashes broke out in Gauteng , KwaZulu-Natal and Western Cape provinces , including trucks; SATAWU distanced itself from the violence. After the strike intensified further, including a blockade of downtown Johannesburg , there were initial delivery problems at petrol stations and ATMs and a lack of heating material in Gauteng. On October 9, a truck driver who did his job and did not want to take part in the strike was pelted with stones by striking colleagues, so that he died in hospital a few days later. The Congress of the People (COPE) youth movement called on the police to investigate SATAWU and criticized both the ANC and COSATU for supporting the violence and destroying the country. Meanwhile, three smaller unions agreed to adjust their demands to end the strike; they modified the required wage increase to 19% over two years; the employers' side had offered 18%. On October 12, 2012, the truck drivers ended their strike with a collective agreement that will run for three years and provide for staggered annual increases of between 8 and 10%. In total, the strike cost the truck drivers 271 million rand in wages and the employers lost more than 2.5 billion rand.

aftermath

Change at the official union

On August 14, 2013, the AMCU was recognized as an official union by Lonmin; the NUM lost this status.

Farlam Commission

On October 1, 2012, the Marikana Inquiry Commission (“ Farlam Commission ” for short ) at the Rustenburg Civic Center, chaired by retired Judge Ian Farlam, began its investigation into the events of August 16. From June 2013 the commission met in Centurion . Those involved included human rights attorney George Bizos , who represents the Legal Resources Center and the Benchmarks Foundation and who had served as Nelson Mandela's defense lawyer in the Rivonia Trial as early as 1964 .

At the hearing on October 22, 2012, the South African police admitted that the August 16 operation might not have been appropriate and regretted the action. The SAPS lawyer justified this by saying that the situation had gotten out of hand, but emphasized that it was a matter of self- defense. During the hearing on October 23, an email correspondence between Cyril Ramaphosa , the former chairman of the NUM and current board member of Lonmin, managers of Lonmin and the Ministry of Mining, was published in the Ramaphosa by “Criminals whose crimes the desire for Wage increase ", spoke and called for appropriate measures on the part of the police or army against the" cowardly criminals ".

Some miners, who are supposed to testify as witnesses, said they had been arrested and tortured or intimidated beforehand by the police. On May 11, 2013, Steve Khululekile, who led the AMCU in the Rustenburg area and was an important witness for the miners, was shot dead by three strangers.

In November 2014, the commission closed the hearings. On June 25, 2015, President Zuma presented the Commission's report to the public. No errors were found in Ramaphosa, while Lonmin, Police Minister Mthethwa and the responsible police commanders Phiyega and Mbombo were criticized for some decisions; the suitability of Phiyega and the now retired Mbombo has been questioned. The events at Scene Two could not be solved. The commission criticized the police for the fabricated evidence and the subsequent collusion in Potchefstroom.

Claassen Commission

The suspended police commander Victoria Mangwashi Phiyega had to answer before the Claassen Commission in 2016 . She was also accused of making false statements before the Farlam Commission.

literature

  • Peter Alexander, Thapelo Lekgowa, Botsang Mmope, Luke Sinwell, Bongani Xezwi: The Marikana massacre - resistance and oppression of workers in South Africa . Ed .: Jakob Krameritsch. 1st edition. Mandelbaum, Vienna 2013, ISBN 978-3-85476-628-5 (English: Marikana. A View from the Mountain and a Case to Answer . Translated by Werner Gilits).

Documentaries

Web links

Individual evidence

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