Roland song of the priest Konrad

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The Rolandslied , also called Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad or Middle High German Rolandslied , is a Middle High German adaptation of the old French Chanson de Roland by Pfaffen Konrad .

While no deviations can be found in the main features of the plot, it is above all the strong Christian tone that suggests that Konrad's version of this chanson de geste should be viewed as a separate work.

content

The action takes place against the background of the conflict between Christians and Saracens in Spain, which is occupied by the army of Charlemagne. As part of a ruse, the Saracen king Marsilie offers his people to turn to Christianity. The emissary named by Karl, Roland's stepfather Genelun, betrays the country and faith and knits a plot with the heathen that will end with Roland's death and the fall of the Frankish Empire. According to the plan, Karl is moved to Aachen to withdraw. Roland, now feudal lord over Spain, stays behind. Roland's followers are also part of Karl's closest circle of advisers and are faced with an overpowering pagan army. A battle ensues between the two parties, as a result of which the Christians are wiped out, but the heathen are hard hit. Karl appears too late on the battlefield to save his compatriots. Roland and his forces are martyred.

When the heathen and their king Paligan were caught up in another battle, the Franks fight again. This time the main army of the empire is led into battle personally by Karl. The battle ends with a victory for the Franks after a divine intervention, which helps Karl to win the duel against Paligan and the previously tired Christians to new strength. King Marsilie dies because of his grief over the suffering of the Gentiles. Brechmunda, Marsilie's wife, is baptized and moves the rest of the pagan population to convert to Christianity. Roland's wife Alda dies in Aachen when the news of her husband's death is brought to her. Genelun is the process of which the outcome is decided by a duel . Genelun's representatives Binabel and Tierrich, who was raised by Roland, fight each other. Tierrich triumphs like the biblical David over the far more experienced and stronger opponent, whereupon Genelun is quartered and his followers are beheaded.

backgrounds

Historical sources

The historical basis of the Chanson de Roland is a campaign by Charlemagne (778) and the subsequent battle of Roncesvalles . The governors of Barcelona and Girona had visited the Emperor of the Franks in Paderborn and invited them to the campaign against Abd ar-Rahman ibn Mu'awiya's empire. The agreed surrender of the city of Saragossa without a fight did not take place. On Karl's retreat, he was harassed by angry Vaskonen , ancestors of today's Basques . He was able to cross the Pyrenees and get to safety with a small escort and with little need . The main contingent of the army was almost completely destroyed. A source reports that Emir Abd ar-Rahman went to meet Karl, but he does not seem to have found the Franconian on the soil of the emirate .

  • Overview of the Spanish Mark

  • Overview of the territory of the Emirates of Cordoba

  • The pyrenees

There is little evidence of the actual existence of the hero Roland. He is mentioned as a historical person in the Vita Karoli Magni , written by Einhard in the 9th century , a biography of Charlemagne. Einhard describes Roland in the ninth chapter as "Hruodlandus Brittannici" ("Margrave Roland of Bretagne"). As he reports, Roland was killed, along with many others, in the year 778 on his return from an unsuccessful campaign by the Frankish army against Muslim Spain in an attack by the Basques. The exact date of the defeat on August 15th, 778 is given by the inscription on Eggihard's tombstone: the XVIII Kalendas Septembrias . In addition to this literary source, three documents, which were probably made around 900 AD, indicate the existence of Roland. Further evidence is found in the form of a silver denarius from before 790 AD, on one side of which “Carolus” and the other “Rodlan” is stamped. This coin indicates that Roland actually held the position of Margrave of Brittany, because this position was associated with the right to mint coins.

The Roland legend and its development

The oldest fixed, poetically stylized form of the saga is handed down from the 12th century with the old French Roland song, which is available in several text versions and probably goes back to a non-existent textual basis from around 1100. The author is assumed to be the Norman nobleman Turold. In the Chanson de Roland the historical facts were already significantly changed. Above all, the Christian faith and the struggle for the reputation and fame of Charles's empire - “la douce france” are now emphasized as part of the characters' motives for action.

It is not known exactly how and through which stages the Roland saga developed from the original historical core. The first reflex can be found in the Nota Emilianense , a Latin note registered at the latest in 1065/1075 in a manuscript of the San Millán monastery . This is where the epic nucleus of all later versions of the Roland saga can be found: part of the characters, the Saracens and not, as with Einhard, the Basques as opponents and the localization of the fight in the French Roncevaux (Spanish: Roncesvalles ). Roland is referred to here as one of the twelve nephews of Charlemagne.

The decisive Christian character of Roland occurs in the Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi . It was created around 1130, but was subsequently attributed to Turpin, Archbishop of Reims and contemporaries of Charles and Roland, in order to erroneously attribute its authenticity as a chronicle. The author is now referred to as "Pseudo-Turpin". In this text Roland is referred to for the first time as a "martyr" who gave his life for the Christian faith.

Around 1170, the Roland song by Pfaffen Konrad was written, a translation, reinterpretation and especially religious interpretation of the material of the Chanson de Roland. Roland is now seen especially as a Christian knight, Miles christianus , and should therefore serve as a role model. In 1220, the Stricker reworked the Roland song into a biography of Charlemagne, in which the description of Roland's death also occupies an even greater place. In the centuries that followed, Roland's literary importance declined, and his character changed to become a love-hearted and jealous hero, for example in Orlando furioso .

Geography in Konrad's Roland song

Geographically, many real places are named literally or through metonymies , this is shown in the following table.

central verse relevant geographic location action Others
32 Yspaniâ The main plot is the Iberian Peninsula , cf. Al-Andalus and Spanish Mark . stands as pars pro toto for other conquests of pagan lands, cf. V. 14
56 in Yspaniam God's commission to Charlemagne: He should rush to Spain to convert the heathen
281 unz to the round To protect them from the Christians, the heathen devastated their land up to the Garonne .
302f Tortolose Battle of Tortosa : victory of Christians, conversion and baptism of the Gentiles
362ff. Yspaniâ Charles' actions throughout Spain, convert or fight.
377 Sarragûz Zaragoza is the pagans' only refuge. They are holed up there. The ruler of the city is King Marsilies, it is well protected and u. a. surrounded by mountains.
382 mountains Marsillie draws troops from across the country in case Karl makes an incursion into the march over the mountains.
609 before Corderes Karl's camp is set up in front of the city of Cordova, today Córdoba . Marsilie's messengers go to camp.
762 stuole ze Ache The pagans use a trick to persuade Karl to withdraw to Aachen. The reason for this is an alleged baptism of Marsilies on a farm day. The separation of the army should make it easier to beat.
841 ûz the burc The heathen dare to venture out of the city. It remains unclear whether Zaragoza, Cordova or Tortolose is meant.
882 u. 890 the strît dies in the burc dâwart The aforementioned city is taken by the Christians including Roland and other heroes.
1061f via Valchart zuo Almarîe Bishop St. John plans to cross the Guadalquivir and preach the Gospel in the city of Almería .
1211f Nables unt Morinde , Valterne unt Pine Genelun suggests accepting Marsilie's suggestion and keeping the four named cities occupied for protection.
1520 Sarragûz Karl wants to divide the fief over Spain fairly between Marsilie and Roland. Should Marsilie not submit, Karl promises not to return from Spain until Zaragoza is destroyed.
1522 show ache In addition to the previous version, Karl also wants to lead Marsilie tied up and in shame to Aachen.
1748 zuon heathen Genelun, controlled by the other princes, moves as a messenger to the heathen.
2460 about gerite Genelun weaves his betrayal, in which Marsilie is supposed to accept Karl's offer for a sham. Charles's retreat across the Pyrenees is said to be used for an ambush and to inflict a crushing defeat on the emperor.
2588 Corders Marsilie accepts Genelun's ruse and petitions to his allies. He himself refers his petition to the sacked city of Cordoba.
2773 under an oil boum Two days away from Saragossa, Genelun sends the fraudulent message to Naimes von Baiern.
2915 Yspaniam ... win Genelun suggests that Roland should receive Spain, believed to have been won, as a pledge .
3108 roman rîche Karl's dreams warn him of Genelun's betrayal and the consequences for the entire Roman Empire .
3175 in the ellende Roland asks the heroes to be protected for their tasks in the "foreign land".
3206 and 3241 haim to Francrîche, the keizer kêrte ze lande. Roland encourages Emperor Karl to move home. 20,000 men are left with Roland.
3375ff. vâh us the mountains, ê sîn the haiden inside, so that we understand the height Roland and his men strategically occupy the higher positions in view of the enemy lineup.
3523f from Valfunde to Salveterre Could be allegorical names for earth and sky. Names for Spain and France are also possible.
3609 porta lock Kartschoke points to the misunderstood porz d'Espaigne .
3611 origins Kartschoke points to the misunderstood Durstant.
4668 brand… tortolose … burc was won The Christians have taken the city of Tortosa.
5242 Sarragûz Marsilie accuses Genelun of double treason in Zaragoza. He feels betrayed by him because of the severe losses among his troops.
6069 ze hove The sound of Olifant reaches the emperor's court. It indicates that Roland and his troops are in danger.
6126 against over the mountains Genelun is tied up as punishment for his betrayal and sent in shame across the Pyrenees to Marsiie.
6159 daz si daz whale found Karl sends reinforcements to the battlefield .
6564f between manbrat , the mountains, und the high yogeîn . Part of the Christian army was defeated between the Manbrat mountain range and the heights of the Jogein. A prince returns to Roland with this news.
6771 against Yspanie Roland leaves the battlefield for Spain.
6831ff. daz lant ze Anjûne , the mæren Petûwe ... Provinciam ... Progetaneam ... Lancparten ... Pülle ... Mallow und Paleme ... Sorbîten und Baire ... Saxony ... Alemanniam ... Ungeren ... Britannia ... Behaim unt Polan , Franken ... Friesen ... Scotten unt Irlant ... Engellant ... unt Andriu vil manigiu Riche. Here the conquests of Roland in the name of Charles are listed.
6929f in the zwain rîchen, ze Karlinge und ze Yspaniâ There are in both France and Spain

wondrous weather phenomena that accompany Roland's death.

6950ff. The keiser und sîne helde gâheten von berge ze velde, dô kômen si ze Runzeval . Emperor Karl and his companions arrive on the battlefield.
7041ff. If you feel you need to strive in ainem vinsteren vale, the haiden all comfort each other. daz wazzer haizet Saibere , dâne did not make them over. In a valley on the river Ebro , the Frankish army confronts the heathen and takes complete, devastating vengeance on them.
7128f The künc Marsilie kom fleeing widere ze Sarragûz for the stat. King Marsilie takes refuge in the city of Saragossa.
7150ff. Paligan ... künc from Persiâ , the haiden houptstat is dâ ... komen over mer ... (from) Alexandriâ ... were gevaren ûf bî the saibra In response to his petitions, King Paligan arrives to join Marsilie's reinforcements from Persia.
7257 kêre through Yspaniam ... Paris ... Ache ... Rome The pagans plan revenge and an invasion of the Carolingian empire .
7337 Yspaniâ stât elliu lære Spain is completely empty due to the scale of the fighting.
7485 Dô night there are wrinkles . In Roncesvalles, Karl finds his nephew Roland, who was killed in the battle. This leads him to deep grief and also to vengeful thoughts.
7621f haim ze Karlingen The corpses of the fallen heroes are transferred to the Franconian Empire .
8593 red wait you saibere The final battle demands great sacrifices on the part of the pagans. Their blood turns the water of the Ebro red.
8665 they owned the brand After the battle is victorious, the Christians secure the Spanish Mark, bury their dead, search for their wounded and lay open their coffins for the saints.
8681 ze Ache he wanted the yard Han Back at the court, order is restored. Genelun is judged for his betrayal.

Transmission of the Roland song in text and images

For every medieval text, a distinction must be made between the origin, tradition and edition. The span between the creation of the text and the first transmission is often several decades, sometimes even centuries. Originals (autographs) of Middle High German poetry are almost never preserved. A Middle High German text is usually handed down in several manuscripts. However, the text witnesses are not identical to each other and therefore there are different versions of a text.

The Roland song has survived in just one almost complete manuscript and six fragments, the most extensive of which was destroyed in the fire in the Strasbourg city library in 1870. Another fragment is missing. The original - the archetype - has not been preserved.

The manuscripts

1. Heidelberg manuscript (P)
The in the Heidelberg University Library under the signature Cod. Pal. germ. 112 ( Codex Palatinus germanicus 112 ) contains 123 parchment leaves. A double sheet with about 150 verses is missing. It is adorned with 39 outline drawings that are integrated into the text. It was created at the end of the 12th century.
2. Strasbourg manuscript (A)
The manuscript was destroyed in the fire of the Strasbourg city library, the predecessor of the university library, in 1870. The text only exists from a copy by a scientist of 4521 verses (Joh. Georg Scherz). This manuscript was also provided with pen drawings. The time of origin is the end of the 12th century.
3. Schwerin fragments (S)
Two fragments from the General Scientific Library in Schwerin contain a total of 1246 verses on 5 double sheets of parchment. They are dated to the end of the 12th century.
4. Arnstadt- Sondershauser (Thuringian) fragment (T)
The extent of the fragment amounts to the remains of a parchment sheet cut in half from verses 1769–1869. The parchment strip is kept in the Sonderhausen city and district library.
5. Erfurt fragment (E)
The parchment sheet kept in the Erfurt Scientific General Library contains the only partially legible verses 3265-3350, it was probably created at the end of the 12th century or the beginning of the 13th century.
6. Marburg fragments (M)
Two pieces of a parchment sheet contain verses 2221-2227, 2248-2254, 2276-2282 and 2305-2311 and are kept in the Hessian State Archives in Marburg. They were created in the 2nd quarter of the 13th century.
7. Causler fragment (W)
The lost parchment sheet from Stuttgart contained the verses 4217-4311 and is only known from the readings communicated by Grimm. It is only with uncertainty that the origin can be determined at the end of the 12th century.

Regarding the relationship between manuscripts, Carl Wesle found that P, A and S go back to a (not preserved) manuscript X, which could not be the original, since it must have already shown the fluctuating graphics as it is in the three manuscripts in the same direction reflects. E and T are based on a different original than this presumed handwriting, W has similar errors as P, which shows their connection to X. Nothing specific can be said about the handwriting M. In general, it can be said that the original and the present copies were created in a relatively short period of time.

The time around 1170/72 or 1185 or the end of the 1980s is assumed for the origin of the Roland song. An early dating to the middle of the 12th century was no longer represented in recent research. It was probably written in Regensburg or Braunschweig. The assumed client Heinrich the Lion speaks for both locations . Braunschweig is supported by the fact that the pommel of Roland's miracle sword Durendart in the French model contains the relics of St. Peter, St. Dionysius, St. Basil and the Mother of God, while the German Roland song replaces St. Basil with St. Blaise (v. 6875 ), which was especially venerated in Braunschweig . In contrast, the probably Bavarian language of the original, the reception of the imperial chronicle , the emphasis on the Bavarian Duke Naimes and a catalog of Bavarian names speak for Regensburg . The first edition of the work amounts to the imprint of the manuscript P by Wilhelm Grimm in 1838. In 1928 the edition was replaced by the edition by Carl Wesle, which is still valid today.

Pictorial evidence

The Heidelberg manuscript P, illustrated with 39 pen drawings, continuously reproduces the most important sections of the story through its images. The burned Strasbourg manuscript A was also provided with pen and ink drawings, two of which have been preserved in the print made in copperplate engraving in the 18th century. In five places in the handwriting S, space is left out for illustrations, comparable to the handwriting P, which illustrates their similarity to one another. No illustrated manuscript is known of the Chanson de Roland , but it is assumed that the original of the Roland song was decorated with pen drawings, even if there is no picture inventory and the origin of the Roland song pictures has not yet been clarified.

  • Pen-and-ink drawing of the illustration on page 3 of the Strasbourg manuscript.

  • Pen-and-ink drawing of the illustration on page 8 of the Strasbourg manuscript.

The manuscript P. “These were made - as is generally assumed in research - in Regensburg -prüfungingen.” The painter is unknown. It is noticeable that all pen drawings have no frame and stick to the edge of the parchment. In addition, the figures usually end at knee or ankle height. The pictures depict battle scenes, scenes of conquest, religious themes and central figures. Not only are central sections of the Roland song reflected, but the drawings also provide a content structure, even if they are not always to be found exactly at the point in the text to which they refer to take. They support the historical events, the references to God and to the history of salvation.

List of pictorial scenes in the Heidelberg manuscript

Most of the pictures are 8/9 × 13 cm.

1) Archbishop Turpin baptizes the Gentiles in Spain (fol.5r)
2) Charlemagne with his swordtail Roland, Olivier and another prince (fol.5v)
3) King Marsilie with two vassals (fol.6r)
4) Blanscandiz and his companions before the emperor (fol.8v)
5) Roland and Olivier conquer Cordova (fol. 11v)
6) Advising the Franks under the chairmanship of Turpin (fol. 15v)
7) Charlemagne instructs Genelun to lead the embassy to Marsilie (fol.19r)
8) Genelun threatens the Pairs on his departure for Saragossa (fol.21v)
9) Blanscandiz approaches Genelun (fol.24r)
10) Genelun consults with the Gentiles under an olive tree (fol.26r)
11) Marsilie strikes Genelun with the staff; he draws his sword before the king (fol.29v)
12) Marsilie and Genelun swear by an idol (fol.32v)
13) The Emperor's Dream (fol. 41v)
14) Roland receives the flag loan (fol. 43v)
15) Turpin hands the host to Roland and the pairs (fol.47r)
16) Marsilie and Cursabile (fol. 49v)
17) Cernubiles receives supreme command over the army of the heathen (fol.52r)
18) Turpin blesses the Christian heroes (fol.53v)
19) Roland conquers the temple of Mahomet (fol.57v)
20) The thawing miracle (fol.61v)
21) Equestrian fight between Christians and Gentiles (fol.63r)
22) The Christians on the attack (fol. 66v)
23) Duke Grandon advances against the Christians (fol.71v)
24) Turpin swings his sword (fol.74v)
25) Olivier defeats the pagan Justin (fol.76v)
26) The pagans sound the horn (fol. 80v)
27) Karl hears the Olifant's call (fol.84r)
28) Archbishop Turpin blesses Roland (fol.85v)
29) Roland leads Olivier from the battlefield (fol.89r)
30) The heathen throw their skewers at Archbishop Turpin (fol. 91v)
31) Roland kills a pagan with the horn (fol. 93v)
32) An angel appears to Charlemagne in a dream (fol.98r)
33) Paligan drives up the Ebro (fol.100r)
34) Paligan puts Geneasin in command of the army (fol.102r)
35) The emperor in prayer before the battle (fol. 108v)
36) Paligan says goodbye to his son Malprimes (fol.109v)
37) Charlemagne cuts off the head of Paligan (fol.114v)
38) Queen Brechmunda before the Emperor (fol.117r)
39) Genelun in chains before Charlemagne (fol.119r)

There is no picture to match the prologue (vv. 1-30) of the Roland song. The first picture shows the baptism of the Gentiles in Spain (Prelude v. 31-360). This is followed by Figs. 2-14, which show, among other things, the scenes of the ruse of the pagans, the commission of Genelun, as well as the betrayal and the handing over of the flag to Roland (v. 361-3240). The attack of the pagans and the struggle to the death of Roland are accompanied by images 15-31 (v. 3241-6949). The arrival of Charlemagne, the battles, Paligan and the victory of the Christians can be recognized in pictures 32-38 (v. 6950-8670). The last picture, picture 39, relates to Genelun when he was judged in Aachen (epilogue V. 8671-9016). Verses 9017-9094 form the epilogue of the Roland song, for which no picture was created in the manuscript.

The knight in the song of Roland

Etymologically this is Mhd. ritter (riter, ritaere) as a noun agentis derived from riding. In the Middle Ages, knight meant the heavily armored rider on horseback. Comparable with this in French is chevalier , which is derived from the late Latin caballarius .

The court knight in the Middle Ages should ideally correspond to certain values. These were especially distinguished by justice, generosity, and virtues such as wisdom, constancy, and bravery. Furthermore, the knight should follow a Christian way of life and give protection to the weak. Around the 12th century, the term knight acquired a great deal of complexity, as can also be demonstrated in works such as Erec or Poor Heinrich . A knight can be both a gentleman and a servant . Herre Erec is referred to as a knight in the Arthurian novel of the same name , while the servant Heinrich is also a knight in “The poor Heinrich” . That both gentlemen and servants can be knights is also shown in the Roland song . Roland, who serves his emperor Karl, is a highly respected knight who leads all battles. But the great Emperor Karl also goes into battle to avenge his fallen and to win the war for himself. Karl, the ruler, is also a servant, because he serves God. Chivalry is based on a relationship between rule and service, the knight serves women and God. Service and rule are integrated in the concept of knight. However, the knighthood was reserved for nobles, who made up only 2% of the population. In the Middle Ages, the word "knight" thus contained the same ideals, values ​​and ways of life. The knight lives and acts according to Christian values, which are the following:

  • Faithfulness
  • Loyalty to the Lord
  • Bravery in battle
  • Protection of the weak

Miles has a concrete military meaning and stands for the fight for the gentleman. The term miles christianus means “Christian warrior”. The gospel preaches peace, but it also says that the message of peace can be achieved through struggle. The fight is seen as a crusade of good against evil, for which the miles christianus is trained. The struggle against the unbelievers is particularly meant here, of course; this is also reflected in the Roland song, where the Christians fight against the pagans and they submit. In the Roland song, the hero Roland is the epitome of a miles christianus . He fights exclusively for God and the Christianization of the unbelievers. Roland is very religious, even going as far as martyrdom when he wants to die fighting for God.

Principles

The moral conduct of life of the monks is to be seen as a model by which the knights strived to live. The importance of the Holy Scriptures and the detailed study of their contents contributed to the fact that the knights lived like "monks outside the monastery". In this context one can speak of a kind of synthesis between monasticism and knighthood. The virtues that illustrate the way of life of the miles christianus include the following characteristics: generous (magnanimus), noble (ingennus), generous (lagifleus), royal (egregius) and efficient (strennus). Basically, miles christianus should be faithful to God until his death and defend his Christian faith in battle.

aims

The protection of religion and its spread and the associated conversion of the pagans are considered to be the most important goals that the knights pursued at the time. According to their belief, this will free their souls. In addition, they should prove themselves as strong warriors and as defenders of Christianity in the crusade . They fought out of Christian conviction until their death (martyrdom). This phenomenon becomes particularly clear in the Roland song, when Roland, after the heavy fighting and the loss of many of his men, does not turn his back on the Saracens and flees, but continues to fight until his death despite his deliberate inferiority. To die in martyrdom against the enemy honored the knights. This act brought them the desired salvation and protection from God. Roland also dies in the readiness to defend his faith to the last and to protect his country from the "unholy".

weapons

A Christian fighter was, in addition to his protective armor, equipped with weapons that had different meanings. After the fight began on horseback and with the lance as an attack weapon, it is later continued as close combat with sword and shield. The sword, which Roland had already described as the actual weapon of the knight, which is worth ain rîterlîch (nhd. 'The sword is a knightly weapon; cf. v. 5577), functions as an attack weapon, while the shield as well as the helmet and Chain armor was primarily intended as protection for the bodies of the fighting. The sword was the most important weapon of the miles christianus and in the Middle Ages it is a distinctive feature of the knight. The sword is the symbol of law and justice, but also the rule of justice. God uses the miles christianus to carry out his wishes and allows him to possess swords (weapons) for this. Thus the sword is a means of action to carry out God's word. Even Bishop Turpin takes up arms in the Roland song and fights for God and peace. Durndart is Roland's legendary sword in the Roland song. The holy relics in the sword make it possible for Roland's sword to be indestructible. Roland fails while trying to destroy it on the rock. A symbolic function of the sword in the Middle Ages is derived from this: the sword as a symbol for the continuity of rule and the passing on of rule ( translatio imperii ). Consequently, the sword is always an attribute of the ruler in the Middle Ages.

Roland as a hero and heroic representations with Konrad

When looking at heroic depiction patterns in Konrad's Rolandslied, the original understanding of the term hero must be observed. In the medieval imagination, the hero is a figure with abilities that normal people also have, but which in the hero are positively and negatively exaggerated to the point of excess. In the Western epic of the Middle Ages, the idea of ​​heroism is then closely linked to the values ​​of the ideal-typical Miles christianus .

Both in the old French Chanson de Roland and in the Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad, Roland is assigned the characteristics of a hero. Roland shows courage, bravery and strength on the battlefield, which are the primary characteristics of an exemplary hero of the time. Nevertheless, both representation patterns are different: In the Middle High German adaptation, the figure experiences a spiritualization, while its properties do not fundamentally change, so its motivation is changed. As text evidence for this, Roland's declaration of refusal of the horn signal seeking help can be seen:

“ Underneath would be you, dear fellow, don't
let me swüere you ain open ait
that I don't want to blow.
the haiden nist never sô vil,
ez ne sî ir every day of the day. [...]
like saelic he is born,
the got dâ zuo has got it,
that he is served in his [...]
service, to fill them asse
ne wil I don't blown anyone.
They suspected that we were worried
or that we were in need. (V. 3873–3892) "

At this point in the text, the relation to God must be clearly emphasized. In addition to the classic motif, the proof of heroism, it is clearly stated that the army and above all Roland are chosen to do the service for God. This choice was made by God himself and a possibly resulting martyr's death is thus also equated with a condition that is considered saelic .

In the course of the Middle High German Roland song, Roland is assigned several characteristics that make him appear as a hero. In addition to the above Christian virtues can also be used to identify classic characteristics of the hero: the fighting strength and courage of Karl's loyal follower are discussed several times. They make Roland an outstanding fighter and also the main target of the speeches of King Marsilie and individual warriors of his army (cf. i.a. V. 3660-3664) and thus also the main target of pagan attacks. Roland also demonstrates understanding when he sees through the List Marsilies as such (cf. vv. 911-919), but in return also demonstrates the hero-typical quality of being avoided . Although he sees his imminent doom approaching, he insists on the fiefdom in Spain (cf. V 3115f). These positive and negative traits allow Roland to fulfill his destiny. This fulfillment despite knowledge of the consequences is also a typical behavior pattern for heroes.

The content of the Roland song does not give any more precise information about Roland's descent. Myths from the French region, however, construct what initially appears to be a questionable relationship between Roland and Karl: Here the hero becomes the son of the holy emperor and his sister and is thus the child of an incestuous relationship. Although this form of sexual contact has been established as a taboo in Christian cultures and has been forbidden since the 6th century AD, it does not undermine Roland's heroism. In other legends, too, there are comparable motifs in the creation of heroes, such as the figure of Sinfiötli from the Nordic region , which also comes from an incest connection between a pair of siblings.

The image of the emperor in the Roland song

First of all, it must be mentioned that the research on the portrayal of Charles in the Roland song has to be broken down into older and more recent research, since the interpretations of the emperor's image each show different approaches:

Older research approaches

In older research, a “dichotomy” of the image of Charles can often be seen. The ruler is characterized by a dichotomy :

On the one hand there is a power-conscious, strong emperor who distinguishes himself as a pious pagan warrior (e.g. BV 31ff .; 83ff.), On the other hand there is a passive emperor whose actions are impaired by his own emotions:

“ The kaiser harte turned pale. / then he slept down.
this is owned by ime flôch. / daz Gesiune in the enzôch.
vil trûrlîchen he saz. /
all changed, then in what, sîniu ougen would be cloudy. (V. 2965ff.) "

At the same time, the emperor neither fears death in heathen combat, nor does he strive for worldly fame (cf. the vengeance scene, especially the duel v. 8439ff.). In the trial against Genelun (v. 8673ff.), Karl shows himself to be a strict, again merciless judge.

In older research, the interpretation of the image of Charlemagne is fundamentally based on Germanic hero poetry . In these poems, the hero, despite the knowledge that he will be defeated, takes up the fight against the overpowering opponents. He follows the old Germanic belief in fate.

Newer research approaches

More recent research, however, is trying to find a more varied interpretation of the image of Charles that is more appropriate to the theological content of the text: the emperor's emotions are no longer interpreted dichotomically, but dialectically, i.e. H. Elements of the older and the younger interpretation of the imperial figure are combined.

The numerous indicators of a connection to God are striking. The frequently occurring number twelve (e.g. the paladins) refers to the apostles of Christ. The functionalization of Genelun into the Judas figure (v. 1925) is another indication. In addition, several passages can be found in which characteristics of Jesus are attributed to the figure of Charles:

  • The morning star is reflected in his eyes (v. 686f.)
  • After Charles' outburst of anger, the audience spoke an "amen" (v. 1165)
  • Prophetic premonitions of Charles, which are not stopped despite the impending doom:

“' Min neve Ruolant / what mîn zesewe hant.
nû have we behaved in me. / I don't know how I land scol komen.
how scol ez umbe mîn houbet gestân? / ez nist done by nehain guot.
Genelûn, hæt ir mîn scôn, / iuweres dienestes iu vil wole would be redeemed.
e ne never did sô laide for me. (V. 2973ff.) "

It is true that the emotions and weakness that are displayed contradict the typical Germanic concept of rulers, but they reinforce the connection between Charles and God. Rather, this divine connection underpins his imperial legitimation of rule. Karl is installed as the follower of Christ, who also accepts the death of all his paladins, since they died as martyrs for a divine purpose (v. 8648ff). There is a direct correlation between Charles and the biblical King Solomon , a symbol of monarchical wisdom (v. 671).

Hagiographic representation patterns in the Roland song

In the following, hagiography means the life descriptions of saints. Research already sees so-called martyr biographies in late antiquity, with which the Roland song can be compared in terms of content.

In the Roland song, the use of the prose and theme can also be made out for following the ars praedicandi . Here, a scriptural quote serving as a starting point is named and this is then supplemented with a specific intention by another scriptural quote, a prothema. Qualitatively, a distinction can be made between a divisio intra and a divisio extra . The former denotes an orientation towards an intellectual audience who invokes the Bible and thus its knowledge. In the Roland song, this divisio intra happens, for example, through Karl's call to his followers to serve God, who gave life (cf. vv. 87-106). The divisio extra , on the other hand, describes the inclusion of an unspiritual or less educated audience, whereby the preacher works with clearly more concrete examples. In Roland's song, Karl's first address to the army can serve as an example: Here, Karl no longer has the audience of his close confidants, but the general public of the army and expresses more clearly what he has graphically presented in the circle of his closest confidants (cf. v. 181– 221).

Throughout Konrad's work there are sermon features that reinforce the religious effect of the Roland song and are listed below:

  • stereotypical references to the listener / reader (cf. v. 199: nû will I iu clagen )
  • Involvement of the reader through a preacher plural in the 1st person (v. 2375 nu müezen we all wole lament ) or, as can be seen in the epilogue, in a call to prayer (v. 9075f .: zuo den êwigen gnâden, / dar umbe ruofe we ​​all AMEN. )
  • parenetic intention (v. 6819f .: scol dich dehain haiden wear / daz I wil iemer gote clagen. )
  • Biblical references - the words of the fighting bishop Turpin resemble the words of David in Psalm 50, 17 (v. 970ff .: hêrre got, schephe mînem munde ein Türlîn, / daz I hiute sô talk, / alsô ez dîneme namen gezeme. )
  • Condemnation of traitors - The betrayal by Genelun is equated with the betrayal by Judas in John 13.2 (V. 1979: der tiuvel gave ime den sin )
  • Word definitions (v. 2411ff .: dizze heats the pinrât / wande ez allez gevrumet wart / under a pineboume / with including the uncompromising Genelûne. )

Hagiographic characters can also be found in the Roland song:

  • King David functions as a biblical model in various passages of the text (v. 9066ff .: sîme schephære / opheret er lîp unt sêle / sam Dâvîd der hêrre. )
  • Karl and Roland are compared with Christ and in some cases even equated through references, as can be seen in the following text examples:
Karl in v. 708: “ Milter hêrre en wa in die werlt never born. "
Roland in v. 6898: “ dîne tugent hâstu erzaiget in me. "
  • Charles' council consists of twelve hêrren (v. 76) - twelve paladins - and can be compared with the twelve apostles of Jesus. Charles invokes the council to serve God.

Dreams in the Roland song

Dreams in medieval literature are mostly divided into three groups. A distinction is made between a dream sent by God, a dream caused by the devil and a dream which can be traced back to psychological processes. The true, divine dream is characterized above all by its revelatory character and is only dreamed by people who have a close connection to God and the Church.

The majority of dreams in medieval literature make use of allegory as a means of announcing and predicting future events. In contrast to personification, an allegory does not denote a 1: 1 translation of an object and its meaning. In allegory, an object symbolizes another object, the interpretation of the meaning is diverse and individually different. In the case of personification, on the other hand, the meaning is fixed and is usually understood uniformly. The variety of meanings of the allegory on the one hand leaves room for interpretation and, especially in relation to dreams, creates tension and can create a mysterious atmosphere. On the other hand, the use of allegory makes it difficult to recognize the meaning of the dream and to understand the message. Therefore, when dealing with dreams in literature, a twofold question arises: What does the dream event indicate (genus literale) and what does it mean (genus allegoricum)?

The individual dreams and their interpretation

All dreams in the Roland song are dreamed by Karl and are characterized by their revelatory character. Karl recognizes future turning points in the event through the dreams. The means of allegory is shown in the Roland song above all through the symbolic representation of people by animals, the dreams are characterized as "strange" in the text of the book itself (v. 7127).

1st dream (v. 3026-3047)

The princes give Roland the task of protecting the land in Spain conquered by the heathen, while the rest of the Christian troops return to Aachen. The suggestion that Roland should stay behind goes back to Genelun, who sees his plan to murder Roland thus made possible. As a result of leaving Roland behind, the Emperor Karl accuses Genelun of robbing his right hand and protection. The emperor prays fervently for Roland's salvation and falls asleep while doing this. He dreams that he is holding a long spear that Genelun snatches from him and breaks. Genelun then throws the broken piece of spear into the air, causing the spear to dissolve into thin air. Karl only holds a small part of the spear in his hand.

This dream can be understood as a foreshadowing the dire events that will ensue from Roland's appointment as leader of the rearguard. One possible interpretation would be that the spear is a symbol of Roland's success. Since Karl's power depends to a large extent on Roland's role as hero and protector, the breaking of the spear could represent the breaking of Karl's power and relate to the impending defeat of the rearguard and the death of Roland. The spear pieces that fly in the sky can mean the taking of Roland's soul into paradise and at the same time show that Genelun is losing the part of the success that he briefly had. In the dream, Karl ultimately only has a short piece of spear, which could be interpreted to mean that he can only maintain part of his formerly great success.

2nd dream (v. 3066-3081)

After the first dream, Karl wakes up for a brief moment, prays again and falls asleep again. The second dream therefore follows directly on from the first dream. Karl dreams of a bear who is initially in chains, but can break free and then tears his right arm to pieces.

The dream can be understood as a foretaste of Genelun's betrayal, his subsequent capture and the court in Aachen. In order to convey the meaning of the dream, the means of allegory are used, because the bear, as a symbol of danger, stands for Genelun. The bear in chains thus represents a threat that exists but has not yet been uncovered. The trapped bear therefore predicts Genelun's plan to betray Roland and the rearguard. With the release of the bear, danger is also omnipresent. The torn loose bear symbolizes Genelun's actual betrayal of the rearguard. The mangling of Karl's right arm can be understood as a foretaste of Roland's later death. This interpretation can be justified by the fact that Roland acts as a right arm in the sense of a protector for Karl and the exposed bone can be interpreted as a symbol for death.

3rd dream (v. 7078-7127)

The third dream is to be placed after Charles's first battle of revenge against the pagans and before Paligan's arrival. Here Karl dreams, again after a prayer, of different natural events and a number of different animals, some of which threaten him, but some of which attack the Christian armed forces.

The means of allegory is also used in the third dream. The meaning of the animals appearing in the dream can, however, be interpreted in many ways. The animal lexicon Physiologus , which was widespread in the Middle Ages, does not ascribe any clear meaning to the individual animals, but opens up several possibilities for interpretation. One possible interpretation is presented below.

The storm described in the dream and the fire can be seen as the announcement of the loss-making battle of Charles against Paligan. The fire falling from heaven is a symbol for the destruction of the heathen. The imminent revolt of the pagans is foretold by the bear as a symbol of danger. The lion as a symbol for the Antichrist and power is symbolic of their leader Paligan. In this context, the snakes can be seen as a symbol for the wicked and are symbolic of Paligan, who tries to persuade Karl to voluntarily submit during a fight. Also the griffin as a symbol of the persecutor of Christians, of the proud and arrogant could stand symbolically for the attack of the pagans in this dream. The battle between the wild beast that attacks the emperor and the dog that defends the emperor foreshadows the later court battle between Binabel, the threat, and Tierrich, the loyal friend. The dog that defeats the wild beast has a prophesying function regarding Tierrich's victory over Binabel.

Chanson de Roland vs. Roland's song

The Chanson de Roland was created between 1075 and 1110 and is one of the oldest works of the Chanson de geste . Under Chanson de geste refers to one of the oldest French literary genres that reports of exploits. The author of the Chanson de Roland is unknown; in the last verse, a Turoldus who calls la gesture (...) declinet , so with the Chanson de Roland 'deals' have, which does not necessarily indicate a authorship, but also a literary model, the (sung) Presentation, revising or mean a transcript of the work. The Bayeux Tapestry also depicts a Turold :

Bayeux Tapestry, scene 10a.

A different name can be found in Wace's Roman de Rou ; it says that someone named Taillefer sang beautifully about the battle of Roncesvalles and its protagonists Karl, Roland and Olivier ( moult bien cantoit ). The Chanson de Roland is available in seven manuscripts, there are also three fragments. The chanson served as a prototype of the heroic saga about Charlemagne and Roland, which was then translated into many other languages.

Konrad, the author of the Middle High German Rolandslied , announced in the epilogue that he had translated the work from Old French into Middle High German through a Latin intermediate stage (v. 9080-9083). In his translation he concentrates more on Karl than on Roland, which is why the Middle High German Roland song is also called "Karlslied". Although the epic refers to Roland by name, Charlemagne is the real protagonist and hero of the story. Furthermore, there is no longer any strong reference to the French national and state idea with Father Konrad, instead Christianity and faith as well as absolute devotion to God come to the fore. This is not the case in the old French original. If you concentrate on the fighting and battle scenes, it is noticeable that the individual battles in the chanson are shown in much more detail and meticulous. Konrad puts more focus on the total number of pagans destroyed.

In terms of content, however, the same common thread can be found in both works. It should not be forgotten that the Middle High German Rolandslied is basically a translation of the Chanson de Roland and that the content is largely identical.

The reception of the Roland song in modern times

During the German Empire , Kaiser Wilhelm II supported the erection of new Roland figures through funding . Roland was a symbol of allegiance to him. During the time of the Nazi regime from 1933 to 1945, there were only isolated appropriations of Roland and therefore only a few new figures. Since the German reunification in 1989, many new statues have been created. The Roland figures have a great attraction for tourists, so that cities with Roland statues joined together in the Rolandsroute (also Rolandstraße). In the Rolandstadt Burg (near Magdeburg) , a sandstone statue was erected in front of the guild hall in 1581, which was considered a symbol of market rights. In 1823 this house was sold and Roland's statue was dismantled into its individual parts. In 1861 the torso of the statue was inserted into the west facade of the "Hotel Roland". In 1968 the "Hotel Roland" was torn down and the statue's torso was stored. Theodor Fontane was a pharmacy employee in the Burger Adler pharmacy in 1840 and dedicated part of the poem "Burg an der Ihle" to the fate of Roland. On September 17, 1999, a new sandstone statue of Roland was erected on the original site as a replica of the predecessor from 1581.

The Roland riding goes back to the Quintaine game. Around 1200, Roland organized the game during the siege. From the 16th century, the equestrian game with piercing after the rings and hitting the Roland was performed in Schleswig-Holstein as part of the Dithmarsch tradition. In 1698 a bill was found in a village in Dithmarschen for the iron for mending the Roland, which was provided by the village blacksmith. According to this, the figure of Roland was already old and in need of improvement. During the First World War between 1915 and 1916, wooden figures of the Roland were nailed to the ground. This practice served as a fundraising campaign for survivors and wounded of the war, as state social funds were insufficient to provide for the population. In this context, Roland acted as a warlike but noble hero who seemed insurmountable and as a symbol of great solidarity for the following generations. In Bad Windsheim , for example, you can find Roland as a war memorial, which was built from 1926 to 1928 and is a memorial for those who died in the First World War.

On Rügen you can find the little train Der rasende Roland , which was built in 1895 and is now one of the island's tourist attractions. In the GDR there was a series of postage stamps with the country's most famous Roland figures from 1987 to 1989. The name is also used in connection with pharmacies, food, spirits, coffee, porcelain and furniture.

The Roland song was also received anew in art. So in the 15th / 16th An epic poem Orlando furioso (Eng .: The Furious Roland ) by Ludovico Ariosto , which is about the wars of Charlemagne against the Saracens. The opera Antonio Vivaldis from 1727 Orlando furioso is about the knight Orlando and the sorceress Alcina. The opera Orlando paladino (German: Der Ritter Roland ) by Joseph Haydn is Haydn's most successful opera and refers to the Roland episode from Ariosto's epic. The film Roland with Klaus Kinski from 1978 is a current reception of the Roland song.

See also

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Dieter Kartoschke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad. Revised edition. Stuttgart 1996 (Reclam Universal Library 2745), V. 8846-8850.
  2. ^ Vita Karoli Magni
  3. ^ A b Dorothea Klein: Roland . In: Johannes Hoops (Ed.): Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde . 25th volume. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2003, pp. 184–197.
  4. ^ MGH Poet. lat. I, p. 109f.
  5. ↑ a b c d Dietlinde Munzel-Everling : Rolande. The European Roland representations and Roland figures. Verlag Janos Stekovics, Dößel 2005, pp. 11-25.
  6. ↑ See Kartoschke (Ed.): Das Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, p. 660.
  7. ↑ See Kartoschke (Ed.): Das Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, p. 700.
  8. ↑ a b cf. Kartoschke (ed.): Das Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, p. 701.
  9. ↑ Cf. Kartoschke (Ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad; Overview of the manuscripts and fragments: Manuscript census .
  10. ↑ Cod. Pal. germ. 112. Complete color digitization and further information in the Heidelberg historical holdings digital.
  11. ^ Johann Georg Scherz: Anonymi Fragmentum de Bello Caroli M. contra Saracenos (...). In: Johannes Schilter: Thesaurus Antiquitatum Teutonicarum (…). Volume 2. Ulm 1727.
  12. ↑ Cf. Kartoschke (Ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad.
  13. ↑ a b c "It therefore looks as if one can assume a date around 1170 with great certainty, as has generally been done in recent times." Paul Bertemes : Image and text structure: an analysis of the relationships between the cycle of illustrations and text in the Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad in the manuscript P. Frankfurt / Main 1984.
  14. ↑ Bernd Bastert: how he won daz gotes rîche ... The Roland song of the cleric Konrad and the court of Henry the Lion. In: Courtly Literature and Clerical Culture. Selected papers from the Tenth Triennial Congress of the International Courtly Literature Society. Edited by Christoph Huber u. Henrike Lähnemann. Tübingen 2002, pp. 195-210.
  15. ↑ Cf. Petra Canisius-Loppnow: Law and Religion in the Rolandslied of Pfaffen Konrad. Frankfurt am Main 1992 ( German studies on language and cultural history , Volume 22).
  16. ↑ image source
  17. ↑ image source
  18. ↑ Canisius Loppnow: Law and Religion.
  19. ^ Hilkert Weddige: Introduction to German Medieval Studies. 7th edition. CH Beck Verlag Munich 2008, p. 171.
  20. ^ Weddige: Introduction to Germanistic Medieval Studies , p. 171.
  21. ^ A b Weddige: Introduction to Germanistic Medieval Studies , p. 172.
  22. ↑ a b c Weddige: Introduction to Germanistic Medieval Studies , p. 175.
  23. ↑ CM Bowra: The Hero (III). In: Hero poetry. A comparative phenomenology of historical poetry of all peoples and times. Stuttgart 1964, p. 102.
  24. ↑ See Bowra: Der Held (III) , p. 133.
  25. ↑ Jacques le Goff: Knights, Unicorns, Troubadours. Munich 2005, p. 201.
  26. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad.
  27. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 2965ff.
  28. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 8439ff.
  29. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 8673ff.
  30. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 1925.
  31. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad, V. 686f.
  32. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 1165.
  33. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Rolandslied des Pfaffen Konrad, V. 2973ff.
  34. ↑ Kartschoke (ed.): The Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad, V. 671.
  35. ↑ Dieter Burdorf, Christoph Fasbender, Burkhard Moenninghoff (ed.): Metzler Lexikon Literature: Terms and definitions. 3rd revised edition Stuttgart / Weimar 2007, p. 300.
  36. ↑ Herbert Backes: Bible and ars praedicandi in the Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad. Berlin 1996 (Philological Studies and Sources, Vol. 36), p. 20.
  37. ↑ See Backes: Bibel and ars praedicandi , pp. 82-109.
  38. ↑ See Backes: Bibel and ars praedicandi , pp. 103f.
  39. ↑ Cf. Karl-Josef Steinmayer: Investigations into the allegorical meaning of dreams in the old French Roland song. Munich 1963 (Langue et Parole 5).
  40. ↑ See Steinmayer: Investigations into the allegorical meaning of dreams .
  41. ↑ See Klaus Vollmar: Handbook of dream symbols. Dream symbols from AZ. Krumwisch 2008.
  42. ↑ a b c Cf. Karl-Ernst Geith: The dreams in the Roland song of Pfaffen Konrad and in Stricker's Karl. In: AP Bagliani, G. Stabile (Ed.): Dreams in the Middle Ages. Iconic studies. Stuttgart 1989, pp. 227-240.
  43. ↑ a b Cf. Vollmar, Klaus: Handbook of dream symbols. Dream symbols from AZ, Krumwisch 2008.
  44. ↑ See Vollmar: Handbook of dream symbols .
  45. ↑ Dietlinde Munzel-Everling: Roland's change from Christian knight to symbol of imperial protection. In: vryheit do ik ju openbar ... Rolande and city history. Edited by Dieter Pötschke. Berlin / Wernigerode 2007 (Harz-Forschungen 23), pp. 90–106, here note 13.
  46. ↑ strasse-der-rolande.de accessed on June 25, 2011.
  47. ↑ Leopold Kretzenbacher: Ring riding, Rolandspiel and runners. Sporty equestrian customs of today as a legacy from western cultural history. Klagenfurt 1966 (book series by the State Museum for Carinthia 20), p. 165.
  48. ^ Dietlinde Munzel-Everling: Kriegsnagelungen. Military man in iron. Nagel-Roland. Iron Cross. (PDF; 1.98 MB) August 2008, p. 36 , accessed on June 19, 2014 .
  49. ^ Elisabeth Schmierer: Lexicon of the Opera. Composers - works - performers - technical terms. Volume 2. Laaber 2002, pp. 301-302.